1 25 55 https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/eb153c4348a6c73a6df99f2585691c30.pdf a9ff0fb2f096d5060b9eda32ec3b4f55 PDF Text Text UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, IRVINE “Eradicating This M enace” : H om ophobia and A nti-C om m unism in C ongress, 1947-1954 DISSERTATION subm itted in partial satisfaction o f the requirem ents fo r the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOFHY in History by Randolph W. Baxter D issertatio n C om m ittee: Professor Keith L. Nelson, Chair Professor Jon M. W iener Professor Spencer C. Olin 1999 �UMI Number: 9942689 UMI Microform 9942689 Copyright 1999, by UMI Company. Ail rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 �© 1999 Randolph W. Baxter �The dissertation of Randolph W. Baxter is approved and is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm: r-i Committ ee Chair University of California, Irvine 1999 ii �DEDICATION To my fam ily and friends in recognition o f their invaluable support and in m em ory of all A m ericans w hose public service was cut short by hom ophobia "It was ju st a wave [that] w ent over the country, som ething to talk about, and the dem agogues took it up . . . [but] when enough people know the actual facts behind one of these periods o f hysteria, they help to cure it." Form er P resident H arry S. T rum an W illiam R adner L ecture at C olum bia U niversity New York City — A pril 29, 1959 iii �TABLE OF CONTENTS P age vii LIST OF FIGURES ACKNOWLEDGMENTS viii CURRICULUM VITAE ix ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION x PREFACE 1 CHAPTER ONE: HOMOPHOBIA AND ANTI-COMMUNISM BEFORE 1950 F irst U.S. G overnm ent A nti-H om osexual Investigation The Growth O f Politicized Homophobia W alsh And W elles Cases P olitical D eviance Also Suppressed Senator W herry’s Attacks On The State Departm ent Isolationism And Internal-S ecurity D ebates Roots O f Homosexual Purge In 1947 R epublican V igilance Over Hom osexual Threat Hiss Case Symbolizes Anti-State Department Cause H om osexual Issue Arises W ith Chambers F u rth er A nti-C om m unist Forces G ather C o n c lu s io n 28 29 34 46 50 54 63 69 74 81 86 92 96 CHAPTER 2: WITCH-HUNTS FOR POLITICAL AND SEXUAL "PERVERTS" BEGIN, WINTER 1950 A cheson And Entire Executive Branch Scapegoated E nter Joe M cCarthy In itial Hom osexual Charges A ppear New Angle O f Attack In Homosexual Issue S um m ary-D ism issal Issue R eem erges W herry D em ands Investigation C o n c lu s io n 126 128 135 137 148 153 160 166 CHAPTER 3: THE WHERRY-HILL "PRELIMINARY INVESTIGATION" OF HOMOSEXUALS IN GOVERNMENT SERVICE, SPRING 1950 E nter Lister H ill The Erstw hile Sherlock Holmes O f The 'Pervert Probe' Politicized Numbers Game Battles Over Lists And Statistics Wherry Has His Proof Purge A lready Underway In A pril R eports Issued Separately F in al R ecom m endations C o n c lu s io n 177 179 190 195 201 209 218 220 227 230 iv �CHAPTER 4: WHITE HOUSE AND PUBLIC REACTION L arg er Inquiry Form ally R equested A d m in istratio n R esponse A dvisers R edirect Concern Press R eaction Tw elve-Part Series And Humorous Cartoon C o n stitu en ts R espond C o n cu rren t D ebates Korea Losses Lead To Internal Security Act Battle C o n c lu s io n 244 245 253 258 266 274 282 293 299 301 CHAPTER 5: THE "PERVERT PROBE" FORMS, JUNE 1950 C om m ittee M em bership Chairman Clyde Hoey John M cC lellan Jam es Eastland H erbert O 'C onor K arl M undt A ndrew S choeppel M argaret Chase Smith C hief Counsel Flanagan C ontradictions W ithin The A dm inistration Early Linked Effects C o n c lu s io n 322 322 323 337 340 342 348 350 355 362 369 382 385 CHAPTER 6: HOEY COMMITTEE HEARINGS: TEXT AND CONTEXT, JULY - NOVEMBER, 1950 P reparation For First H earings H earings B egin The Exaggerated Case O f Colonel Raedl F u rth er In tellig en ce T estim ony Police Testimony On Blackmail Cases State D epartm ent And Loyalty Board Testimony M edical W itnesses A dditional H earings A fter Six-W eek Hiatus M edia Coverage and M id-Term Elections C o n c lu sio n 407 409 412 413 419 424 428 431 436 445 451 CHAPTER 7: THE HOEY COMMITTEE REPORT, DECEMBER 1950 W artim e Context O f Report's Submission R eport Analyzed: Introduction To "Sex Perverts" "Unfit" G overnm ent Em ployees The Numbers Game Again Blames "Lax" Agencies News Coverage Overshadowed By Korean War Hoey's C onstituents R eact New Business C o n c lu s io n 478 479 481 487 491 496 500 505 506 v �CHAPTER 8: AFTERMATH H om osexual D ism issals Increase The 1951 Smear Book Gay Spies? In te rn a tio n a l E ffec t The American Purge R einvigorated In 1953 E.O. 10450 Partially Based On Hoey Committee Report Further W aves O f Separations M any Victims, Few Voices M asculinist P olitics C ontinue Gay M cCarthy? Unintended Effects of 1950s Purges:Gay Rights Politicized H om ophobia R ekindled "Security Risk" R egulation Elim inated 522 524 533 537 541 543 548 551 554 559 563 569 575 579 CONCLUSION 608 BIBLIOGRAPHY 637 APPENDIX 679 vi �LIST OF FIGURES P age 58 Figure 1: photo of Senator Kenneth W herry in Germany, May 1945 Figure 2: photo o f Senator W herry giving radio speech, December 1945 60 Figure 3: photo of Sens. Wherry, Smith, M undt and others, A pril 1949 66 Figure 4: Alan Dunn cartoon, March 1950 132 Figure 5: Gil Crockett cartoon, March 1950 138 Figure 6: Alan Dunn cartoon, June 1950 267 Figure 7: Jim Berryman cartoon, June 1950 291 Figure 8: photo o f The “Five Percenters” Inquiry, August 1949 324 Figure 9: photo o f Senator Hoey and President Eisenhower, A pril 1953 333 vii �ACK N O W LED G M EN TS I w ish to express m y deep appreciation to my com m ittee chair, P ro fessor Keith N elson, for his continual encouragem ent, patience, friendship, and constructive com m ents and criticism s o f this project. Special thanks are also due to com m ittee m em bers Jon W iener and Spencer O lin for their helpful suggestions and encouragem ent. I w ould also like to thank those who encouraged m e to pursue and com plete this project, including m em bers o f my fam ily, history colleagues, parishioners, friends, and m ore recently my p artner R ick H errera, who has inspired m e by his love, loyalty, understanding, and exam ple of self-discipline. I am also grateful for the assistance o f archivists at the N ebraska State H istorical Society, the U niversity o f M aryland Library, the D uke U niversity Library, the U niversity of A labam a A rchives, the M argaret Chase Sm ith Library and A rchives, the R ichard M . Nixon L ibrary and A rchives, and the N ational A rchives branches in L aguna N iguel, C alifornia, College Park, M aryland and W ashington, D.C. Supplem ental financial support was graciously provided by the U.C. Irvine D epartm ent of H istory, School o f H um anities, and H um anities C e n te r. �CURRICULUM VITAE Randolph W. B axter 1986 B.A. in European H istory and H um anities, U niversity o f C alifornia, B erkeley 1989 G raduate Student Sum m er Intern, U.S. E m bassy in P o rt Louis, M auritius 1990 M aster of International A ffairs, School o f International and Public A ffairs, C olum bia U niversity 1 9 9 5 98 T eaching A ssistant, D epartm ent of H istory, U niversity o f C alifornia, Irvine 1998 L ecturer, “M asculinity and Gay H istory in T w entiethC entury A m erica” course, U niversity o f C alifornia, Irvine 1998 99 Jam es J. H arvey D issertation Fellow ship, U niversity of C alifornia, Irvine 1999 Ph.D . in H istory, U niversity of California, Irvine D issertation: “ ‘Eradicating This M enace’: H om ophobia and A nti-C om m unism in Congress, 1947-1954” Professor K eith L. Nelson, Chair PUBLICATIONS “ ‘As Form less As W ater’? An Overview of the Indian O cean Zone o f Peace N egotiations,” in R am a S. M elkote, ed., Indian Ocean: Issues for Peace (New D elhi, India: M anohar Publishers, 1995). �ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION “ ‘Eradicating This M enace’: H om ophobia and A nti-C om m unism in C ongress, 1947-1954” by Randolph W. B axter D octor o f Philosophy in H istory U niversity o f C alifornia, Irvine, 1999 Professor Keith L. Nelson, Chair T his dissertation exam ines the relationship betw een hom ophobia and A m erican politics as suggested in the political rhetoric o f early Cold W ar "anti-com m unism " in general and specifically in the U.S. S en ate’s 1950 investigations of “Hom osexuals and O ther M oral Perverts in Federal E m ploym ent.” A voiding the usual sim plification o f “anti-com m unism ” into a political-ideological debate devoid o f gender and sexuality analysis, this w ork expands upon the traditional definition o f “anti-com m unism ” as against a “foreign” threat to include oft-hidden dom estic fears o f (especially m ale) hom osexuality — in the context of a preoccupation with m asculinity x �and national security — both in society at large and as potential “security risks” in governm ent. Fear of "latent hom osexuality" becam e a touchstone for M cC arthy-era conspiracy-theorists using "m asculinist" political rhetoric. Such fears distorted m ost U.S. governm ent leaders' view s during the Cold W ar; the 1950 investigations led to the extension to every level o f federal, state and city governm ent o f the m ilitary ’s anti-hom osexual, W orld W ar II-era screening and discharge policies. Later, the E isenhow er adm inistration im plem ented a screening process against such “security risk s” m ore stringent than those o f the T rum an years. This project details the circum stances and progression o f the 1950 investigation, including an exam ination o f the w ritings, w orldview s and view s on hom osexuality of key leaders -- R epublican Senator and M inority Floor L eader Kenneth W herry, who vow ed to “eradicate” the “m enace” of hom osexuals in governm ent; and D em ocratic Senators L ister H ill and Clyde Hoey -- the response of the T rum an adm inistration, the press and constituents; and the effects o f the inquiry on governm ent policy and em ployees, som e o f w hich lasted into the 1990s. The w ork thus delves into little-explored areas o f a topic fraught with sexual and political fears, and allow s for the construction of a m odel for future studies of anti-liberal and an ti-h o m o se x u a l a ttitu d e s. xi �PREFACE D espite the end of the Cold W ar, certain rem nants rem ain from the g reat anti-com m unist battles w hich sw ept the A m erican dom estic landscape. Politicized hom ophobia still holds sway in certain circles in w ays rem iniscent of its earlier m anifestation at the beginning of the Soviet-A m erican confrontation. In 1950, after the D em ccratic president and his "liberal" diplom ats in the State D epartm ent had supposedly "lost" C hina to the Com m unists, num erous m em bers of the U.S. C ongress — traditionally seen as having been led by the freshm an R epublican from W isconsin, Senator Joseph M cCarthy — engaged in w itchhunts focused on political ideology and affiliation w hich w ere referred to as "anti-com m unist." But these w itchhunts also included subtle and occasionally overt attacks on the m asculinity of all political liberals, D em ocrat or otherw ise. B esides a sweep of "Reds" in governm ent and society, the M cCarthy era encom passed a purge of hom osexuals at all levels of governm ent. Indeed, the early C old W ar rubric of M cCarthyite "anti-com m unism " included far m ore than the traditional m eaning o f com bating a "foreign" threat, legitim ating often-hidden dom estic influences such as anti-hom osexual paranoia. U nderneath official concerns that hom osexuals could be blackm ailed into giving out sensitive inform ation (or at least allow ing spies access to confidential 1 �m aterial and offices, given the fact that hom osexual acts w ere illegal throughout the nation) lay the perceived m oral threat o f "perverts" in gov ern m en t e m p lo y .1 This threat had larger im plications for an A m erica led by a D em ocratic adm inistration accused of being deceived by the ineffective policies of effete, elitist diplom ats, m en w hose m asculinity and politics cam e under equal scrunity. H om osexuals and com m unists had to be contained in order to protect the nation from threats to its internal security. Later, the E isenhow er adm inistration im plem ented a screening process m ore stringent than Trum an's loyalty oaths, policies w hich w ould last into the 1990s, long after dem onized im ages of "pansies" and "fairies" had faded into history. The fear of hom osexuality becam e politicized, therefore, by the late 1940s in ways it had not been up until that p oint in A m erican history. The traditional m oral condem nation of the "abom ination" o f hom osexuality paralleled dem ocratic A m erica's ideological condem nation of the evil, foreign nature o f com m unism . U nfortunately, m uch of the historiography of 1950s anti-com m unism has reduced the concept to the "irrational fear of an im ag in ary th re a t."2 Cultural silencing hid discussion of the anti­ h om osexual investigations until gay historians "rediscovered" the issue in the 1980s.3 Even m ost histories of "gay rights" relegated the 1950s to the ill-explored "dark ages" before the 1969 Stonew all R iots. Further explorations o f the roots o f both anti-com m unism and 2 �hom ophobia are thus needed to confirm a seem ing conflation of dem onized im ages of C om m unists and hom osexuals. A dditionally, investigations of w hat m any m ight consider a "private" issue continue to haunt the executive branch of the governm ent in the late 1990s, albeit on a broader level than in the early 1950s. One recent w riter, Alan D ershow itz, has even labeled the phenom enon "Sexual M cC arthyism ," expanding upon a term previously defined in solely political term s.4 D ershow itz takes the traditional definition o f M cC arthyism (as a pervasive, unconstitutional and corrosive m eans of waging political war) and interjects an overtly sexual tone to it — analyzing a redefined phenom enon w hich appeared in the late 1990s, he w ould argue, in K enneth Starr's investigation of M onica Lew insky's affair w ith President Clinton. W hat I explore in this w ork, how ever, could actually be called the "original sexual M cCarthyism ." This earlier episode reveals the hom ophobic obsessions o f Joseph M cCarthy and his erstw hile and unw itting allies who used the issue o f hom osexuals in Federal governm ent to attack the D em ocratic adm inistration o f the day fo r political ends. In the 1950s version, however, the "Kenneth" was not a m ild-m annered, governm ent-appointed prosecutor, K enneth Starr, but a boisterous, jovial-but-crafty, M cC arthyite associate and selfappointed prosecutor of the D em ocrats, N ebraska Senator and 3 �R epublican M inority Floor L eader Kenneth W herry. A w ell-liked, w hite-haired Senate subcom m ittee chairm an who turned out to be a dogged critic o f the adm inistration (Henry H yde in 1998) was in 1950 an "old-fashioned" Southern gentlem an who taught Sunday School throughout his Senate service, Clyde Hoey of N orth Carolina. T he erstw hile catalyst in 1950 was not a young, fem ale W hite H ouse in tern whose nam e becam e know n around the w orld and w hose involvem ent led to an im peachm ent trial, but thousands o f chiefly m ale and unnam ed em ployees w hose sexuality m ade them "security risks" since they were vulnerable to blackm ail by agents of foreign pow ers (chiefly Soviet Russia). T his study focuses on an earlier sexual M cCarthyism in another sense. Like the phrase im plies, a distinct link existed betw een liberal-bashing (M cC arthyism ) and attacks both on hom osexuals and politicians' m asculinity, a sexualization o f A m erican politics that had not yet existed openly before the Cold W ar, when a "purge" of the sexual "perverts" in governm ent paralleled the m ore publicized and still-debated purge of "reds." My goal, therefore, is to continue redressing an insufficiency in the traditional historiography o f M cCarthyism , which has largely ignored the effect of a less-discussed b u t ever-present ideology o f anti-hom osexual m asculinity. T hat ideology can be called by several terms. H eterosexism prom otes the dom inant cultural norm over any alternative s e x u a litie s .5 M asculinity or m asculinism , more broadly, focuses on 4 �strength and virility com pared to w eakness or p assiv ity .6 Both enforce the m ore negative counterpart — hom ophobia — w hich proved as equally strong during the Cold W ar as anti-com m unism was in com bating the strictly political threat to the nation's fabric, lib e r a lis m .7 Students of Am erican history should not find this surprising, since the nation has long had anti-ideological tendencies. John H igham and R ichard H ofstadter identified patterns of an ti-in tellectu alism and anti-liberalism w hich had overtones w hich could be expressed in sexual terms, tim es in w hich "tough" A m ericans saved the country from real or perceived dangers. R ecent historians such as R obert D ean have shown how a sim ilar "ideology of m asculinity" functioned during the Cold W ar period, when D em ocrats learned they had to "butch up" their party's im age after the "pervert purge" trau m a.8 T he m id-'50s w aning of M cCarthyism , how ever, should not m ask the fact that the anti-hom osexual forces in governm ent held sway throughout the entire Cold W ar. The "security risk" regulations adopted in the early Cold W ar era w ere not elim inated after A m erican society began accepting hom osexuals in the 1970s — when social taboos and the blackm ail argum ent began to lose validity — but only after the fall of the Soviet U nion in the early 1990s. T his study thus furthers recent efforts by historians to explore m ore fully the ram ifications of gendered im agery in politics. 5 �Specifically, I exam ine w hat c o u ¥ be called "m asculinist" political rhetoric among C ongressional and other national leaders, and the underlying "heterosexist" im ages, language and policies upon w hich such rhetoric was founded. For exam ple, "m asculinism ” or "heterosexism " in foreign policy im agined foreign countries and peoples as fem inine, infantile, or otherw ise "dependent" on "dom inant" countries such as the U nited States. D om estically, the terras im plied "w eakness" (flaw ed m asculinity or im plied hom osexuality) in the character o f an individual or group w hich, in p o litical terms, w ould infer a susceptibility to com m unist " s e d u c tio n ." 9 A nxieties over sexuality issues in the early C old W ar w ere intertw ined with concerns over p o litical and ideological m orality in a way only vaguely recalled by late-1990s concern over P resident C linton's alleged sexual peccadilloes. Only after a fuller understanding of society's fear of hom osexuality, therefore, can the conflation of com m unists, "weak" liberals and hom osexuals be situated in proper historical context. My in itial chapter explores roots of hom ophobia in A m erican culture, and how anti-com m unist ideology included a m asculinist vein. M iddle-class A m erica increasingly condem ned sam e-sex acts as the tw entieth century progressed, due in part to the dom inance of the Freudian psychopathology m odel of hom osexuals in the m edico-professional establishm ent. A ttem pts at "progressive" 6 �psychology only changed punishm ent from prison to "treatm ent," as evidenced by the Second W orld W ar-era m ilitary screening procedures and discharge policies. A m erican society had grow n so hom ophobic by the end of the 1940s that when a team led by Dr. A lfred Kinsey released its eight-year study of sexual behavior, the "K insey Report" only scared people by show ing how prevalent the "evil" of hom osexuality had becom e; Kinsey's intended effect of m oderation and tolerance was not realized. C hapter One also links fears of hom osexuality with assum ptions o f both A m erica's dom estic and international self-im age. Com m unists em bodied the threat o f subversion from the inside, a corrosion of A m erican p o litical values sim ilar to the m oral perversion em bodied by hom osexuals. By the late 1940s, anti-com m unism led to a "Cold W ar C onsensus" w hich linked both the dom estic-oriented supporters of the House C om m ittee on U n-A m erican A ctivities (HUAC) and Senator Joseph M cC arthy (traditionally labeled either cynical opportunists or right-w ing populists w ith a nativ ist-iso latio n ist stance), as w ell as the m ore internationalist leaders like R epublican Senator A rthur V andenberg, P resident H arry T rum an and m oderate D em ocrats who came to be know n as "Cold W ar Liberals." W hile the M cC arthyite, rig h t-w in g -ex trem ist elem ent never dom inated the foreign-policy debate, its populist appeal and internal-security focus did tap a strong psychological need for a m orally ordered universe, 7 �in the eyes of m any A m ericans — leading policym akers to support for m easures such as the M arshall Plan and the K orean W ar in the fight against global communism. T he second chapter shows how the M cC arthy-era anti-com m unist w itchhunts included concern about hom osexuals from the very start. O fficials from the D epartm ents of State and Com m erce w ere questioned about hom osexual "security risks" in their agencies less than one m onth after Joseph M cCarthy claim ed he had certain files in his briefcase w hich seem ingly linked foreign service officers to the Soviet Union. One particular Senator, isolationist R epublican K enneth W herry of N ebraska [1892-1951], dem anded an inquiry into the hom osexual issue in the spring of 1950, which he co-led by a m oderate Southern D em ocrat, L ister H ill of A labam a [1894-1984], and the subject of the third chapter. W herry's clout as R epublican Floor L eader helped lead the Senate to demand a full-scale investigation of the "em ploym ent of hom osexuals and other sex p erv erts in g o v e rn m e n t."10 The larger inquiry was conducted by a com m ittee of senators largely com posed of critics of the Trum an adm inistration and led by the aging Clyde Hoey of North Carolina [1877-1954], all of whose backgrounds I review in Chapter Five. The seven senators ranged from the security-conscious to the overtly hom ophobic; at tim es, Southern D em ocrats sounded tougher than did the com m ittee's m ost m oderate m em ber, a R epublican from M aine. 8 �The Hoey C om m ittee inquiry o f the summer o f 1950 and its "Interim Report" later that year — the subject of C hapters Six and Seven — m arked a turning point in the anti-hom osexual strain in A m erican politics. N egative stereotypes of hom osexuals w ere accepted with little debate, as well as the assum ption that hom osexuals could be blackm ailed and were therefore not fit for even "non-sensitive" jo b s in the federal governm ent. The results o f the investigation led to the extension to every level o f federal, state and city governm ent o f the m ilitary's W W II-era screening and discharge policies, but w ith the added tw ist that hom osexuals w ere now "security risks." T he 1950 Senate inquiries m agnified existing fears o f "latent" hom osexuality, the possibility that every person could be hom osexual (even if not know n to that person), w hich in turn further fueled the "purge" o f "perverts" from governm ent circles, as discussed in C hapter Eight. The Eisenhow er adm inistration strengthened the anti-hom osexual m easures adopted during the Hoey C om m ittee inquiry of 1950, policies which rem ained in effect until 1994. P o litical hom ophobia gained strength after 1950, and contributed to the fall of Senator Joseph M cCarthy and the suicide o f Senator Lester H unt in 1954. However, aside from a still-vague case from 1960, hom osexual blackm ail has never been proven as cause for spying against the U nited States. * * 9 �The far-reaching effects of the 1950 anti-hom osexual investigations thus prove the need for greater understanding of the im pulses w hich brought them about. In addition to constructing a history o f the 1950 Senate investigations, therefore, I have attem pted a type of content analysis of the w orldview s o f the inquiry's chief instigator, R epublican Senator K enneth W herry, o f the two reluctant colleagues he pulled into the process, Southern D em ocrats J. Lister H ill of Alabam a and Clyde Hoey of North Carolina, and o f several other participants in the debate from the late 1940s through early 19 5 0 s.11 W here possible, I have exam ined the differing levels of m asculinist and/or hom ophobic language in their rhetorical im ages of hom osexuals specifically, and of liberals, national-security threats and A m ericans in general. I have sought parallels betw een definitions of "foreign" threats, both internal and external, according to type, relative level of bias and consistency over tim e. T hese links allow conclusions as to the relative strength of the factor of hom ophobia as it was subsum ed under the rubric of " a n ti-c o m m u n is m ." I have also given consideration to the exam iners' sym pathizers and critics in an effort to better understand contem porary views of these 1950s "moral crusaders." Q uestions I have kept in m ind are those regarding the extent o f the "fear map" of each policym aker and com m entator on the "pervert purge." W hy was there a seem ing conflation of Com m unists, liberals 10 �and hom osexuals — "reds," "pinks" and "lavenders" according to the colloquialism s of the day12 — in the demonology of the early Cold W ar period? W hy did hom osexuality increase as a social and political threat during this tim e? T he official explanation that hom osexuals w ere potential victim s of blackm ail threats seem s too sim plistic — after all, heterosexuals could also be guilty of blackm ailable sexual indiscretions, yet concern for "w eeding out" these "security risks" rarely becam e p art of the political dem onology of the day. The hom osexual-blackm ail argum ent fails to explain the scope and depth o f reactions to the possible presence of any hom osexuals in governm ent em ploym ent. The paranoia o f m any o f those involved in the anti-hom osexual purges suggests issues deeper than "rational" security concerns. This project, therefore, delves into the unexplored areas o f an often unspoken topic fraught w ith sexual and political fears. W hat led three senators (tw o Southern D em ocrats, one M idw estern R epublican) to m ount the two 1950 investigations when they did, and how representative w ere they of their colleagues? H ow did they influence and/or differ from the m em bers o f the full-scale Senate investigative body? How did they relate to form er isolationists (alternately labeled n ativist-populist, blindly p artisan or ju s t opportunist) w ho iden tified them selves as anti-com m unist to the extent o f supporting an internationalist foreign policy? 11 W hat were �the generational, regional and religious differences betw een the 1950 "anti-com m unist" senators from the Southern D em ocratic group (Clyde Hoey, Jam es E astland and John M cClellan) and M idw estern R epublican "young Turks" born in this century (Karl M undt, Richard N ixon and Joseph M cC arthy)? W hat w ere the perceptions o f the few others who did n o t think the hom osexuality of federal em ployees was a national security problem , and w hy w ere they not outspoken in discerning betw een issues o f privacy and public attention? As these questions illustrate, in the uncertain tim es of the early Cold W ar era, the rubric of anti-com m unism had grown to encom pass not only a politico-econom ic ideology but also A m erican socio-m oral w orld leadership. The rubric subsum ed m any, less-enlightened strains in dom estic thought, including hom ophobia. used racism to ju stify union-busting. A nti-labor forces A nti-sem ites w restled w ith accepting an anti-com m unist Israel in 1948. The "China Lobby" grappled with A m erica's inability to "save" the N ationalist C hinese regim e in 1949, leading m any conservatives to lam baste the T rum an-A cheson foreign policy as "soft on C om m unism ."13 A nxieties about the disruptions of the D epression and the Second W orld W ar led to a pro-fam ily, m iddle-class, anti-urban ideology during the late 1940s paralleled by m edical professionals' increasing condem nation o f hom osexuality as a pathological, m ental illness and the grow ing intolerance of hom osexuals in the m ilita ry .14 12 Not �surprisingly, this negative side o f the pro-fam ily ideology involved a "sex crim es panic" and a pronounced increase in heterosexism and hom ophobia. Though som e of the 1950-inquiry Senators' papers have been lo st and others not yet available to scholars, the m ain leaders' files and N ational A rchives records are open and allow in interrogation of congressional leaders' various m o tivations/fears behind early-C old W ar hom ophobia. One can delve beyond the rubric o f anti-com m unist ideology to reco n stru ct their w orldview s to include social control issues, m asculinist/heterosexist stances ,tow ard (or revulsion against) real or perceived hom osexual threats as child m olesters, effem inate m en, and "seducers" of "weak" liberals. Since the term hom ophobia im plies both a critique of gender and sexuality, its use as an analytical lens allows clearer focus on the "m asculinist political rhetoric" com m on to m any statesm en o f the early Cold W ar period. W as the anti-hom osexual purge truly prom pted by general concern for internal security threats, or the fear that Am erica was truly at risk of grave m oral w eakness? Or was it prim arily yet another attack on a diplom atic corps and presidential adm inistration judged to have "lost" E astern E urope and C hina? The paternalistic w orldview behind such im agery reflects policym akers’ assum ptions about A m erican leadership in global politics. A study of language and im agery used to describe both internal and external enem ies, therefore, can create a m ore com plete 13 �understanding of the com plex m otivations o f those who have influenced A m erican dom estic and foreign policy. By expanding the past rubric of "anti-com m unism " into levels of sexuality and gender identity, this project can also avoid the com m on, historiographic sim plification o f anti-com m unism into a dichotom ized, debate over "rational" vs. "irrational" psychology. L arger than ju st "M cCarthyism ," early Cold W ar anti-com m unism encom passed not only the sm earing o f political radicals, but a sustained attack on the m asculinity of liberals. U sing a m ore broadly defined anti-com m unism as a window into early Cold W ar culture, therefore, an exam ination o f the effects o f hom ophobia as an often-dow nplayed or overlooked dom estic bias w ill allow a fuller understanding of Am erican leaders' perceptions in the past. An exploration o f the developm ent o f the com m unist-liberal-hom osexual conflation during the Cold W ar also presents a m odel for the continuation o f such studies into the current era. This study thus defends the study of "gender h istory."15 P oliticians' w orldview s m ay be shaped by m asculine/superior and fem inine/inferior im ages but these concepts are rarely directly causal regarding policy. B ut even the m ost objectivist historians cannot agree on the relative w eights of accepted, causal effects like political ideology or econom ic realities. A part from gender issues, then, political history still relies on culturally generated, historically 14 �specific and ever-evolving m eanings as analytical tools to help decipher the "true" causes of phenom ena such as M cCarthyism . G ender and sexuality are additional conceptual lenses by w hich historical actors have m ade sense of their w orld. A dm ittedly, these concepts are laden w ith enorm ous em otional value w hich can confuse and obscure the nature o f cultural discourses. D ifficult as it may seem to accom plish, how ever, we m ust go beyond sim plistic requirem ents o f discovering only the obvious, stated and even form ulaic determ inants preferred by political scientists. M oving beyond the com fortable level o f the "rational" by allow ing em otion and reason to intersect can illum inate valuable and heretofore ill-explored facets of A m erican history. A nother dilem m a raised by gender history is that o f the potential projection o f "presentist" interests into the past. W hat today's observers m ay recognize to have been an ideology o f m asculinity was never official policy, although it can be identified in leaders' p olitical rhetoric. Few leaders com m ented publicly, m uch less extensively, on the 1950s anti-hom osexual purges, leaving to the historian the task of judging the im portance of innuendoes, unofficial rem arks, nuanced m eanings and indirectly expressed fears. In the end, the critics of gender history cannot deny its validity as a valuable tool in m ore fully defining the cultural context of policym akers. A study of politicized hom ophobia can thus provide an effective m eans of uncovering Cold W ar fears of A m erica's loss of 15 �international as w ell as dom estic social control em bodied in the p erceiv ed th reat of hom osexuality. G ranted, this study does tred fine lines o f definition and historical recovery through its adoption of the tool o f gender and sexuality analysis. The history of w hat could be called the "Queer Scare" paralleled but was not dependent on the course of the M cC arthyite "Red Scare." Social taboos against open discussion o f hom osexuality m uted the 1950 Senate investigations com pared to the m ore publicized investigations by HUAC, Senator M cCarthy's P erm anent Subcom m ittee on Investigations and others. O fficial silencing, via repression of records relating to those dism issed for hom osexuality, has been near com plete to date — the m ain reason my current p ro ject focuses on the purge process, itself, rather than on the victim s of it. C ultural silencing regarding hom osexuality, how ever, only illustrates the extent o f hom ophobia in A m erican history. T he follow ing exposition o f the causes and effects o f the ideology of m asculinity/hom ophobia w ill not thrill the hearts of those h istorians com m itted to dism issing M cC arthyism as an anti-liberal p o litical w itchhunt covered w ith a veneer of anti-com m unist ideology. Nor will it satisfy those who seek to condem n anti-M cC arthyism as an idealist attem pt to deny the fact, under the guise that anyone attacked was an innocent victim , that som e A m ericans sym pathized with and spied for the Soviet U nion (as the 16 �VENONA documents seem to prove). Som e aspects o f each "school" are validated in this study, w hich shows anti-liberal im pulses and does no t defend those who w ere attacked as com m unists. A dditionally, m y goal is not to "out" hom osexuals past or present. D iscussion herein o f w hether or not W hittaker Cham bers, Joseph M cCarthy, Roy Cohn, J. Edgar H oover and other hom ophobes were closeted hom osexuals should not be seen as an attem pt to criticize these m en, p er se ,16 Even they were victims, in a sense, o f their hom ophobic culture, w herein heteronorm ativity (in their cases, the appearance and prom otion o f heterosexuality) reaped great rew ards, and the penalties for being "outed" could be devastating. Likew ise, I do not intend to glorify as "victims" those fired from their jobs to any greater extent than I hope to expose the poverty o f self-expression allow ed to those who "passed" as heterosexual. In fact, I have privileged a relatively obscure Senate subcom m ittee over the usual focus o f anti-com m unism and M cC arthy in order to highlight how com m onplace w ere the w orkings of hom ophobia. A nti-hom osexual leaders in A m erica's political, legal and cultural institutions w ere not only the paranoid hom ophobes, but also the average heterosexist, w ell-m eaning Senators entrusted w ith keeping A m erica safe and strong during an em erging Cold W ar who bought into the m ost sim plistic assum ptions w hich allow ed the dem onization and persecution of a hidden group o f A m ericans. 17 �A note of explanation is due for my use of the potentially subjective phrase "anti-hom osexual." I w ould argue that the term is very appropriate for a study of the Cold W ar era. First, to be "anti" anything at any tim e in A m erican history involves the purposefully im precise definition of both the a phenom enon or group being opposed (i.e. "communists" vs. "Com munists" vs. "socialists," etc.) and o f the unspoken ideology being preached — A m ericanism , patriotism , m asculinity — against the dem onized O ther (Soviet C om m unist im perialism , Am erican global w eakness, etc). Secondly, like "anti-com m unism ," the term "anti-hom osexual" doesn't necessarily im ply a life-or-death struggle against individual persons, who m ight be considered "confused" or "duped" into supporting a philosophy or w orld em pire beyond their control. Since "hom osexuality" came to be defined as a political and ideological evil during the early Cold W ar period, true A m erican (heterosexual) patriots, by definition, had to prom ote an im plicit or explicit "anti-hom osexual" ideology as strongly as their m ore consciously expressed "anti-com m unist" one. Finally, the phrase "anti-hom osexual" illustrates the M cC arthyite vagueness of Cold W ar rhetoric. In England, the conflation of "pinko-pansies" in diplom at-intellectual circles had already been know n as early as the 1930s.17 Senator Joseph M cC arthy’s attacks on "Commies" and "pinkos" in the State D epartm ent kept the two term s separate in theory, but in practice the sam e w itchhunt 18 �m entality applied to both groups. T he lack of an agreed-upon catch- phrase to define the anti-hom osexual inquiries — w ith usage oscillating betw een "pervert probe" to "sex perversion inquiry" to "hunting hom osexuals" -- also shows an am biguity of m otive. W ere the investigators m ore concerned w ith the fact that som eone, som ew here was com m itting hom osexual acts, that hom osexuals could "infect" governm ent offices, or that they could be blackm ailed? D id they h a te the individual "perverts" or ju st w anted them rem oved from positions w herein they could be used against the nation? The term "anti-hom osexual," therefore, incorporates both the m ore "rational" concerns w ith A m erican national security (w ithin a fram ew ork of C old W ar circular reasoning), and the less rational hom ophobia about a group of threatening and dangerous individuals — the sam e fears w hich have prom pted rhetoric about unorthodox sexuality as the cause of the destruction of the "fabric" of Am erican society, and w hich occasionally still prom pt such rhetoric to this day. * * * T he Cold W ar is now history. A nti-com m unist political rhetoric has dim inished greatly, w hile the rem aining state-socialist nations, Cuba and North Korea, threaten the U.S. only as threats o f econom ic m eltdow n, irritants to national pride; the potential nuclear threat posed by China is outw eighed by burgeoning econom ic ties. Political dem onology in the 1990s has dw indled to a com paratively sm all num ber of "threats to the fabric of Am erican society" — abortion, 19 �im m igration, poverty among them. A lone of the m ajor politicized fears rem aining from the early Cold W ar era are those of hom osexuality and liberalism . These two are no longer as intertw ined as they previously w ere, but they have proven m ore enduring threats to conservatives than com m unism ever really w as. O ver a century ago, an English student o f "sex psychology" w arned of the repercussions of hom ophobia in society: "the evil of ignorance is m agnified by our efforts to suppress that w hich never can be suppressed, though in the effort o f suppression it m ay becom e p e r v e r te d ." 18 These words rem ind us today that concepts of "perversion" exist only in terms of social perceptions. It m ay be considered unfortunate that conditions facing hom osexuals in the U nited States had to worsen follow ing W orld W ar Tw o before relatively im proving since the 1970s. The fact rem ains, how ever, that hom osexuality was constructed in the early tw entieth century as "perverted" in order to control people w hose very existence was labeled a threat to society. This threat grew beyond the m oral level during the early Cold W ar — A m erica needed to dem onize hom osexuals as much as it did com m unists. 1950s "pervert" purge m ust be explored . . . 20 And so the story o f the �1 W hile the term homosexual referred both to men and women, the chief concern in the 1950s was o f homosexuality in males, whose position in society and governm ent most threatened the patriarchal nature o f A m erican culture. Numerous women were removed from the m ilitary and civilian branches of governm ent, but for this study, I have chosen to replicate the predom inant 1950s focus of attention on men. I have used "homosexual" to retain historical accuracy and flavor, since it was the contemporaneous and official term in the 1950s and was actually more "progressive" (ideologically neutral) than "pervert," "deviant" and other pejorative epithets, while the non-stigm atized term "gay" had then ju st barely come into use except as an in-house term within the homosexual "subculture." The less clinical terms "gay" and "lesbian" largely replaced "homosexual" by the 1970s. For the earliest, m ainstream literary use of the term "gay" as "homosexual," see W illiam B arrett, "New Innocents Abroad," Partisan Review 17, 3 (March 1950), 275. 21 �2 Richard G. Powers' definition of the "Adorno-Hofstadter-Bell theory," from his Not W ithout Honor; The History o f American Anti-Communism (New York: Free Press, 1995). General surveys o f the McCarthy era include David Caute, The G reat Fear: The Anti-Communist Purge under Truman and Eisenhower (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1978); Richard M. Fried, Nightmare In Red: The M cCarthy Era in Perspective (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1990); and M.J. Heale, American Anticommunism: Combating The Enem v W ithin. 18301970 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1990). The irrational aspects of M cCarthyism are explored in M ichael Parenti, The A nti-C om m unist Im pulse (New York: Random House, 1969). H istorians have view ed anti-com m unism through various conceptual lenses. Those who saw a "pseudo-Conservative revolt" include Daniel Bell, ed., The New American R ight (New York: Criterion Books, 1955), updated as The Radical Right (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1964); Ralph S. Brown, Loyalty and Security: Employment Tests in the United States (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1958); Richard Hofstadter, The Paranoid Style in American Politics and Other Essays (1964; Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1979); and Seymour M artin Lipset and Earl Raab, The Politics of Unreason: Right-W ing Extremism in America. 1790-1970 (New York: Harper and Row, 1970). Those who stressed grass-roots support of neo-conservatism include Earl Latham , The Com m unist Controversy in W ashington from the New Deal to M cCarthy (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1966); M ichael Paul Rogin, The Intellectuals and McCarthy: The Radical Specter (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1967); Alan D. Harper, The Politics of Lovaltv: The White House and the Communist Issue. 1946-1952 (Westport, CT,: Greenwood, 1969); and Robert Griffith, The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate. 2nd ed. (1970; Amherst: Univ. of Massachusetts Press, 1987). For an overview o f these first two schools, see Earl Latham, ed., The Meaning of McCarthyism (Boston: D.C. Heath & Co., 1965), viiiix & 129-31. W orks focusing on the self-defeating policies of the Truman adm inistration include Athan G. Theoharis, Seeds of Repression: Harrv S. Truman and the O rigins of M cCarthyism (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1971); Robert Griffith and Athan Theoharis, eds., The Specter: Original Essays on the Cold W ar and the Origins of M cCarthyism (New York: Franklin Watts, 1974); and Richard M. Freeland, The Truman Doctrine and the Origins o f M cCarthyism: Foreign Policy. Domestic Politics, and Internal Security. 1946-1948 (1971; New York: N.Y.U. Press, 1985). A fourth group, which critiques the repressive political role of the FBI, see Kenneth O'Reilly, Hoover and the Un-Americans: The FBI. HUAC. and the Red M e n a c e (Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press, 1983); Richard G. Powers, Secrecy and Power: The Life o f J. Edgar Hoover (New York: Free Press, 1987); Athan G. Theoharis and John Stuart Cox, The Boss: J. Edgar Hoover and the Great A m erican Inquisition (Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press, 1988); W illiam Keller, The Liberals and J. Edgar Hoover: Rise and Fall of a Domestic Intellig en ce S tate (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1989); and Curt Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover: The Man and His Secrets (1991; New York: Penguin, 1992); and Sigmund Diamond, Compromised Campus: The Collaboration o f Universities with the Intelligence Community. 1945-1955 (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1992). 22 �3 Chauncey referred to the seminal works of Allan Berube, “M arching to a D ifferent Drum m er,” A d v o cate (Oct. 25, 1981); and John D'Emilio, Sexual P olitics. Sexual Com m unities (1983), especially his chapter, "The Bonds of Oppression: Gay Life in the 1950s," 40-53. I am grateful for D'Emilio's work in particular. Chauncey lamented, "It is a sign of the youth o f lesbian and gay history that that the massive Cold W ar reaction, now widely known to historians, was utterly unknown to them as recently as the early 1980s, when D'Emilio and Berube first identified it. It is a sign of the field’s continuing marginalization that some Cold W ar historians still do not refer to it in their accounts of Cold W ar politics." See Chauncey, Gav New York: Gender. Urban Culture, and the M aking o f the Gav Male World. 1890-1940 (New York: Basic Books, 1994), 376 n 14. 4 Alan M. Dershowitz, Sexual McCarthyism: Clinton. Starr and the Emerging Constitutional Crisis (New York: Basic Books, 1998). 5 "Heterosexism" is more than ju st the assumption that everyone is heterosexual (naturalizing the latter category via "heteronorm ativity"), but it also assumes the its superiority in a male-dominant, fem ale-subm issive hierarchy in society, politics and sexual relations. Consequently, heterosexism is "evidenced in the exclusion, by omission or design, of non-heterosexual persons in policies, procedures, events, or activities." See James T. Sears, "Thinking C ritically/Intervening E ffectively A bout H eterosexism and Homophobia: A Tw enty-Five-Year Research Retrospective," in Sears and W alter L. W illiams, eds., Overcoming Heterosexism and Homophobia: Strategies That W ork (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1997), 13-48 [quote from 16], Sociologists have differentiated between "cultural heterosexism " (the denial, stigm atization or denigration of hom osexuality in cultural institutions) and "psychological heterosexism " (internalization, often leading to anti-gay intolerance and/or violence); see Gregory M. Herek, "The Context of Anti-Gay Violence: Notes on C ultural and Psychological Heterosexism," Journal of Interpersonal V iolence 5, 3 (1990), 316-33, esp. 319. For an early use of the term, see Jean B. Elshtain, "Homosexual Politics: The Paradox of Gay Liberation," S alm ag u n d i 58-59 (Fall 1982-Winter 1983), 252-280, esp. 264. I will use the term in its broader sense, encompassing both institutional exclusion of hom osexuals and internalized feelings o f heterosexual superiority. 23 �6 The term "masculinist" is derived from a term first popularized in a 1915 essay by Havelock Ellis, who defined a loose social movement and attitude asserting "the rights and functions of Manhood" against "the rising tide of Feminism." See "Feminism and Masculinism," in his Essays in War-Time: Further Studies in the Task of Social Hygiene (1917; Freeport, N.Y.: Books for Libraries Press, 1969), 88-100. On m asculinist political rhetoric, see, among others, Kyle A. Cuordileone, "'Politics In An Age Of Anxiety': M asculinity, The Vital Center and American Political Culture in the Cold War, 1949-1963," Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of California at Irvine, 1995 (Ann Arbor: U.M .I. D issertation Services, 1997); and Robert D. Dean, "Masculinity as Ideology: John F. Kennedy and the Domestic Politics of Foreign Policy," D iplom atic H istory 22, 1 (W inter 1998), 29-62. The politicized term "masculinist" thus refers to that aspect o f heterosexism which labels men as strong successes or weak failures, forming the basis for much of the hom ophobia in American culture. On the relationship of hom ophobia and heterosexism , see Gary Kinsman, "'Inverts,' 'Psychopaths,' and 'Normal' Men: Historical Sociological Perspectives on Gay and Heterosexual M asculinities," in Tony Haddad, ed., Men and Masculinities: A C ritical A nthology (Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press, 1993), 4-8. 7 "Homophobia" was popularized by George Weinberg, Society and the Healthy H om osexual (1972; Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1973), who defined it [4, 7-8, 129] as "the dread of being in close quarters with homosexuals" leading to revulsion and "often the desire to inflict punishment as retribution" — really a "homoerotophobia" wherein antagonism due to prejudice leads to disdain for and even violence toward the feared object; see also Thomas J. Ficarrotto, "Racism, Sexism, and Erotophobia: Attitudes of Heterosexuals Toward Homosexuals," Journal of Homosexuality 19, 1 (1990), 111-116. H om ophobia thus differs from heterosexism in that the latter stresses norm ativity and the form er focuses on perceived threats. Admittedly, the two terms may be synonymous in many individuals. However, some "heterosexists" may find hom osexuality a less-preferable option but not be fanatically against hom osexuals, sim ilar to how a white-suprem acist may not be "Negrophobic" or "Judeophobic" as long as s/he perceives blacks or Jews to "keep their place" in a white- or Christian-dom inant society. For an early discussion of anti­ homosexual "hostility," see D.W. Cory [pseud.], The Homosexual in America: A Subjective A pproach (1951), 2nd ed. (New York: Castle Books, 1960), 15-37. For more recent accounts, see, among others, S. M. Morin & E. M. Garfinkel, "Male H om ophobia," Journal o f Social Issues 34 (1978): 29-47; Jonathan Dollimore, "M asculinity and Homophobia," in Helen Taylor, ed., Literature Teaching P o litic s (Bristol: Bristol Polytechnic, 1985); Suzanne Pharr, Homophobia: A Weapon of Sexism (Inverness, CA.: Chardon Press, 1988); Richard Isay, Being Homosexual: Gav Men and Their Development (New York: Axon, 1989); Canadian AIDS Society, Homophobia. Heterosexism and AIDS (Ottawa: Canadian AIDS Society, 1991); and W arren J., Blumenfeld, ed., Homophobia: How We All Pay The Price (Boston: Beacon Press, 1992). 8 See John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism. 1 8 60 -1 9 2 5 (1955; 2nd ed., New York: Atheneum, 1963); Richard Hofstadter, The Paranoid Stvle in American Politics and O ther Essavs (1964; Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1979); and Dean, "Masculinity as Ideology." 24 �9 For recent studies o f gender and American foreign policy that touch upon the theme of "weakness," see Elaine Tyler May, Homeward Bound:American Families in the Cold War Era (1988; New York: Basic Books, 1990); Geoffrey S. Smith, "National Security and Personal Isolation: Sex, Gender, and Disease in the Cold War," International H istory Review 14, 2 (May 1992), 307-37; Carol Cohn, "Wars, Wimps, and Women: Talking Gender and Thinking W ar," in G endering W ar Talk, eds. Miriam Cooke and A ngela W oolacott (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1993), 227-46; Emily S. Rosenberg, '"Foreign Affairs' after W orld War II: Connecting Sexual and International Politics," D iplom atic H isto ry 18, 1 (Winter 1994), 59-70; idem , "Revisiting D ollar Diplomacy: Narratives of Money and M anliness," D iplom atic H istory 22, 2 (Spring 1998), 155-76; Laura McEnaney, "He-Men and Christian Mothers: The Am erica First M ovement and the Gendered M eanings o f Patriotism and Isolationism ," D iplom atic H istory 18, 1 (Winter 1994), 47-57; Andrew J. Rotter, "Gender Relations, Foreign Relations: The United States and South Asia, 1947-1964," Journal of American History 81. 2 (Sept. 1994), 518-42; Alan Nadel, Containm ent Culture: American N arratives. Postmodernism , and the Atomic A ge (Durham: Duke Univ. Press, 1995); Michelle Mart, "Tough Guys and American Cold W ar Policy: Images of Israel, 1948-1960," D iplom atic H istory 20, 3 (Summer 1996), 357-80; Frank Costigliola, "The Nuclear Family: Tropes of Gender and Pathology in the Western Alliance," D iplom atic H istory 21. 2 (Spring 1997), 163-183; and Robert Dean, "Masculinity as Ideology," and his Im perial Brotherhood: Gender and the M aking of Cold W ar Foreign Policy (Amherst: Univ. of M assachusetts Press, forthcom ing 2000). 10 Two anti-homosexual inquiries were conducted in 1950. The first, an investigations subcomm ittee of the Senate D istrict of Colum bia A ppropriations Subcom m ittee (the "prelim inary" investigations o f Senators K enneth W herry and Lister Hill), was followed by the full-scale probe by the Investigations Subcomm ittee of the Senate Committee on Expenditures in the Executive D epartm ents (the "Hoey Committee"); the "moral perverts" quote is from the title of the latter inquiry. 11 See, in particular, the works of Ole R. Holsti, Content Analysis for the Social Sciences and Hum anities (Reading, MA.: Addison-Wesley, 1969); Herbert M cClosky, "Personality and A ttitude Correlates o f Foreign Policy Orientation," in his Political Inquiry: The Nature and Uses of Survey Research (London: M acmillan, 1969), 70-125; David S. McLellan, "The 'Operational Code’ Approach to the Study of Political Leaders: Dean A cheson’s Philosophical and Instrum ental Beliefs," Canadian Journal of Political Science 4,1 (March 1971): 52-75; and Harvey Starr, Henrv Kissinger: Perceptions of International P o litic s (Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky, 1984). None of the above works include homophobia as a variable in content analysis; recent literature on political ideology and biases continues to omit homophobia as a variable worthy of mention or discussion. One recent, seem ingly com prehensive w ork listed tw enty-three different m otivators for political action, including liberalism , conservatism , racism and fem inism , without discussing either sexism or homophobia; see M ichael Foley, ed., Ideas That Shape Politics (New York: M anchester Univ. Press, 1994). 25 �12 "Reds," of course, referred to communists and socialists, "pinks" or "pinkos" to liberals, "com m ie-sym pathizers" and "fellow -travellers" (usually intellectuals), and "lavenders" or "lavender lads" to homosexuals. The color pink (from the triangle used to identify homosexual prisoners in Nazi concentration cam ps) was not identified with American hom osexuals until they adopted the triangle and its color symbolism in the 1970s as an overt sign of gay pride. By the 1990s, however, the pink triangle had been largely superseded by the rainbow flag (sym bolizing all m inority sexualities). 13 Sexual threats inherent in the "soft on communism" phrase are discussed in Andrew Hodges, Alan Turing: The Enigma (1983; London: Vintage, 1992), 50051. 14 The term "middle class," as shall be seen in Chapter 1, came to denote a specific condem nation of both partners of a homosexual encounter, com pared to the working class which tolerated the "active" and condemned only the "passive" partner. John Dollard and Neal E. Miller, Personality and Psychotherapy: An Analysis in Terms of Learning. Thinking, and Culture (New York: M cGraw-Hill, 1950), 420, related how "the patient considered the stranger who performed fellatio 'homosexual' but the man on whom it was performed normal. The perform er was a 'fairy.' The com pliant sailor, not. This patient's attitude was quite striking because in a middle-class definition of the situation both persons would be considered partners in a homosexual act and therefore hom osexuals." 15 Gender means more than mere biological sex, and more than a mere, additional variable in historical analysis. The term signifies a discourse which allows the theoreticization of ideological limits based on real and perceived gender roles in society. G ender categories have been historically naturalized as [w hite-m iddle-class] m ale-dom inant and [non-w hite, non-m iddle-class] fem ale-subm issive, even within many studies of "gendered" narratives. Categories of sexual orientation, specifically the hom osexual-heterosexual dichotom y, have often been conflated with m asculine-fem inine gender roles, but as seen in Chapter 1 below, such an equation should not be automatic. 16 Chambers' homosexuality is discussed in Chapter 1; Cohn's and M cCarthy's in Chapter 8. Since rumors of Hoover's homosexuality did not appear until the 1960s (apart from two, carefully worded magazine articles in 1933), I will not address him as a potential homosexual in this work. Historians have long explored the possibility that Hoover [1895-1972] and his fellow life-long bachelor and secretary of 45 years, Special Agent and A ssistant D irector Clyde Tolson [1900-1975], m ight have been homosexual. Anthony Summers, Official and Confidential: The Secret Life of J. Edgar Hoover (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1993), remains the chief collection of sexual accusations against Hoover and Tolson. Historians who detail but ultimately discount such rumors include Powers, Secrecy and Power. 171-72, 185, 526; and Curt Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover: The Man and His Secrets (1991; New York: Penguin, 1992), 158-59, 179-180, 192, 213, 217, 221-222, 240, 531. 26 �17 From editorial in The Times (London. Nov. 22, 1979), quoted in Fred Sommer, "Anthony Blunt and Guy Burgess: Gay Spies," Journal of H om osexuality 29, 4 (1995), 287. London's D aily Express had criticized Oxford pacifists in 1933 as "woozy-minded Communists, practical jokers, and sexual indeterm inates"; see Eric Pace, "David Graham, 87, Is Dead; Antiwar Debater at Oxford," New York T im es (Aug. 27, 1999), A20. The term "pansy" had been in use in the United States since at least the 1920s. 18 See Ellis' "General Preface" in Havelock Ellis and John Addington Symonds, Sexual Inversion (1897; New York: Arno Press, 1975), vi. 27 �CHAPTER 1 H om ophobia And A nti-C om m unism B efore 1950 Fears about sexual "perversion" in A m erica arose during the decades prior to the early C old W ar era, fed by changing analyses by the nation's m edico-psychological establishm ent and the upheavals of the Second W orld W ar. Such fears spilled over into the political realm as anti-com m unist, anti-liberal and anti-N ew D eal attitudes in C ongress incorporated aspects of A m erica's existing hom ophobic culture. Perceptions o f parallel problem s of political and sexual subversion laid the groundw ork for the anti-hom osexual purges o f Federal civilian ranks which began in earnest in 1950 and w ould continue throughout the Cold W ar. Fears o f hom osexuality w ere not originally tied to those of radical politics. The first congressional investigation of hom osexuality grew out of a politicized, partisan scandal in 1919, not from concern about hom osexuals as security risks in governm ent. Tw o scandals w ith hom osexual aspects in 1940 and 1943, before the Cold W ar started, w ere chiefly partisan battles with a nasty edge. O nly after the Second W orld W ar did concerns arise over hom osexuals as security risks in federal em ploym ent. These later fears paralleled those about pro-C om m unist or at least naive governm ent officials. Leaders such as R epublican Senator K enneth 28 �W herry of N ebraska both disliked liberal statesm en (especially D ean A cheson) and w arned of the threat posed by hom osexuals as early as 1947. The 1948 H iss-C ham bers hearings before the H ouse C om m ittee on U n-A m erican A ctivities contained significant (though unofficial) hom osexual overtones, w hich kept the W ashington rum or m ill focused on the "perversion" angle into the opening days of Senator Joseph M cC arthy's attacks on supposed com m unists in the State D epartm ent in early 1950. M cCarthy's m asculinist and hom ophobic charges, in turn, w ould lead to the State D epartm ent's defensive adm ission that hom osexual security risks did, indeed, exist, allow ing Senator W herry to m ount a parallel, anti-hom osexual crusade to M cC arthy's w itchhunts. The transition to a h om ophobia-inform ed anti-com m unism was thus com plete by 1950. FIRST U.S. GOVERNMENT ANTI-HOMOSEXUAL INVESTIGATION T he first official congressional inquiry into hom osexuality occurred in the context of early-tw entieth-century fears of socialism and labor unrest. Such fears had led to im m igration restrictions against m ental and sexual deviates, tem porary losses of civil liberties in the Espionage and Sedition Acts during the G reat W ar, and after the B olshevik R evolution in R ussia and A m erica's post-w ar strikes and econom ic downturn, the first "Red Scare." H undreds of im m igrants and socialists w ere rounded up and deported, w hile the 29 �nation took com fort in the conform ist them es of the "One H undred P e rc e n t A m e ric an ism ."1 In the m idst of the Red Scare, the country's first hom osexual scandal broke out, an entrapm ent schem e sanctioned at the highest levels of the U.S. Navy. How did this unique event in A m erican history correlate w ith the nation's view s tow ard hom osexuals? H istorian John Higham has dem onstrated how cycles of social tension centered around waves of im m igration and econom ic d o w n tu r n .2 His m odels can be applied to both the anti-hom osexual as w ell as the anti-com m unist scares. N ativist crusades occurred during periods of "m ajor national crisis," leading to a "defensive type o f nationalism " fixated on "some internal alien influence as a gravely divisive threat to national unity." D uring these crises, "confidence in the hom ogeneity of A m erican culture broke down" and "men rallied against the sym bols o f the foreignness." Higham pondered w hether anti-im m igrant legislation also arose "basically from a change in A m erican values — a shift from the old preference for openness and fluidity to a new urge for stability and security?"3 Applying his theories to the case o f the N ew port Naval Scandal, sim ilar features e m e rg e . The hom osexual scandal at the prestigious New port, Rhode Island, naval training station started as the result of the vigilance of two Navy officials, Dr. Erastus M. H udson and C hief M achinist's M ate 30 �Ervin Arnold. H udson, 32, was a father of two, and graduate of H arvard and the New Y ork College o f Physicians and Surgeons. In the N avy only two years, he blam ed G reek sailors and effem inate civilians for "breaking in" young A m erican sailors to hom osexual acts. A rnold, 44, was a thirteen-year N avy veteran who "ran down perverts" in his previous career as a C onnecticut detective.4 These m en w ere determ ined to protect the station against the "moral perverts" who were "preying on" young naval recruits. T heir study o f hom osexual activities began in February 1919 and lasted for several m onths, using an elaborate entrapm ent scheme. T heir request for additional investigators, noting "conditions o f vice and depravity," how ever, was largely unsuccessful, since A ttorney G eneral Palm er's cam paign against Reds diverted Justice D epartm ent resources and allow ed only one investigator to go to N ew port.5 H udson and A rnold's continued schem es led to the arrest of over a dozen sailors and two trials for a prom inent civilian over the course o f 1919. Intim ating that they w ere working for the O ffice of N aval Intelligence, the two officers recruited "good looking" young naval cadets who, after receiving assurance that their activities w ere patriotic, volunteered to play "custom er" for "fairies" around town. Forty-one recruits spied on and had sex w ith N ew port hom osexuals for several w eeks, dutifully reporting their contacts' nam es and associates, and the type of sexual activity engaged in. 31 N o irony was �lost in Arnold's w riting o f a duty description, urging each "operator" (who engaged in anal sex, among other activities) to be "careful as he pum ps these m en for inform ation, m aking him believe that he is w hat is term ed in the Navy as a 'boy hum per,' m aking dates with them and so forth. Be careful not to arouse suspicion."6 A fter sufficient evidence had been gathered, a naval court of inquiry was convened and fifteen N avy m en were court-m artialed. T heir ultim ate convictions were for sodomy, "oral coition," "lewd acts," and "scandalous conduct tending to the destruction o f good m orals." Sentenced for up to tw enty years, m ost of the m en w ere released w ithin six years; some received clem ency and m ost were discharged. T he entrapm ent schem e ended only after adverse publicity. The N avy arrested and charged the station's Episcopal C haplain, Sam uel N eal Kent, with soliciting sailors for hom osexual acts; Kent's career never recovered from the case's publicity even though he was acquitted. Starting with a report in the New Y ork Tim es on January 14, 1920, news of K ent trial's led to condem nation of the entrapm ent schem e, another naval court of inquiry and an eventual Senate in v e s tig a tio n . Law m akers w ere not so m uch concerned w ith hom osexuality in the m ilitary, however, but w ith the N avy's m eans o f ferreting out hom osexuals. The U.S. governm ent had used "im m oral m ethods" in ordering some of its finest young m en to engage in hom osexual acts 32 �in the line of duty.7 Technically, the entrapm ent schem e had been approved by A ssistant Secretary Franklin D. R oosevelt in the absence of N avy Secretary Josephus D aniels; the "sex-squad" w as therefore nam ed "Section A, Office of the A ssistant Secretary of the Navy (O.A .S.N.)." D aniels and R oosevelt tried in vain to w hitew ash their roles bu t R epublicans subtly used the em barrassing episode against R oosevelt after he resigned from the Navy D epartm ent to accept the D em ocratic v ice -p resid e n tia l n o m in a tio n .8 Republican senators went beyond using the issue as a cam paign point and initiated the nation's first congressional investigation o f "alleged hom osexuality" during the final m onths of the W ilson adm inistration. A 37-page Senate N aval A ffairs C om m ittee report, issued in July, 1921, detailed the m ost shocking aspects of the sex-solicitors' activities and strongly rebuked the (D em ocratic) naval officials who sanctioned it.9 T he N ew port scandal reveals key m asculinity issues and the gender-role social construction of hom osexuality w hich was then still functioning. Sailors and civilians who allowed them selves to be "screw ed in the rectum " (or "pogues" in colloquial speech) w ere considered "perverts," but their custom ers (called "trade" in hom osexual lingo) w ere considered heterosexual due to their m asculine, insertive role in sex — only the latter were punished, in m ost instances. This arrangem ent had been going on in A m erica's large port cities for several years, as historian G eorge Chauncey has 33 �s h o w n .10 Such a double standard for the "dom inant" partners, how ever, w ould change by the Second W orld W ar, after w hich both partners w ere considered hom osexual and security threats. H om osexuality was not linked to national security, how ever, in 1919. True, the "Red Scare" involved some rhetorical conflation of com m unism w ith w eakened m asculinity — Seattle m ayor O le H anson condem ned the "Bolshevist" I.W .W . w orker as "a sneak and a cow ard," and w ell-know n anarchist Em m a G oldm an lectured against the "social ostracism of the invert" in public defense of hom osexuals as victim s o f "m oral p reju d ice."11 Overall, how ever, the entrapm ent scandal and subsequent congressional inquiry did not link political liberalism and hom osexuality as w ould occur during the early Cold W ar. The schem e w ould have constituted a scandal for w hichever political party happened to be in office at the time, though partisanship did appear to m otivate the Senate investigation. THE GROWTH OF POLITICIZED HOMOPHOBIA As shown in the confusion over w hich sexual participants to punish in the N ew port entrapm ent schem e, A m erican concepts o f hom osexuality w ere undergoing an im precise bu t defin ite change in the decades preceding the Cold W ar. Still in evidence w as the gender-role construction w hich defined "men" as the penetrating, 34 �"dom inant" person acting upon the penetrated, "passive" partner. As long as a m an played the active ("inserter") role in sodom y, his m asculinity and m ental stability w ere not questioned, though hom osexual acts w ere rarely discussed and even silen c ed .12 By the second quarter o f the tw entieth century, how ever, this role-based social construction began to be overshadow ed by a new construction based on the object of sexual fantasy. T he m edico-psychological establishm ent gradually cam e to define p eo p le as having a psychological preference or "orientation" for one gender or the other. W hat to call the new condition, even — inversion, perversion, deviance -- rem ained a m atter of debate. In the words of M ichel Foucault, "the sodom ite had been a tem porary aberration," but by the early tw entieth century, "the hom osexual was now a s p e c ie s ." 13 M iddle-class, professional elites gradually redefined sexuality and dem onized hom osexual activity under the guise o f m en tal illness and psychopathic p e rv e rsio n .14 By the late 1920s, as well, authorities m oved to censor film s and plays w hich portrayed hom osexuals in a positive m an n er.15 T he stigm a o f hom osexuality thus actually increased by the 1930s. A few lone professionals, H avelock Ellis chief among them , cham pioned a m ore progressive, tolerant approach to "inverts" after becom ing convinced that Social-D arw inian concepts o f "degeneracy" w ere problem atic due to the prevalence of hom osexuality in society. 35 �Ellis condem ned legal and social biases against hom osexuals, and d ifferentiated betw een "hom osexual love" and "sexual perversion," view ing the latter as an acceptable variation, 'abnorm ality' only in a statistical not a m oral sense. This distinction influenced future sex researchers, especially follow ing the 1936 reprint o f E llis' w o rk .16 O ne of the few Am erican professionals to consider Ellis' view s on hom osexuality was Dr. George W . Henry, a who becam e future w itness before the 1950 Senate inquiry into hom osexuals in governm ent em ploym ent. His position helps to illustrate the tentative possibility o f a less negative attitude tow ard hom osexuality, one which could have changed the A m erican psychiatric establishm ent into an agent o f radical social change, but w hich, ultim ately, failed to m ove beyond the heterosexist paradigm o f its day. H e was the first Am erican to study large num bers of persons "whose preferred form o f libidinous gratification [wa]s hom osexual and who regularly experience[d] pleasure from h o m o sex u al re la tio n s ." 17 Henry decried a legal system "tem pered with ignorance and prejudice" and society's "witch hunting" m entality against people w ith "a hom osexual adjustm ent," and saw that the m ajority of hom osexual men w ere n o t effem inate. U ltim ately, how ever, he believed that hom osexuality in youth could be "prevented" with "proper" parenting (m asculine fathers and fem in in e m others) and "appropriate" (heterosexual) o u tle ts.18 �D espite w hat could be called a "progressive" tolerance, H enry was still influenced by the "Freudian" psychology which had overshadow ed E llis' view s by the 1920s and w hich w ould stigm atize any type of sexual "deviance" well into the 1960s. Influenced by R ichard von K rafft-E bing's dichotom y betw een m orbid hom osexuality and healthy heterosexuality, his pupil Sigm und Freud played an im portant role in transform ing public im ages o f hom osexuals from "inverts" to "deviants." Privately, Freud actually accepted hom osexuality as a "natural variation," view ed the repression of one's hom osexual feelings as harm ful, and only treated hom osexuals if they were also suffering from debilitating neuroses. Publicly, how ever, he never resolved his ow n contradictions about the innate or acquired nature o f hom osexuality versus a neurotic, arrested developm ent "interrupted by a period o f laten cy ."19 W hat becam e know n as "Freudian psychoanalysis" in the U nited States was actually a sim plified popularization o f applications to theories on w hich Freud him self rem ained am biguous. L eaders of the A m erican Psychiatric A ssociation even form ally classified hom osexuality as an illness, in 1952.20 M edical schools around the U nited States integrated a sim plified version- of Freud's "arrested developm ent" concepts into all aspects of psychiatry training. E lectroshock therapy, drugs, lobotom ies and castration w ere proscribed for the 'treatm ent' o f hom osexuality w ell into the 37 �1 9 5 0 s .21 T hese attitudes w ould strongly inform psychology professionals testifying before the 1950 Senate inquiry, form ing a "scientific" basis for judging hom osexuals as unfit for governm ent service and susceptible to blackm ail. As to the general public, only during the uprooting o f civilians during the Second W orld W ar did large num bers of hom osexuals becom e visible. Ironically, the officially and-gay m ilitary provided the ideal m eans for thousands of hom osexuals from rural areas and conservative backgrounds to m eet other hom osexuals; even m ilitary p sy chiatrists realized close sam e-gender friendships m ight entail "sublim ated hom osexuality." G.I.'s slept in crow ded bunks, Y .M .C .A .'s, subm arines and ships all over the world. The m ilitary was com m itted to "separating" all the hom osexuals they could find (out of 18 m illion draftees and volunteers, less than 5,000 w ere rejected upon selection, and only about 10,000 w ere discharged during the war), often by dubiously scientific means of detection — one test attem pted to find out which men had lost their gag reflex, supposedly indicating practice in "cocksucking."22 W ar-tim e screening practices also brought a greater shift in focus from sexual behavior to personality definition. M ilitary doctors had previously seen "sodomy" (a "crim e against nature") as w orthy o f crim inal prosecution, but w ell-m eaning psychiatrists m anaged to change the penalty for sodom y from prison to the m ental ward. 38 �"Progressives" such as Harry Stack Sullivan sought to soften the m ilitary's policy by advocating honorable discharge. H om ophobic psychiatrists like L aw rence Kubie, how ever, insisted that any type of hom osexual taint m ade a person unfit for service. The latter policy won out, and Sullivan's screening techniques w ere adopted to discharge those of a hom osexual "personality type" as "undesirable," a stigm a which would continue well into the Cold W ar.23 By the late 1940s, therefore, any individual who had hom osexual thoughts was suspected of "deviance." was losing ground; The old, gender-role concept ideas about a "personality type" led to fears that hom osexuals w ere "infesting" the nation. Potentially, everyone was a "latent hom osexual" before the 1970s, when the Gay Rights M ovem ent solidified the change in social and professional thinking reg arding sexual "o rien tatio n ."24 Before then, however, the dichotom y betw een hom o- and heterosexual was not so clearly defined, allow ing high anxiety about social and sexual control in an era o f m ounting foreign threat. M asculinity concerns also played a key role in A m erica's political self-conception after the turn of the century. The stereotype o f the "effete" m ale diplom at -- the genteel aristocrat or intellectual — had been changing into that o f the effem inate, hom osexual m ale. The fear of effem inacy and general hom ophobia each stigm atized of m any m en as "weak, ineffectual and unsuited for" political affairs, 39 �m uch less the leadership of the "virile" expanding A m erican em pire p rom oted by T eddy R oosevelt.25 W ealthy elites and "East Coast Establishm ent" diplom ats w ere ridiculed as "overcivilized," "w eak and effem inate," and earned epithets such as "sissy," "pussy-foot," and "stuffed shirt." T he genesis of the 1940s-'50s critique of State D epartm ent leaders as "effete" can thus be seen as continuations of V ictorian-era attacks which claim ed "m anly purity, purpose and responsibility, and id entified the leisure class, correspondingly, w ith effem inate idleness and im m orality." B om and raised am idst a "crisis of m asculinity" and in an era of "m uscular C hristianity," by contrast, those who w ould becom e early-C old W ar-era m em bers of Congress could easily arrogate them selves above the opprobrium they heaped upon in tellectu al, Ivy L eague dip lo m ats.26 All three leaders of the 1950 Senate investigations, for exam ple, were from w orking- or m iddle-class backgrounds, taught Sunday School in their respective P ro testant churches, supported Prohibition but not fem inism , and prom oted physical fitness and youth organizations like the B oy Scouts and the Y .M .C.A.27 D iplom ats in general proved an easy target for anti-com m unists. Stationed abroad or involved in confidential w ork in W ashington, foreign service officers could rarely defend them selves from anti-establishm ent and/or xenophobic attacks. 40 M en o f high �education who had seem ingly rejected the A m erican way o f life, diplom ats w ere suspicious because o f the m ystery surrounding their m issio n s, and their dangerous openm indedness tow ards foreigners and "alien" form s of governm ents. Those who aspired to the foreign service had to receive the highest training in rhetoric, courtesy, diplom acy and culture. Ivy Leaguers dom inated the ranks w ell into the 1950s, despite the D epartm ent's attem pt to broaden its regional rep resentation. Junior officers received unrem arkable salaries h ardly conducive to raising fam ilies; frequent m oves around the w orld appealed to only a few prospective wives, leaving m any foreign service officers unm arried into m iddle age and a higher p osition — singleness would becom e m ore and m ore suspect. To the outsider, therefore, diplom ats' ability to "resign" instead o f being fired for hom osexual offenses fit the m ythical pattern o f irresp o n sib ility and secrecy seem ingly inherent in the foreignserv ice cu ltu re.28 Follow ing the D epression and Second W orld W ar, the nation was also affected a rising, heteronorm ative, fam ily-oriented social conform ity and concerns about abnorm al sexuality. The post-w ar displacem ent o f w orking wom en by m en returning to factory jobs brought a national cam paign to convince wom en to stay at hom e and raise w hat becam e the "baby boom," enjoy the com forts of the consum er age and leave unchallenged the m ale-dom inant social 41 �structure. F ear of "latent" hom osexuality kept m en "in line as husbands and breadw inners; and, at the same tim e, the association w ith failure and im m aturity m ade it alm ost im possible" fo r m ale hom osexuals "to assert a positive im age o f them selves." Fatherhood was "not a 'sissy' business," in the words of one psychiatrist. Single m en, on the other hand, becam e increasingly suspect as candidates fo r 'perversion' and anti-social behavior, as ’failed h etero sex u als.'29 Am ong the reasons for "abnorm al" or "perverted" sexuality, to som e extrem ists in the 1940s, was a phenom enon labeled "m om ism ." P opular new spaper colum nist Philip W ylie had coined the term in his best-seller, G eneration o f V ipers. Sim plifying Freud's 'O edipal com plex,' W ylie blam ed m en's lack of patriotism and m asculinity on dom inant m others who psychologically sm othered their sons, deprived them of psychological independence, and caused them to becom e 'fixated' in an 'arrested' stage of developm ent. N avy D epartm ent counsel and psychiatry professor E dw ard Strecker contributed to the "momism" rage with his popular book, T heir M others' S o n s, in which he condem ned m others fo r A m erica's boys into cow ards, draft dodgers, hom osexuals and com m unists. A nother psychoanalyst m arveled at how "snugly" one effem inate patient's sym ptom s fit into "the Freudian theory o f hom osexual developm ent" through "his close attachm ent to his m other, and his fear and 42 �resentm ent tow ard his father . . . [which he] generalized to father surrogates and society as a w hole."30 T hese attacks on "im m ature" m others and sons, therefore, linked p o litical m asculinity to the national-security state of the early Cold W ar period. H om osexuals perverted w hat com m unists subverted, nam ely, a healthy, m ature, strong A m erica,31 Both types of individuals w ere cut from the sam e m old, dem anding the nation's vigilance against attacks from w ithin, before being able to w ithstand attacks from w ithout. In addition to grow ing paranoia about C om m unist invasion both from abroad and from internal subversion, the post-w ar nation's list o f anxieties included w hat historians have called a "sex crim es scare" w hich began sim ultaneously with the C old W ar in 1947.32 Press reports around the country detailed pedophilic rapes, w ith the assum ption that hom osexuals were also usually child m olesters. Fifteen states established com m issions on the "D eviated Crim inal Sex O ffender" by 1950, w hile over tw enty states enacted "sexual psychopath" law s before 1955, m ost requiring police registration follow ing any type o f hom osexual conviction. The largely invented "scare" was seen as a crisis because it threatened m iddle-class cohesion against sexual acts w hich m any still perceived as the result o f low er-class indulgence or the afflictions of effete in tellectu als.33 43 �Perhaps a m ore progressive attitude m ight have been possible w ere it not for the conception o f hom osexuality as "curable disease." One psychologist adm itted that "society exacts a trem endous price for being different" yet hoped that even "confirm ed" hom osexuals could see that "it is fun to be reasonably normal" and could "progress to a higher level of em otional and sexual m aturity."34 A T im e review o f a 1950 book on "Sexual D eviations" prom oted hom osexuality as "curable" if "treated [by] psychoanalytic psychotherapy." In their zeal, these authorities focused only on hom osexuals who had m odified their sexual behavior and not on a truly changed sexual orientation. Given this pressure, it is not surprising that m any hom osexuals, them selves, believed that their 'affliction' was a 'choice' and hoped for a cure to escape m ilitary discharges and other social, econom ic and legal penalties.35 T he January 1948 publication of a path-breaking study of A m erican m ale sexuality also fueled the post-w ar dem onization of hom osexuality. A lfred C. Kinsey, an Indiana U niversity zoology p rofessor and renow ned, form er student of the gall wasp, had spent over a decade interview ing thousands of m en, a large m inority of them h o m o se x u al.36 His resulting analysis sold over 200,000 copies in its first weeks of publication and shocked the nation with statistics. its The R eport revealed that large num bers of m en engaged in non-heterosexual-m arital, illegal and im m oral sexual acts, despite 44 �social sanctions against such behavior. "hom osexual outlet." Its longest chapter was on the K insey im plied from his statistics that "sexual variation" (his preferred term for orientation) was com m on and therefore should be accepted — threatening A m erica's conform ist self-im age by exposing "the discrepancy betw een the expressed and behavioral m orality of the m iddle class."37 The K insey R eport brought sustained public discussion o f hom osexuality into the open for the first time. R eactions ranged from positive at first to increasingly negative as anxieties rose about the R eport’s im plications that society m ight have to reevaluate its sexual m ores. K insey was accused of corrupting society's m orals by generating such dispassionate talk of a taboo subject.38 Com ing on the heals o f the sex-crim es scare, it was not surprising that social conservatives found m uch to condem n in the K insey R eport's suggestion that hom osexuality was inborn. Freudian psychoanalysts such as L aw rence Kubie condem ned as "wholly unw arranted" the im plication that society accept hom osexuality as "a happy and healthy way of life" due to its prevalence. J. Edgar H oover w rote a dism issive review for R eader's D igest, and m edical experts in N e w s w e e k condem ned the leniency suggested by the R eport in an article follow ing a brutal 'sex crim es' m urder, preferring psychiatric rehabilitation w ith com passion for the "degenerate" and "sex pervert" who should be treated "as a particularly virulent type o f crim inal." 45 �The R eport’s statistics failed to change public attitudes tow ard hom osexuality (as K insey had hoped), though they did challenge conventional wisdom dram atically. B ut if anything, the R eport added to public fears by revealing the seem ingly growing level of "deviants" in society. The reigning anti-hom osexual ethic was even soon codified in the first edition of The D iagnostic and Statistic M anual o f M ental D isorders which defined all nonm arital and nonprocreative sex as pathological and form s of m ental illn ess.39 The late-1940s strictness m arked quite a change from 1921, w hen the last rem aining sailors caught in the 1919 h om osexual-entrapm ent schem e w ere released from prison. Then, m ost were honorably discharged from the Navy because the m eans to discover their hom osexuality w ere "unfounded m alicious r e p o r ts ." 40 Tw enty-five years later, however, the term "sexual psychopath" becam e conflated w ith "hom osexual," "child m olester," "sex deviate," and once the Cold W ar began, even "com m unist."41 W ALSH AND WELLES: EARLY TEST CASES T he changing clim ate allow ed for two w ar-tim e cases involving the careers of two prom inent Dem ocrats. The first political case to include a personal, hom osexual angle broke in the spring of 1942. D avid I. W alsh [D-M A], chairm an o f the Naval Affairs Com mittee, 46 �endured em barrassing public speculation follow ing his arrest in a New Y ork City hom osexual brothel. W alsh had been one of the few isolationists in Congress to oppose entry into the w ar in Europe, and rum or spread that he had m et with Nazi agents at the brothel. He was officially exonerated in a subsequent F.B.I. report excerpted on the Senate floor by K entucky D em ocrat (and later Vice President) A lben Barkley, w hile Nazi agents arrested in the raid w ere d e p o rte d .42 The story briefly m ade national news, but less attention was given to the possibility that W alsh was hom osexual than the probability that he had been nam ed in an attem pt to sm ear him politically. A nti-N azi radio colum nist W alter W inchell took m ore flak than did W alsh, in fact, w hen Boston Catholics dem anded that the fam ed colum nist be fired for "repeating an untrue smear" about their fav o rite S en ato r.43 The second case was a m ore obviously partisan political attack w hose hom osexual angle w as kept out of the papers but was widely know n to W ashington insiders. W ar-tim e Acting Secretary o f State Sum ner W elles was highly regarded as the driving force in the State D epartm ent since the 1930s, despite occasional opprobrium about his E ast Coast intellectual, upper-crust dem eanor. W elles cam e under political attack after R epublican enem ies spread news of his Septem ber 1940 drunken propositions to N egro taxi drivers and train porters — allegations w hich m ixed both hom ophobia and 47 �racism . In April 1941, U.S. Am bassador to France, W illiam C. B ullitt, had first brought the m atter to the attention of W elles' longtim e friend and confidant, President Franklin R oosevelt — the same form er A ssistant N avy Secretary w ho had allow ed allegedly hom osexual sailors to be rein stated after the N ew port scandal.44 U nfortunately for W elles, the President had also led it be know n that he saw State D epartm ent career officers as '"cookie pushers' with the obvious hint that they w ere effem inate fellow s m ore at hom e at a ladies' tea." R oosevelt ignored B ullitt's rum ors for two years, but once R epublican Senator Owen B rew ster threatened an investigation, the P resident had to request W elles' resignation in A ugust, 1943; B ullitt never regained the em bittered C hief E xecutive’s respect or confidence thereafter. W elles officially left office to care for his reportedly ill wife, who later regained her health and lived another five years, w hile the nation was deprived of a w ell-respected, efficient diplom at in a time of w orld crisis.45 The W elles dism issal m ay have prom pted a lasting change in the design of the U.S. governm ent. Some gay rights activists have claim ed that the 1947 replacem ent of the 1886 P residential Succession A ct grew out o f R epublican demands that appointed officials like the Secretary of State be m oved farther down the line o f succession. W ith W elles having reached the position of Acting Secretary in 1943, his previous ranking in third place (with 48 �Secretary o f State Cordell Hull frequently ill) could have placed a potential hom osexual in the W hite H ouse in the event o f the death of the P resident and V ice President.46 T he hom osexual angle thus proved to be an irresistible political w eapon. B ullitt him self, though, was not necessarily hom ophobic. He long protected his own close friend and confidential secretary, Carm el Offie, whom he knew was hom osexual and whom he used to inform Senator Brew ster of W elles' hom osexuality. Ironically, Offie was arrested less than one m onth later on a charge of "perversion -disorderly conduct" but was exonerated by a special assistant of Secretary of State Hull. The Offie case illustrates how hom osexuals w ere quietly retained in governm ent and in the w artim e m ilitary if they had good connections.4? T he entire State D epartm ent suffered from the R epublican rum or-m ongering which follow ed the W elles issue. N elson A. R ockefeller recalled how, in his new role as A ssistant Secretary of State for Latin A m erican affairs in early 1945, he and others "cleared out m ost of" the suspected hom osexuals in his division. "There were a lo t o f them [homosexuals] there," the future V ice President bragged. "We got them out." Eventually, all of W elles’ form er State D epartm ent associates w ere "system atically reassigned or fired" follow ing their m entor's downfall. T he "pervert purge" could be said to have started, therefore, in the m id-1940s instead o f in 1950.48 49 �POLITICAL DEVIANCE ALSO SUPPRESSED P arallel to the grow ing dem onization o f hom osexuality, concern about political deviance had increased since the time o f the 1919 Red Scare. By the late 1930s, politicians ranging from foreign policy isolationists to social-conservatives condem ned real and im aginary "subversive" elem ents (nam ely, the C om m unist Party and radical labor unions) w hile Southern D em ocrats and a new breed of R epublican activists organized around sm all-tow n politics and sm all-business interests found com m on cause as N ew D eal critics.49 In 1938, these groups m anaged to cajole Congress into creating the H ouse Com m ittee on U n-A m erican Activities (HUAC). HUAC's anti-com m unist investigations proved to be a m ore efficacious way o f attacking the New Deal than by directly opposing its socioeconom ic program . M em bers of HUAC com bined foreign and dom estic policy into a xenophobic, counter-subversive position, view ing com m unism as a tool of foreign governm ents to control Am erican labor and incite N egro rights activists.50 HUAC also investigated the film industry (the "H ollyw ood Ten" inquiry), citing "unfriendly" w itnesses with contem pt of court after Congress approved the tactic in 1948. Thereafter, HUAC and sim ilar agencies could force w itnesses either to answ er any and all questions or to plead the Fifth A m endm ent 50 �against self-incrim ination. HUAC even threatened w itnesses (including closetted-hom osexual actor Jerom e R obbins) w ith exposure unless they "nam ed nam es" o f other supposed subversives, hom osexuals and o th ers.51 D em onization increased after the nation's top law m an, F.B .I. D irector J. E dgar Hoover, declared that "every A m erican C om m unist was, and is, potentially an espionage agent of the Soviet Union." H oover had am assed a huge set of files on groups and individuals he deem ed "subversive," including "sex deviates" w hose proclivities w ere suspect. H e frequently appealed to the m asculine patriotism of his audiences, stressing "vigorous, intelligent, old-fashioned Am ericanism " as "the best antidote" to "the virus of Com m unism " w hich had "infiltrated, dom inated, or saturated" labor unions. H is rhetoric paralleled that o f future hom osexual-hunters w hen he trum peted that political subversives could be "identified and exposed" once public opinion was aroused and the public took "the first steps of quarantining them so they c[ould] do no harm ."52 T hree years later, the Senate investigations w ould repeat sim ilar argum ents ag ain st sexual subversives. G iven the grow ing paranoia about A m erica's inability to stop the pow er of Soviet Com m unism , conspiracy theories intertw ined fears o f treason and subversion with anti-liberal sentim ents. The rise o f the Iron C urtain and the "Fall of China" led to attacks on the 51 �scandal-plagued adm inistration of H arry Trum an. To right-w ing conservatives in C ongress, the 1945 Y alta and Potsdam C onferences sym bolized the w orst o f the liberal-D em ocratic betrayals. A t Y alta, C om m unist-sym pathizing, S tate D ep artm en t advisors supposedly induced the ailing R oosevelt to "sell out" Eastern Europe to Stalin, and w ould later influence the D epartm ent to give up trying to "save" N ationalist C hina from the Red hordes. A t Potsdam , Trum an perpetuated R oosevelt's sins by agreeing to the division o f E urope, before realizing he had to get tough on the Soviets by 1947.53 The roots o f the China crisis could also be traced back to the earliest days of the T rum an era. In June 1945, the State D epartm ent leadership had been split betw een advocates of a conciliatory policy tow ard the various C hinese factions which were w resting control o f their lands from the Japanese, and diplom ats who sought to take a tough stance against the Com m unists. A ssistant Secretary of State D ean A cheson opposed a m ilitant stance in dealing w ith the C hinese C om m unists, and he m arshaled the support of m any w hose policy advocacy was later investigated by Congress, including A lger Hiss and Owen Lattim ore. A cheson and Lattim ore, a State D epartm ent advisor from Johns H opkins U niversity and the Institute for P acific R elations (IPR), supposedly convinced Trum an that abandoning hopes for C hinese unity in favor o f a pro-N ationalist policy w ould lead to a civil w ar backed by R ussia. 52 A cheson ultim ately prevailed �and w as appointed U nder Secretary; he believed that the num erically stronger C om m unists under M ao could not be w ritten o ff as ju n io r partners to the N ationalists under Chiang K ai-Shek. Such pragm atism w ould com e back to haunt A m erican diplom ats after the Com m unist split w ith Chiang and the 1949 "Red" sw eep o f C hina.54 Follow ing this fight for influence, Dean Acheson began to draw sustained negative attention from conservatives in C ongress who suspected the entire State D epartm ent and the "Liberal Establishm ent" from w hich the D epartm ent drew its leaders. A fter 1946, in the words of one historian, the new R epublican m ajority in C ongress was "determ ined to rid the governm ent o f com m unists, perverts, and New D ealers, get tough with Joe Stalin, crack dow n on labor unions, and dism antle the O ffice o f Price A dm inistration."55 A cheson's 1945 reappointm ent w as the first occasion that an ti­ liberal Senators like K enneth W herry of N ebraska stood up in opposition to S tate D epartm ent policies they deem ed insufficiently anti-com m unist. A unified C hinese governm ent was too m uch in the eyes o f suspicious arch-conservatives. A cheson's seem ing naivete, at best — or treasonous, pro-com m unist betrayal, at w orst — aroused W herry's suspicions from that day forw ard. 53 �SENATOR WHERRY'S ATTACKS ON THE STATE DEPARTMENT Senator K enneth S. W herry was a m em ber of the younger generation of new R epublicans, "Young Turks" of a kind w hose entry into politics was spurred by w hat they saw as the dangerous radicalism of Roosevelt's New Deal. If W herry was not representative of the entire R epublican Party, how ever, he was a prim e exam ple of the "counter-subversive" m ovem ent w hich increased in both houses o f Congress in 1946 and w hich included new com ers like Joseph M cCarthy and Richard Nixon. A n overview of the career, identity and ideology o f W herry — the future instigato r o f the 1950 anti-hom osexual inquiry — is useful, therefore, in determ ining the type of opponents whom Trum an and the liberal D em ocrats faced in Congress. A leading conservative, neo-isolationist foe o f big governm ent, W herry personified the battles w hich w ould split the country over the next few years. B orn on a farm in 1892 and educated at the U niversity of N ebraska in L incoln, this one-tim e car dealer and m ortician had risen like a rocket from the level o f sm all-town politics in the late 1920s to becom e the C hairm an of the N ebraska Republican Party by 1939 and U .S. Senator by 1942.56 In 1947 he became the first freshm an Senator to secure the post of Senate W hip, a vital legislative role during the R epublican-controlled 80th Congress. H e becam e know n fo r his feisty spirit, friendly debate and partisan, m asculinist jokin g . 54 �He berated the attem pts o f N orthern D em ocrats who failed to override a Southern D em ocrat filibuster, for exam ple, as "pink-tea e ffo rts ." 57 Follow ing his Senate reelection in 1948, he becam e R epublican floor leader, another dem anding post w hich w ould occupy his rem aining three years o f life before cancer claim ed him at the age o f fifty-nine. W herry's background in sm all business left an indelible m ark of anti-regulation and anti-com m unist independence on his p o litical views. B elieved in lim ited governm ent, he decried W hite H ouse plans for expanded taxes, "m anaged governm ent," and wage raises to suit the dem ands o f organized labor. In fervent speeches, this M idw estern, P resb y terian Sunday-school teacher w arned against the U.S. governm ent turning into a "dictatorship," and that the "Godless subversion" of R ussian com m unism and the "alien-m inded doctrines" had beguiled the T rum an adm in istratio n .58 In early 1948, W herry’s legislative efforts predated, by a few days, the better-know n bill of populist Senator Karl M undt [R-SD] and neophyte C ongressm an R ichard N ixon [R-CA] to "outlaw" the A m erican Com m unist P arty.59 W herry was m oderately isolationist in regards to U.S. foreign policy, belonging to the faction led by R obert T aft.60 Even before the end o f the w ar had he co-sponsored legislation calling a halt to the "vast" Lend-Lease operations. A fter the w ar he opposed the cost o f A m erican relie f efforts in Europe, including the M arshall Plan, since, 55 �he said, they w ould benefit only "big business, big labor and big governm ent" at the expense of A m erican sm all businesses and farm ers. He supported the N orth A tlantic Treaty only if Congress -- not the President — agreed to each assignm ent of U.S. ground forces r to Europe. He saw "three crucial issues confronting the Am erican people . . . living costs, foreign com m itm ents, and Com munism" since T rum an was "floundering in the quicksands o f a ruined political f o r tu n e ." 61 N ot surprisingly, W herry's staunch anti-com m unism dictated his view s of foreign countries, even if it clashed with his isolationism . C om m unism m ight prevail if Europeans starved, he warned. D espite his disdain for N .A .T.O . and lack of enthusiasm for the N ationalist C hinese regim e, W herry supported the inclusion $75 m illion to arm non-C om m unist C hina in the 1949 M utual D efense A ssistance Act. L ike so m any other A m erican anti-com m unists after the fall of B eijing, he fum ed at w hat he labeled "the blackest chapter in A m erica's history," the "loss" of C hina "by appeasem ent."62 W herry had seen the effects o f another black chapter in history. In late April 1945, as H itler's N azi em pire was crum bling into ruins, G eneral Eisenhow er invited a dozen m em bers of Congress to tour recently liberated concentration cam ps. W herry and others toured Buchenw ald, D achau, N ordheim and D ora, contributing their im pressions in the group’s report.63 56 D uring his tour, W herry m issed �an opportunity to gain a sense of com passion fo r those he w ould later add to his dem onological pantheon. Am ong the cam ps' victim s, he noted in a speech upon his return, w ere "four types of prisoners": (a) Those wearing p ris o n e rs . (b) Those wearing (c) Those wearing (d) Those wearing o b je c to rs.64 a red triangle on their sleeve, designated p o litic a l a green trian g le, designated habitual c rim in als. a black triangle, designated as refusing to w ork. a rose triangle, classified as c o n s c ie n tio u s E ith er by his own fault or that of his tour guides and inform ants, W herry was not only m isinform ed about the true identity of the "rose triangle" victim s ("H om osexueler" in Germ an for m ale hom osexuals), but also for the "black triangle" victim s ("A sozialer" w om en who refused to m arry and/or bear children for the R eich).65 W herry's notes also om itted any reference to Jew s (the w ell-know n, yellow Star of D avid [double triangle] victim s) save for one; among the "worst treated prisoners w ere the Russians [POW's] and Jews," he wrote. Only later did he quote General D e Gaulle as believing that three m illion Polish Jews had been tortured and exterm inated, a situ ation W herry described as "indescribable," constituting "organized crim e against civilization and hum anity" [see Figure 1]. It is intriguing, if not tragic, to note, therefore, that W herry's first glim pse of the H olocaust was both devoid of know ledge o f N azi anti­ hom osexual policies and ill-inform ed as to the categorization of Jew ish prisoners. As the future leader of the 1950 "pervert purge," 57 �Figure 1. Senator Kenneth Wherry (with outstretched arm, second left from officer in white coat), touring liberated Nazi concentration camps with Senate War Crimes Investigatory Committee, May 1945. Reprinted with permission of Nebraska State Historical Society, Collection #RG 3559-17. �W herry m issed the potential hypocrisy o f his condem nation, in his private report, of "the degradation to which hum an beings have been subjected." H e vowed to that "men of all nations and all tongues m ust resist encroachm ents o f every theory and every ideology that debase m ankind and that a m ore ju st and enduring peace may arise upon the ruins and from the sacrifices w hich the hum an race has endured through one o f the m ost crucial periods o f its h istory.”66 H om osexual victim s of W herry's 1950 inquiry fell into the very category of unfortunates w hich he so w holeheartedly decried less than five years earlier. W herry's sense of conspiracy forbid him any adm iration for political liberalism . He loathed "British Socialism" and its "twin brother o f Com m unism " in Am erica, "spendthrift socialism ." The "hocus-pocus" policies of the D em ocrats already "dom inated" the dom estic econom y and threatened to drive the country into poverty through the "biggest sm oke screen" of all, "billions in w asteful expenditures" for the "cold w ar with Russia." O nly the R epublicans' defense of "A m erica's free, com petitive enterprise, and freedom o f choice" could foil the liberals' "power to destroy" [see Figure 2], his dying day, he condem ned the failure of the D em ocratic adm inistration to save the country from enorm ous debt burdens from national defense, all but a "cloak for socialism ."67 59 To �Figure 2. Senator Kenneth Wherry at a Nebraska "Town Meeting of the Air," ABC Radio, December 1945. The topic of discussion was the post-war continuation of the government's Office of Price Administration, which Wherry firmly opposed. He held aloft an article of lingerie (one of many items whose "non-essential" production had been curtailed during the war) in a half-humorous plea for women's support of price deregulation. Reprinted with permission of Nebraska State Historical Society, Collection #RG 3559-12. �Needless to say, the "M erry M ortician" (as W herry was jokingly know n) was not a favorite of the adm inistration. H is w orst traits cam e out in his condem nation of the State D epartm ent leadership. As his favorite w hipping-boy, D ean A cheson, later recalled, The most implacable, opponents of the Truman A dm inistration in the Senate, from 1946-1950, prior to Senator M cCarthy's em ergence from obscurity, were M essrs. Robert Taft and Kenneth W herry, both high in the Republican leadership. They believed that an opposition should oppose. Since they totally lacked humor and possessed unlim ited energy, their opposition was undiscrim inating and ubiquitous. This helped to make it dull, scattered, and less effective than it could have been. Both were singularly obtuse in personal relatio n sh ip s.6 * * A cheson is guilty of som e hyperbole in his bleak portrait o f the two iso lationist R epublicans, but the overall im age was accurate. W herry's dislike for the State D epartm ent rivaled that of Joseph M cCarthy, though his attacks began before M cC arthy was even elected. In 1946, W herry unsuccessfully pushed a resolution to have the State D epartm ent investigated for possible "sym pathy with Com m unist ideology." H e dem anded an end to policies he believed w ere "playing directly into R ussia's hands" and claim ed that A m erica's "legitim ate and m ost crucial interests [w ejre being deliberately betrayed by alien fanatics both w ithin and w ithout."69 D ean A cheson proved a lasting target of the bom bastic Nebraskan. A cheson becam e W herry's bete noire in Septem ber 1945 when the then-A cting Secretary o f State had criticized G eneral M acA rthur's pronouncem ents on A m erica's Japan policy; 61 to W herry, the G eneral �sym bolized the highest form of m asculinity and contrasted directly to the bureaucratic m aneuverings o f diplom ats like A cheson. A cheson earned W herry's m oniker of "an O riginal Jap K id-G love Policy Appeaser" once the Senator discovered that w hile A ssistant S ecretary of State, A cheson had supported the continued exportation of oil to Japan before the "treachery at Pearl Harbor." W herry m anaged to delay A cheson's confirm ation as U nder Secretary o f State by several days, and he later often bragged that he cast the only vote ag ain st the H arvard-edu cated lib e ra l.70 N ot that the crusty M issourian H arry Trum an had the highest opinions of elitist diplom ats, either. Trum an em bellished on an anti-establishm ent term his predecessor had used for stuffy diplom ats — the "striped-pants" boys — and called the State D epartm ent A rabists "striped pants conspirators" in a letter to his sister during the debate over A m erican recognition of the new Jew ish state in P alestine.71 B ut for som e reason, the President saw past A cheson's m annerism s and credentials — he could have been a poster child for the stereotypical "striped pants" diplom at — and related well with him. A cheson sym bolized the problem s o f liberalism to m any C ongressional conservatives. The son of a future Episcopal B ishop of Connecticut, A cheson grew up in the intellectual and social circles of the very "East Coast Establishm ent" which the new generation of 62 �young Republicans (such as W herry, M undt, Nixon, M cCarthy) despised. A cheson stood six-foot-tall with a large fram e and a big, bushy m ustache and eyebrow s, possessing a truly B ritish sense of reserve — and an attitude to m atch, in the critical eyes o f his detractors. A Y ale graduate, A cheson had joined a law firm w hich specialized in lobbying for foreign governm ents; his first appearance before Congress was as a legal assistant lobbying for the U.S. recognition of the Soviet U nion in early 1933. Joining the State D epartm ent, he had risen quickly in the ranks to becom e an A ssistant Secretary by the w ar's end. He had extended U.S. recognition to Tito's Y ugoslavia in late 1945, when he was A cting S ecretary of S tate.72 To the horror of Congressional conservatives, A cheson w ould eventually succeed G eorge M arshall as Secretary of State in January, 1949. NEO-ISOLATIONISM AND INTERNAL-SECURITY DEBATES The "liberal" Acheson was but one thorn in the side o f the R epublican-led E ightieth C ongress, w hich was divided over A m erica's role in the new "Cold W ar." The lively debate betw een (post-w ar neo-)isolationist and internationalist factions w ould p it a dom estic focus against fighting com m unism abroad.73 As one analyst has described, the issue concerned m ore than ju st foreign policy: 63 �The psychic burden of recent history had been alm ost unbearable. The ascendancy of the principles o f the Democratic w elfare state brought about by President Franklin D. R oosevelt’s New Deal in the 1930s, the universal repudiation of the central assum ption of prew ar isolationism . . . and the five consecutive defeats in presidential elections had brought the conservative wing or Old Guard o f the Republican party to the depth of frustration.7 4 The neo-isolationists (an ti-internationalists) in C ongress w ere rarely unified, but K enneth W herry and other players in the future anti-hom osexual w itchhunts could be found among their ranks. They w ould be faced w ith their biggest challenge as the Cold W ar heated up during the w inter of 1947. Since 1943, they had fought lend-lease program s as w ell as post-w ar U.S. econom ic assistance to Europe. T he situation changed w hen w ar-exhausted B ritain announced that its aid to G reece and other countries around the w orld w ould expire on M arch 31, 1947. In w hat becam e know n as the Trum an D octrine, the P resident sought to protect the im position of "totalitarian regim es" upon "free peoples who [we]re resisting attem pted subjugation by arm ed m inorities or by outside pressures" (i.e. M oscow -inspired/arm ed illegitim ates). A G reece-T urkey aid b ill passed in the Senate, W herry being among the dissenters. Secretary o f State G eorge M arshall soon prom oted a new foreign-aid package fo r all of Europe w hich soon gathered num erous congressional supporters. By A pril 1948, m ost o f the tax-hating Republicans in C ongress (including W herry) ended up giving in and overw helm ingly 64 �supported the "M arshall Plan," after a harsh E uropean w inter had raised fears o f socialist-led protests for food and a C om m unist coup in C zechoslovakia signaled the Soviets' intention on retaining all o f E astern Europe. A pproval of the controversial N orth A tlantic Treaty, A m erica's first binding overseas m ilitary obligation, w ould not pass C ongress until A pril of 1949, despite W herry’s strenuous attem pts to lim it the President's ability to deploy A m erican troops at w ill — a violation, to the N ebraska senator, o f C ongress's right to declare war [see Figure 3].75 Trum an would win one of his few victories against the 80th Congress at a price. For w ith the plans to defend the free w orld from C om m unism outside the U.S. cam e insurm ountable pressures to stem the tide of possible subversion on the dom estic "front" of the new, global battle. The U.S. governm ent had been concerned w ith potential subversion at home since the end of the war. Follow ing the exposure of a m ajor spy ring in Canada in Septem ber 1945, Secretary of State Jam es Byrnes had initiated a quiet purge o f D epartm ent personnel know n to be overly em phatic about the im portance o f A m erican relations w ith the Soviet Union, w hile the F.B.I. stepped up its co u n ter-su rv eillan ce program s ag ain st State em p lo y ees.76 1945-46 A m e r a s i a The case had brought w ider C ongressional attention to the problem of security leaks, and in February 1947, R epublicans in Congress initiated m easures to insure the loyalties o f civilian 65 �Figure 3. [L-R, foreground] Senators Margaret Chase Smith, Kenneth Wherry and Arthur Vandenberg, greeting President Truman and (second from right) NATO Chairman and former Secretary of State George C. Marshall, April 12, 1949, Wherry was leery of NATO's power, but supported the measure as Minority Floor Leader. Reprinted with permission of Nebraska State Historical Society, Collection #RG 3559-18 [overlay stamp marks from back of original]. �federal em ployees. T heir bill, H.R. 3588, the "Federal Em ployees' L oyalty Act of 1947," required the Civil Service Com m ission to m ake an investigation of "every person now in or entering the civilian governm ent o f any departm ent or agency of the executive branch of the Federal G overnm ent" to determ ine if "reasonable doubt exist[ed] with respect to the loyalty" of such persons.77 T he President responded to this pressure with a new, sw eeping loyalty-security program on M arch 21, 1947. His E xecutive O rder 9835 established a P residential L oyalty R eview B oard (conditional upon C ongressional funding) authorized to investigate and dism iss any em ployee suspected of disloyalty or of association with know n subversives, through any "derogatory inform ation" found in the files of H U AC, the FBI and sim ilar agencies.78 The A ttorney G eneral was directed to draw up a list of "subversive" organizations. G overnm ent em ployees faced dism issal on the basis o f anonym ous accusations and w ithout the ability to confront their accusers, a violation o f civil liberties but one accepted in the nam e of "national security." Political dissent, therefore, carried the risk of charges of disloyalty. W ith a $25 m illion request for the President's program before the appropriations com m ittees, T rum an's opponents in C ongress had to act fast to counter the perceived executive pow er-grab. The President's version required only checks against existing F.B .I. files for new and existing applicants, rather than review s o f all the files 67 �from every agency, and was also open to easy adjustm ent and even elim ination, once Cold W ar tensions had calmed. The standards for dism issal w ere the sam e fo r both program s, how ever — chiefly loyalty concerns bu t including security risks which w ere left u n d e fin e d .79 D ebate thus centered over w hich branch of governm ent should grant these pow ers. Previously, authority for em ployee dism issal had been granted by Congress to the arm ed forces through w ar-tim e statutes and to civilian agencies via the 1946 "M cCarran Rider" to the annual appropriations bills, giving dism issal pow ers in extraordinary circum stances. R epublicans, how ever, felt uneasy about having loyalty law s based solely on the authority of an executive order w hich could be term inated at w ill. T heir solution was a harsher "sum m ary term ination" bill than H.R. 3588 — S. 1561, introduced on July 2, 1947 — w hich gave perm anent powers allow ing the term ination o f suspect em ployees at the "absolute discretion" of governm ent agency heads, w henever "deem ed necessary or advisable in the interest of national security." S. 1561 also authorized departm ent heads to suspend and term inate "indiscreet em ployees who [w ejre a bad security risk" over and above the loyalty cases covered by the Presidential Loyalty R eview B oard.80 The adm inistration prevailed on all accounts, for the tim e being. It succeeded in sidelining the R epublican-sponsored loyalty program 68 �(H.R. 3588) and m anaged to secure funding for E.O. 9835. Congress finally held hearings on S. 1561 in 1948, when the bill passed in the Senate but failed in the H ouse before Congress adjourned.81 The bills and the executive-legislative pow er struggle m ay have been set aside for the tim e being, but they all w ould resurface in the w inter o f 1950 when the anti-com m unist and anti-hom osexual scares sw ept th ro ugh W ashington. ROOTS OF HOMOSEXUAL PURGE IN 1947 T he issue o f hom osexuals in governm ent em ploym ent first arose during the dism issal-bill debates. The R epublicans' S. 1561 hinted at, but did not nam e, hom osexuality as a security concern, though a supporter of the unsuccessful bill, A ssistant Secretary of the Navy M ark A ndrews, alluded to it before the Senate Arm ed Services C o m m itte e .82 M eanw hile, in the interim during the debate over w hich loyalty program w ould prevail, Secretary o f State George M arshall had had to respond to charges o f lax security in the State D epartm ent by the ever-vigilant R epublicans. M arshall responded by setting up a Personnel Security Board w ithin the State D epartm ent, on June 9, 19 47.83 Since security cases — drinking, loquaciousness, hom osexuality — often involved less concrete pro o f than loyalty 69 �cases (i.e. m em bership in a C om m unist organization), the D epartm ent's security board applied a standard of "reasonable doubt" in determ ining security cases; loyalty cases had to be confirm ed to a higher degree o f certainty until a presidential executive order in the spring of 1951.84 M arshall's board quickly led to a vehem ent letter, dated June 10, 1947, from various conservatives on the Senate A ppropriations C om m ittee (chaired by arch-conservative R epublican Styles Bridges). To be sure, unnam ed m em bers o f a subcom m ittee (that included K enneth W herry) did not openly target Secretary o f State M arshall. Instead, they attacked U nder Secretary D ean A cheson for leading "a deliberate, calculated program " to not only protect "Com m unist personnel in high places" but "reduce security and intelligence protection to a nullity ."85 W ithout nam ing A ssistant Secretary for Personnel, John Peurifoy, the w riters attacked "the new chief of controls" as "a m an utterly devoid of background and experience for the job, who is and at the time of his appointm ent was know n to those who appointed him to be, a cousin and close associate o f a suspected Soviet agent." They further accused A cheson of covering up a "Soviet spy ring" know n (via "voluminous" FBI files) to be operating w ithin the D epartm ent.86 Senator W herry w ould later claim that the 1947 w riters not only brought the hom osexual issue to the attention of Secretary M arshall, 70 �form ally establishing the already know n fact that "adm itted hom osexuals and suspected perverts w ere at the tim e em ployed in the D epartm ent o f State." The Senators also gave M arshall "the nam es of these law breakers," though W herry later adm itted that those nam ed "were separated" from the State D epartm ent "after in v estigation and w ithout p u b lic ity ."87 As shall be seen, W herry w ould ensure that few such diplom acies w ere accorded w hen the issue again arose in 1950. As was the usual case w ith the Senate in 1947, the issue of congressional vs. executive authority form ed the crux of the m atter. C ongress had provided the M cC arran R ider and m any senators w ere disappointed to find federal agency heads disdaining to use it. The June 10th letter nam ed nine of the "hundreds" of State D epartm ent em ployees suspected o f leftist thinking who had been "protected and allow ed to rem ain despite the fact that their presence [wa]s an obvious hazard to national security." The potential abuse of civil rights raised by the M cC arran rider was apparently of too little concern to the senators. A llegations of hom osexuals in the State D epartm ent first openly surfaced in this same attack on A cheson. The Presidential Loyalty R eview Board was lim ited to cases involving loyalty, leaving security-related issues (hom osexuality, drunkenness, etc.) outside o f its purview . Various m em bers o f Congress were acutely aware of 71 �this om ission. The June 10th letter warned of the "extensive em ploym ent in highly classified positions of adm itted hom osexuals, who are historically know n to be security risk s.’’88 Beyond the inference that hom osexuals w ere purposely kept em ployed (hints o f hom osexual "rings" here parallel claims o f Com m unist cells), the senators also alluded to a case "historically known" to its audience (Secretary of State M arshall, who had known Sum ner W elles), and slyly attacked the m asculinity of A cheson for supposedly protecting both Com m unists and hom osexuals in the State Departm ent. The fact that the subcom m ittee could allude to a five-year-old case shows both the extent of its know ledge of the W elles case details, and the presum ption on the part of some congressional conservatives that the D epartm ent w as riddled w ith hom osexuals. T he m an ultim ately responsible for the hom osexual and other problem s, on w hose shoulders fell the task of adm inistering the State D epartm ent's security program , was the sam e "chief o f controls" whom the A ppropriations Com m ittee had attacked as "a m an utterly devoid o f background and experience for the job" and who supposedly was "a cousin and close associate of a suspected Soviet agent." The charges would have come as no great shock to John E. Peurifoy (1907-1955), a long-tim e D epartm ent insider and protege of D ean A cheson who known for his adroit handling o f tough issues.89 Peurifoy had run into security-related problem s early on at the State 72 �D epartm ent. He was in office for only seven m onths as deputy assistant for adm inistration, when, in the sum m er o f 1947, he suffered the usurpation of his authority by his acting director w hile he was away in E urope. Peurifoy had recom m ended the dism issal of ten "bad security risks" from the Departm ent. They w ere given the chance to resign, instead, and after they appealed their cases to the personnel security board, six w ere allow ed to "resign w ithout prejudice" w hile three w ere exonerated. The one rem aining em ployee, as per a long-standing W ashington rum or, was a hom osexual — w hose fate Peurifoy later described to C ongress in the spring o f 1948. The A ssistant Secretary respected C ongress' desire for increased security, but sought to avoid "action based on spiteful, unsupported, or irresponsible allegations."90 He w ould soon find these standards challenged, how ever, and cam e to see the danger o f lax security. In early 1948, Peurifoy had not yet learned such lessons when the m atter of loyalty files again cam e before Congress. D eterm ined to root out suspected em ployees, the F.B.I. gave the H ouse A ppropriations C om m ittee free access to State D epartm ent files; the com m ittee found that, of 108 cases listed as suspicious by various sources, several of the persons had never been in governm ent service, and m any of them had left their jobs years earlier.91 None of the cases w arranted im m ediate action, but T rum an foresaw an 73 �endless parade of files before Congress and integrity failure for the em ployee-records program as a whole. A ccordingly, on M arch 13, 1948, he issued a directive forbidding the disclosure of governm ent em ployees' loyalty files to any investigative body w ithout the p re sid e n tia l a u th o riz a tio n .92 Conservatives in Congress cried foul for a tim e, but the President insisted that further review o f files w ould com prom ise sources and violate em ployee rights — an im passe w hich w ould not be resolved for another two years. REPUBLICAN VIGILANCE OVER THE HOMOSEXUAL THREAT D espite K insey's intentions, the Kinsey R eport on m ale sexual behavior only increased society's fears of "deviant" sexuality and the potential for subversives to use hom osexuals for evil ends. These fears even prom pted anti-hom osexual legal revisions at the Congressional level. Congressm an Arthur L. M iller [R-NE] began a crusade to strengthen penalties against any type of sexual perversion. His "sex crimes" bill was introduced in M arch, 1948, only six weeks after the publication o f the Kinsey Report, and at the sam e tim e the H ouse subcom m ittee was hearing A ssistant S ecretary of State for Personnel, John Peurifoy, explain the com m unist and hom osexual dism issals from the previous summer. M iller's bill chiefly increased the penalty for sexual activity w ith children and for sodom y (both oral and anal) in the sm all bailiw ick whose 74 �congressional oversight M iller controlled, the D istrict o f Colum bia. His em phatic and hom ophobic argum ents for the bill ensured its passage with little discussion; Senator Kem [R-MO] helped push the com panion bill through the upper house.93 T he background o f the bill's author provides clues as to his harsh views on sexual deviance. M iller was born the sam e year as Kenneth W herry (1892) on a farm at the opposite end of their native state, Nebraska. A fter attending local schools, he taught fo r two years in a rural school before entering Loyola M edical School in Chicago, w here he undoubtedly was exposed to Freudian and other concepts of psychopathology and sexual deviance. A fter com pleting his degree, he returned hom e and spent the next twenty years practicing m edicine in Kim ball, N ebraska, opening the town's first surgery center and later hospital. W hen a hunting accident deprived him o f full m obility in one leg, the indefatigable country surgeon launched into politics. He served in the N ebraska legislature from 1937 to 1941 and ran unsuccessfully for governor as a R epublican in 1940; the w inner appointed him as State H ealth D irector in 1941. The popular doctor ran successfully for Congress in 1942, and was running for his fourth term (of an eventual eight) at the time o f the 1948 hearings on sex-crim es p en alties.94 M iller used his congressional p ulpit to expound his view s against "socialized m edicine," "sexual psychopathy" and other destructive 75 �forces he saw pervading A m erican politics. He later declared his am azing views on hom osexuals, w hose "desires" he thought follow ed "the cycle closely patterned to the m enstrual period of women. There may be three or four days in each m onth that the hom osexual’s instincts break dow n and drive the individual into abnorm al fields of sexual practice," he hypothesized. "U nder large doses of sedatives during this sensitive cycle, he may escape such a c ts .”95 M iller's view s on hom osexuality w ere typical of A m ericans of his generation, who had been raised during the early years of the tw entieth century. H e m ade no differentiation betw een m en who sought relations w ith other men, and those (heterosexual and hom osexual) who sought to m olest children. He was so certain that the public knew w hat "sexual psychopath" m eant that he left various terms rather vaguely defined in his bill. For instance, Senate revisions later changed "any other unnatural or perverted sexual act with any other person or animal" to "having carnal copulation in an opening of the body except sexual parts with another person" — surprisingly om itting bestiality but clarifying anal and oral sex in as close a fashion as the still-V ictorian language of 1948 w ould allow .96 M iller was probably an im portant influence on K enneth W herry. For m any years, M iller hosted a T uesday breakfast for N ebraskans in Congress, and in 1944, he had secured W herry's help w riting a series 76 �of public letters to General M acA rthur urging him to run for P r e s id e n t.97 The fact that M iller and W herry corresponded very little m eant that they w ere alm ost certainly on close terms. In any case, W herry's grow ing anti-com m unism provided him w ith enough independent m otivation to instigate an anti-hom osexual inquiry w hen the opportunity presented later itse lf in the spring o f 1950. G iven the tensions raised by the K insey R eport and addressed in the sex-crim es bill, it is no surprise that sexual aspects appeared in the com m unist-subversive battles during the sum m er of 1948. Investigations of A lger H iss included rum ors of W hittaker Cham bers' hom osexuality. The H iss-C ham bers case drew national attention to two m em bers of Congress — Karl M undt and Richard N ixon — who differed in style and political persuasion from the epitom e o f arch­ conservatism already discussed, N ebraska Senator K enneth W herry. M undt and N ixon illustrate the greater com plexities facing the p artisan debates and anti-com m unist investigations o f 1948. South D akota Senator Karl E. M undt (1900-1974) was in m any ways another m em ber o f w hat could be called the "Young Turks" — that group of sm all-tow n, sm all-business-oriented, c o n se rv a tiv e -p o p u list, a n ti-b ig -g o v ern m en t, a n ti-E astern E stablishm ent R epublicans w hich included his fellow M idw esterner Ken W h erry .98 The son o f German im m igrants, M undt taught rhetoric and governm ent in country high schools and sold insurance 77 �before going into politics in the m id-1930s, follow ing the bankruptcy of his father's farm -credit bank at the hands of New D eal com petitors. A M ethodist Sunday School teacher even during his years in Congress (like W herry, a Presbyterian who taught when hom e in N ebraska) and a life-long proponent of the "self-m ade man" philosophy, M undt and his w ife had both earned their M aster's degrees over the course of several sum m ers at Colum bia U niversity. His prairie-state roots never left him, how ever, and he flourished in the growing anti-New D eal clim ate o f of the M idwest. First elected to C ongress in 1938, the self-styled "country boy" was reelected four times to the House before winning a Senate seat in 1948. He joined HU AC in 1943, and by the tim e of the infam ous Hiss-Cham bers hearings in 1948, he was second in seniority, placing him in the public eye as occasional chairm an. To his detractors, M undt was m ore o f a M idw estern hick than a statesm an. On HUAC, he allowed him self to be led by "a series of strong prejudices and a b itter sense of partisanship."99 Another historian sum m ed up M undt's im age as a publicity-seeking blow hard and a buffoon, a character right at hom e with the usual HUAC m em bers, though w ithout the racism : "His false m odesty a m ockery, the rotund, bald M undt rem ained ever the self-righteous, half-educated provincial, a clever investigator who seem ed to relish the sheer hunt for subversives."100 78 �Though conservative, M undt was not xenophobic, and he received acclaim for his support o f international education w ithin the rubric of anti-com m unism . He authored the 1945 bill establishing UNESCO, and in 1947, he co-sponsored the legal fram ew ork for A m erica's first overseas inform ation program . T he Sm ith-M undt A ct authorized greater scientific, technical and cultural exchanges betw een the U.S. and areas o f the world outside o f the W estern H em isphere. It also established w hat could be called the first official propaganda arm o f the U.S. governm ent overseas, the U.S. Inform ation Service, plus the O ffices of International Education and Educational Exchange. Each of these program s used State D epartm ent resources (A m erican em bassy-sponsored libraries, m agazines and film s) to prom ote dem ocracy around the g lo b e.101 M undt was know n as a tough anti-com m unist, how ever. He supported the China Lobby, w hich sought to m aintain U.S. support for the N ationalist Chinese governm ent of Chiang Kai-Shek. His authorship o f the 1947-48 C om m unist-registration bill (w hich eventually becam e part o f the 1950 internal security bill or M cC arran Act) had established his anti-com m unist credentials by 1948. H e was privately close to John Peurifoy, the security chief at the State Departm ent, an agency for which M undt held m ild disdain. M undt gained additional and accidental attention in the sum m er o f 1948, when (due to the ulcers o f chairm an J. Parnell Thom as) the 79 �portly South D akotan was acting chair of HUAC during the H iss-C ham bers h e a rin g s .102 M undt was ably assisted by HU AC's youngest m em ber, R epublican R ichard M. N ixon o f C alifornia (1913-1994). Though he never adopted M undt's p o p u list dem agoguery or W herry's unyielding partisanship, he shared their desire to find an alternative to overly statist New D eal and Fair D eal policies. Nixon had been elected to the H ouse in 1946 after waging an aggressive cam paign on a platform of "practical Liberalism " as an antidote to "unreconstructed New D eal liberalism ." Though a m oderate on foreign policy, like W herry and M undt, N ixon played on popular fears that "socialist" governm ent was arising in A m erica and that "East Coast Establishm ent" D em ocrats w ere either too naive or not to be trusted to keep A m erican safe fro m C o m m u n ism .103 In W ashington, he became known for his singlem indedness in his com m ittee w ork drafting the 1947 Taft-H artley revision of the New D eal's National L abor R elations (W agner) A ct and bringing a fresh and respectable determ ination to the Southern-D em ocrat-dom inated HUAC. He worked with K arl M undt to draft HU AC's first-ever piece o f legislation, a bill requiring the registration of all C om m unist Party m em bers and propaganda m aterials (ironically sim ilar to the 1940 V oorhies A c t).104 N ixon developed a life-long m istrust o f the State D epartm ent, evident even a quarter o f a century later, when (as President) he told his staff that 80 �foreign policy could never be left to "the striped-pants faggots in Foggy B ottom ."105 HISS CASE SYMBOLIZES ANTI-STATE DEPARTMENT CAUSE The events of A ugust to D ecem ber 1948 w ould m ake R ichard N ixon famous, give Karl M undt dubious fam e, save HUAC's reputation, and forever cast doubt on the credibility of the State D epartm ent in the eyes of A m erican anti-com m unists. The H iss-C ham bers case cam e at a fortuitous m om ent, follow ing upon the Justice D epartm ent's failure to prove espionage by the State D epartm ent's John Stew art Service in the A m e r a s ia case. Congress also accused Justice of incom petence in having failed to prove treason and spying against the suspected Com m unists and fellow -travellers arrested after revelations by the "Red Spy Queen," Elizabeth Bentley; after thirteen months, on July 20, 1948, a grand ju ry had finally returned indictm ents against one dozen C om m unist P arty le a d e rs.106 B entley testified again on July 31, 1948 before HUAC, nam ing several supposed Soviet spies in the Federal governm ent. The highest ranking of these was H arry D exter W hite, form er A ssistant Secretary of the Treasury, leader o f the A m erican delegation to the 1944 B retton W oods Conference and first director o f the IMF. W hite died o f a heart attack two weeks later, shortly after he was also nam ed by HUAC's next witness, T im e m agazine 81 �editor and form er Com m unist, W hittaker Cham bers. C ham bers, in turn, nam ed a form er high-ranking State D epartm ent official, A lger H is s .107 A lger H iss (1904-1996) was the epitom e of everything conservatives loathed in an A m erican diplom at. An upper-class, H arvard Law School-educated law yer, form er clerk to Suprem e C ourt O liver W endell H olm es, Hiss was a New Deal adm inistrator in 1933 and joined the State D epartm ent in 1934. He rose to becom e one of R oosevelt's ch ief advisors at the February 1945 Y alta C onference, w here Stalin w as supposedly allowed to "take" Eastern Europe. D ue to his advance w ork in planning for the United Nations, Hiss had been appointed tem porary Secretary G eneral of the San Francisco Conference, w here the U.N. Charter was adopted in A pril 1945. He received the support o f the Soviet delegation to be the first perm anent U.N. Secretary General; when he did not attain that post, he w ent on leave from the State D epartm ent to becom e P resident of the prestigious C arnegie E ndow m ent for International P e a ce .108 In stark contrast, W hittaker Cham bers (1901-1961) was know n only as a senior editor o f T im e magazine. His personal history becam e know n only after a series of torturous, often-contradictory revelations to various HUAC, F.B.I. and press investigators. He fit the "M om ist" stereotypes of the typical introverted deviant, the son o f doting m other and an em otionally distant, alcoholic, bisexually 82 �philandering father who com m itted suicide w hen W hittaker w as a teenager; his alcoholic brother later com m itted suicide, too. C ham bers was a brooding, rebellious but brilliant type o f student w hose first short story was about a G erm an-A m erican spy during the G reat W ar. H e soon drifted into radical politics, dropped out o f C olum bia U niversity and tram ped around Germ any in 1923 at the h eig ht o f the inflation, observing openly hom osexual transvestites and C om m unist Party rallies on the streets of "decadent" W eim ar Berlin. R eturning to New Y ork City, Cham bers found kindred spirits in the C om m unist Party, w here he spent the next tw elve years w riting for Party new spapers before going underground for the precursor to the K.G.B., playing courier for W ashington spies and eventually engaging in espionage through contacts in the D epartm ents o f A griculture and S ta te .109 A fter Stalin's purge of "Old Bolsheviks" in 1937, how ever, C ham bers (like m any of his A m erican com rades) had defected from the Party and later reem erged as a disillusioned ex-com m unist, fiercely patriotic crusader. H e found editing w ork at the conservative T im e m agazine, w hose owner, H enry Luce, was one o f the leading figures in the "China Lobby." Now a loyal anti-com m unist, Cham bers claim ed that he had known o f H iss since the latter's tim e as a law yer for the New D eal's A gricultural A djustm ent adm inistration. A fter Hiss had m oved to the State 83 �D epartm ent, Cham bers claim ed, he had sm uggled out sensitive docum ents in his briefcase for Cham bers to copy at the Hiss home, som etim es with the help of Alger's wife, Priscilla. As one of C ham bers' biographers has pointed out, the U.S. governm ent in the 1930s was, indeed, a ripe target for Soviet infiltration not necessarily because of the inherent radicalism of the New D eal bureaucrats, but due to the lack of security checks in federal a g e n c ie s .110 Cham bers' story, therefore, sounded credible — if one discounted his past, a leap of faith some anti-N ew D eal conservatives were willing to make. Cham bers' stunning testim ony on A ugust 3, 1948 led H iss to dem and an audience before HUAC, which was quickly granted. If H iss had issued a brief denial and left the m atter alone, the w hole affair m ight have blown over in a m atter of days. B ut reading from a text prepared with the help of then-A cting Secretary o f State D ean A cheson, Hiss gave an extended rebuttal of Cham bers' charges to the applause of the audience and p re ss.111 The challenge was on, with both Cham bers' and HUAC's reputations on the line. The tem porary chair o f HUAC that m onth was Karl M undt. The form er rhetoric professor had had to adm onish Cham bers to speak up, and had finished the day unim pressed with his testim ony. M undt had queried Cham bers about H iss' China connections, eager to have his suspicions confirm ed that liberals in the State D epartm ent 84 �had been sabotaging support for the N ationalist Chinese. M undt later em barrassed him self, how ever, by m istakenly accusing H iss of having given the Soviets extra votes in the U.N. G eneral Assem bly in 1945. A fter Hiss' eloquent denial, M undt led the rush of his colleagues in attem pting to distance the C om m ittee from its apparent m istake of having hauled before a public tribunal one of the m ost respected m em bers o f the diplom atic com m unity. "W e've been had. W e’re ruined," N ixon reported him as saying afterw ards, behind closed doors. N ixon alone rem ained convinced that Hiss, not Cham bers, was lying, and he convinced a skeptical M undt and the other em barrassed com m ittee m em bers that they could only salvage th eir reputations by solving the m y stery .112 M undt would regain his backbone in the subsequent HUAC hearing when the m eticulous H iss claim ed to have lost his m em ory over the 1935 sale of a car to Cham bers, a day of dam aging testim ony which tipped the balances against the form er State D epartm ent official. M undt rem ained reasonably sure that, as N ixon rem inded the press, either Hiss or Cham bers was lying. N ixon and M undt persuaded HU AC to release an "interim report" which criticized Hiss w hile overlooking the gaps in Cham bers' testim ony. The Republican duo also convinced HUAC that it could continue its investigation of H iss despite Trum an's announcem ent of a Justice D epartm ent inquiry into the m atter. 85 This allowed M undt and N ixon �to keep the spotlight focused on the adm inistration's loyalty problem until after the N ovem ber election. By then, Hiss had sued Cham bers for libel, and the discovery of the "Pum pkin Papers" lent credibility to C ham bers accusations against the form er d ip lo m at.113 HOMOSEXUALITY ISSUE ARISES WITH CHAMBERS Rum ors of Cham bers' sexual secrets arose along w ith talk that he was an alcoholic and m entally unstable. A lger Hiss even cam e close to bringing up the issue of C ham bers’ sexuality in an open letter to HUAC. Hiss railed against his "som ewhat queer" accuser and "co nfessed tra ito r." 114 The double-entendre would no t go unnoticed in the hom ophobic clim ate of the day, although m any w ondered why H iss never follow ed up his angry broadside with m ore dam aging inform ation. A fter denying it to Nixon, Cham bers confessed to the F.B.I. in early 1949 to having hom osexual affairs w ith street boys during his Com m unist days in the early- to m id-'30s. Though the F.B.I. did not m ake it official until the 1970s, a decade after C ham bers' death, W ashington insiders understood the hom osexual undercurrents of the c a se .115 Ironically, the sexual stereotypes were reversed. Instead o f the p rim -an d-proper, upper-class, Ivy L eague-educated law y er H iss being accused o f "effeteness" or other inadequacies o f m asculinity, it was the overw eight, slovenly and depressed accuser w ho fit the 86 �im age, although the thought that he and Hiss had been lovers im plicated both to an equal extent. The fact that Cham bers claim ed to have been sexually "loose" — as both a hom osexual and an adulterer — during his period of C om m unist activity served to reinforce, how ever, the conflation o f m oral and political perversion. He claim ed that he stopped being both a Com m unist and a bisexual at the sam e time (an early attem pt at changing one's sexuality of which Freudian psychologists w ould have been proud). gained strength; So the stereotype anyone deviant enough to becom e a C om m unist could have little credibility regarding his sexual m orality. The stereotype o f the blackm ailable hom osexual w as only obliquely reinforced by the Cham bers rum ors, how ever. D uring the HUAC investigations or grand jury trials, there was no sense that he had been blackm ailed to becom e a spy because o f his hom osexuality. Indeed, he repeatedly confessed to having been a C om m unist of his own accord, out o f a m isguided sense of political loyalty. Cham bers' alleged and adm itted prom iscuity, how ever, did reinforce stereotypes of the subversive nature o f "deviants" o f all persuasions. B oth types o f people, hom osexuals and Com m unists, had parallel sociological profiles. T heir behavior was illegal or at least legally questionable, m orally questionable and conspiratorial. U nlike racial m inorities, both "Reds" and "lavenders" could not be readily id entified by outw ard physical m arkings (stereotypes of effem inacy aside). Sim ilarly, the idea of Chambers blackm ailing H iss 87 �fo r State D epartm ent docum ents m ade sense only if C ham bers and Hiss had been lovers, w hich does not seem to have been the case. Had it been, the 1950 H oey Com m ittee would not have had to go back to 1912 to find a case of a blackm ailed hom osexual diplom at — the H iss case w ould have been enough. Y ears later, in 1975, Hiss adm itted there had been sexual tensions in the relationship. He recalled that Cham bers "never m ade a pass at me, but he had a hostility to the point of jealousy about my w ife and a calm, alm ost paternal attitude toward me which [wa]s unexplainable in any other way" than hom osexual attraction. By 1984, a bitter H iss reinterpreted the relationship in a m ore hom ophobic fashion, publicizing his belief that C ham bers had initiated his attacks as the revenge of a "psychopath" after Hiss refu sed his sexual ad v an ces.116 W hy did A lger Hiss fail to openly accuse Cham bers of hom osexuality? H iss' legal team for the 1949 libel trial knew o f form er C om m unist friends who could testify to bisexual menage a trois and hom osexual trysts in which Chambers had engaged in the early '30s, before he broke with the Party and "conquered" both his sexual and political "afflictions." But Hiss hesitated. O stensibly, he sought to protect his stepson, Tim othy Hobson, who had been dishonorably discharged from the N avy for hom osexuality in 1945; in early 1949, the F.B .I. interview ed H obson and his previous sex 88 �partners, telling him that it w ould no t reveal the true nature o f his discharge if H iss kept silent about C ham bers' sex u ality .117 This b lack m ail effectively k e p t the now -tw enty-one-year-old H obson o ff the stand for both trials as a potentially dam aging w itness against C h a m b e rs .118 A side from the adverse public exposure trial testim ony w ould have inflicted upon H obson, Hiss also could not afford using the charges o f hom osexuality against C ham bers because the p rosecutio n could have responded w ith an allegation of failed fatherhood (raising a hom osexual step-son) could plague the respected diplom at. This was unfortunate for H iss, since charges o f hom osexuality w ere w orse than being labeled a com m unist, and thus served as m ore than ju st a m eans o f finding m ore dirt on one's political opponent. Im pugning the m asculinity o f any m an both dishonored and discredited his testim ony, regardless o f the relatio n betw een sexual pro cliv ities and political actions. C ham bers thus escaped from having to publicly reveal the sexual aspect to his m ultifaceted "perversions" and was allow ed to atone for his crim es through his HUAC and autobiographical confessions, not the ja il tim e H iss receiv ed .119 The H iss case also helped build ties betw een C ongress and the State D epartm ent's A ssistant Secretary of State for Personnel, John Peurifoy. In D ecem ber, 1948, along w ith form er U nder-Secretary o f State Sum ner W elles, P eurifoy had verified the Pum pkin Papers as 89 �"dam aging to national security," testim ony w hich contributed to the Justice D epartm ent's indictm ent o f H iss rather than C ham bers for perjury. In testifying against Hiss, m oreover, Peurifoy had finally resolved his own personal and professional dilem m a. H e had earlier told John Foster D ulles, in private, that there was "no evidence of any kind w hich cast any doubt" as to H iss' loyalty. E arly on, Peurifoy had also contacted and m et w ith his friend, Karl M undt, to express his doubts about Hiss and show him his security files — a highly irreg u lar procedure, given T rum an's refusal to release personnel security files to congressional in v e stig a to rs.120 M undt later recalled that his nervous State D epartm ent inform er said that he was "torn betw een loyalty and duty" since he owed his career to D ean A cheson (H iss’ supporter) and "didn't w ant to do him a disservice." Y et he rationalized that he was "a good A m erican" and that he knew w hat M undt w as "saying and insinuating about A lger H iss [wa]s tru e."121 Peurifoy's high rating of Hiss to Dulles in A ugust 1948, therefore, rem ains a m ystery, unless it was a ploy to discredit D ulles or a kneeje rk defense of the adm inistration at a tim e (before H iss' law suit against Cham bers) when the possibility existed that the w hole affair m ight ju st blow over. By D ecem ber, how ever, the revelations from the "Pum pkin Papers" w ere too m uch to deny; it was also obvious that N ixon w ould not let the m atter stand at one m an's w ord against 90 �another's. Peurifoy thus risked a charge of perjury him self if he did n o t risk his ties to Acheson and give up Hiss. The H iss case saved HUAC, helped reelect N ixon and elect M undt to the Senate, and cast a shadow on the President’s unexpected reelection in N ovem ber, 1948. Trum an, m eanw hile, had lost credibility in the wake o f his having denounced the HU A C hearings as a "red herring" on the day Hiss had first testified; the stubborn P resident repeated the attack on HUAC in D ecem ber. In future years, M undt, W herry, and others enjoyed rem inding T rum an that H iss could never again be referred to as a "red herring."122 The HUAC victory in achieving the indictm ent of H iss was briefly overshadow ed, how ever, by S enator M undt's unfortunate com m ents on the death of another governm ent official named in a HUAC hearing. State D epartm ent veteran Laurence D uggan had been nam ed the m onth before by Cham bers in a deposition to the grand jury. The Hiss legal team had discovered this and w arned Duggan, who was later interview ed by the F.B.I. at his hom e, w here he was recovering from spinal surgery. T hereafter, the 43-year-old father o f four died on the night of D ecem ber 20, 1948, after falling, jum ping or being pushed from the sixteenth-floor window o f the Institute of International Education in New Y ork City. M undt earned public scorn by reciting another inform ant's testim ony about D uggan and five others, whom M undt said HUAC would nam e "as they jum p out of 91 �w indow s." The ensuing barrage o f criticism against M undt for defam ing a dead m an even before his funeral took N ixon over two weeks to calm, especially after A ttorney G eneral Tom C lark officially vindicated Duggan. It was not until the first w eek of 1949 that M undt — soon to be advancing to the Senate — was able to announce that Cham bers had provided HUAC w ith enough additional evidence to extend investigations another y e a r.123 FURTHER ANTI-COMMUNIST FORCES GATHER The H iss case brought further disrepute to the "liberal" State D epartm ent. Secretary o f State-designate D ean A cheson created a sm all furor during his January 13, 1949 confirm ation hearing, w hen he said the now -indicted A lger H iss w ould rem ain his friend. A cheson's confirm ation passed the Foreign R elations C om m ittee after he assured m em bers that he had resigned in 1941 from the law firm to w hich Hiss also had ties. Senator W herry broke ranks with m ost o f his fellow R epublicans, how ever, and voted against "the appeaser" A c h e s o n .124 W herry and his friends were not the only ones calling for the rem oval of diplom ats like Acheson. "Cold W ar Liberals" were a bloc caught in the m iddle o f the anti-com m unist battles, criticizing the excesses of the anti-subversive process but firm ly agreeing that com m unism needed to be purged from the Am erican system . 92 One �group of "Cold W ar Liberals" was Am ericans for D em ocratic A ction (A D A ), founded by intellectuals and political activists like H arvard p ro fessor Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., w ho opposed the reform -based liberalism still cham pioned by E leanor R oosevelt, A dlai Stevenson and others. W ielding m asculinist term s, Schlesinger prom oted the cause of (and his book entitled) "The V ital Center" — a "reclaim ed" lib eralism tolerant of anti-com m unism — pointedly distancing h im self from the "political sterility" of both "leftist" causes and the "em asculated" ruling class. The new center w ould bring a "new v irility into public life," he claimed, in face of the "weakness of im potence" of left-w ing leaders. To prove the D em ocrats' "virility," he even joined the M cCarthyites in attacking C om m unism as "som ething secret, sw eaty and furtive like hom osexuals in a boys school." ADA leaders played upon the rhetorical value of rejecting phrases like "soft on comm unism " for "hard" stances and "m ilitant" liberal politics. This "stark, gendered polarization of im ages im prisoned the discourse of the cold war," and in the judgm ent of one historian of the group, "thus im poverished its p o litics."125 C riticized from w ithin his own party by the ADA and others, T rum an found his adm inistration and the State D epartm ent under ever-m ounting attack during the latter h a lf o f 1949. He had vow ed to repeal the Taft-H artley Act, but his initiatives cam e to nought, and "Fair D eal" program for national health care, expanded labor rights, 93 �and civil rights legislation faltered badly, som ew hat m ollifying R epublicans still recuperating from the reverses of the 1948 election. R epublicans and Southern D em ocrats also m ade m uch political hay over various scandals. C hief among these were the adm inistration's handling o f the R econstruction Finance Corporation (RFC), and in the sum m er o f 1949, a crisis o f credibility when a Trum an aide, G eneral H arry V aughan, was investigated for accepting gifts. The ensuing "five-percenters" scandal was investigated by the body — the Senate E x ecu tiv e E xpenditures Investigations Subcom m ittee, h eaded by C lyde H oey, w hich w ould conduct the "pervert probe" in 1950.126 D espite trium phs such as the B erlin airlift, Trum an's foreign policy agenda w ould also slip into crisis throughout 1949. As A m erica's erstw hile ally in China, the nationalist dictator Chiang K ai-Shek, lost control o f the country to the Com m unists under M ao T se-tung, R epublicans R obert Taft, Kenneth W herry, W illiam K now land and Styles Bridges, and D em ocrat Pat M cCarran led Congressional criticism of A cheson, w hose "m oral weakness" was blam ed for the "loss" o f China. T heir anger was so intense that historians have speculated "w hether the R epublican P arty's unexpected defeat in 1948 contributed to the frenzy over China and internal subversion th at surfaced in 1949." Indeed, the "Fall of China" aroused the ire of the "China Lobby," a loosely based group of Am erican journalists, jo u rn alists, businessm en and C hristian m issionaries who fe lt 94 �betrayed by the loss of the largest countries in the w orld to a Soviet U nion enabled by a growing wave of "atom bomb spies." N ationally know n w ar correspondent E ric Sevareid could thus recall that, at decade's end, "D em ocrats w ere said to have 'lost China,' and [were] denounced as the 'party o f treaso n .'"127 A paradox o f the C hina affair w as that m any anti-interventionists lik e W herry (who had either rejected or grudgingly endorsed T rum an's internationalism in E urope) staunchly supported increased A m erican help for C hina and held rom antic notions o f a dem ocratic C hina which were incom patible w ith the realities o f the corrupt N a tio n a list re g im e .128 These ser* jrs had kept up a constant attack against m ilitary overextension during the m onths before the K orean conflict exploded both their hopes and A m erica's peacetim e budget. W herry, Bridges and others attacked A cheson for "erroneously d e c la rin g ] that the cause in China is lost" but battled him over the proposed $1.4 billion to help W estern Europe unify its defense com m and under N A T O .129 D ebates lasting into the w inter o f 1950 continued to p it Taft, W herry and their friends against V andenberg and other centrists who disapproved of overly reducing A m erica's forces; little did they know that Trum an would soon secretly com m it to a large m ilitary build-up in light of the Chinese revolution, in a N ational Security C ouncil directive in April, 1950.130 95 �R epublicans dem anded to find out why the State D epartm ent had seem ingly abandoned C hiang K ai-Shek, and pressed Secretary A cheson throughout the course of 1949. In particular, "Far East expert" and China Lobby m em ber W alter Judd, sought the release o f a 1944 report (possibly w ritten by Ow en L attim ore) w hich outlined the reasons for U.S. hesitations about Chiang. A cheson had denied the existence of the report and was em barrassed on January 18, 1950, w hen Senator H erbert O 'Conor [D-MD] released a copy he had obtained. To com pound the criticism directed at him , three days later A cheson w ould m ake his m uch-criticized defense of the nowconvicted A lger H iss — the starting point of the next ch ap ter.131 CONCLUSION The hunt for political subversives begun in the 1930s had thus expanded to include sexual subversives by 1950. No longer could a hom osexual-related scandal such as the 1919 N ew port entrapm ent schem e be relegated to the status of partisan sniping and a general concern over w holesom eness. Politicians such as Sum ner W elles felt the sting of nastier political attacks during the Second W orld W ar, bu t by the early Cold W ar, fears o f hom osexuality intertw ined w ith the growing sense of a general, xenophobic "crisis of confidence in the hom ogeneity o f A m erican culture," in the words o f historian John 96 �H ighara. A m erica was grow ing increasingly anxious about any type o f "foreign" invasion o f the national psyche and body politic — no longer as much by im m igrants and blacks, but m ore from C om m unists, hom osexuals, and fem in ists.132 A nti-com m unism m ay have been the official lens through w hich m any policym akers view ed the w orld in 1950, but hom ophobic fears had been developing for decades prior to the early Cold War. The Freudian-based p sychological establishm ent had begun to view people not in term s o f sex role but in terms of sexual orientation. M en could no longer be "good old boys" being "serviced" by m ale or fem ale partners w ithout the taint o f psychopathological "latency,” yet there w ould be no positive "gay" identity available until the 1970s. Fears o f "latent hom osexuality" thus supercharged the nation's dom estic insecurity at a tim e w hen the international scene was leading to a period w hen "nonconform ity — w hether political, social, or sexual — becam e associated w ith threats to national security." C om m unists and hom osexuals also shared the com m on taint o f w eakness, one ideological, the other sexual. Like the com m unist who was assum ed to blindly follow orders from M oscow, hom osexuals w ere "singled out and characterized as dem onic, treasonous, and fundam entally antithetical to the w elfare and security o f the U nited States. The so-called 'sex pervert' threatened to w eaken the nation through his sexual indiscretions and effem inate p re d ilec tio n s."133 97 �The State D epartm ent becam e a particular focus o f attack as C ongressional isolationists and anti-N ew D ealers w orried about the new C old War. In the process, political dissidents w ere transform ed into crim inals and hom osexual 'deviants' into psychopaths; w hile the headlines rang 'convictions,' few noticed that the charges w ere for perjury, not for attem pts to overthrow the governm ent or to spy for Russia. A naive President Trum an and his advisors had seem ingly "sold out" Eastern Europe and "lost" C hina to the Red hordes, signaling A m erica's em asculation on the w orld scene. Sexualized, Cold W ar fears constituted a "longstanding revolt against m odernity" show n in conservatives' rejection o f the K insey R eport's im plications. W hat w ould becom e a panic about hom osexuals in federal jobs was thus p art of "a political culture that frequently m erged som e com bination o f the liberal, the wom an, the progressive, the com m unist, and/or the hom osexual into a single om inous im ag e.”134 M asculinity was a vulnerable virtue at this stage of A m erican history. Those who attem pted to defend it, such as the "Cold W ar Liberals" of the A.D .A., had to attack their m ore left-w ing associates' political m asculinity in order to prom ote their own. "The tendency to associate comm unism , 'soft' liberalism , and sexual perversity was . . . a proclivity of the liberal 'vital center,'" one historian has judged. Even insiders like G eorge K ennan recognized that m any Am ericans 98 �view ed the State D epartm ent as being run by an "East C oast Liberal E stablishm ent" w hich practiced "diplom acy by d ile tta n tism ."135 Ironically, the stereotype o f the 'effete' diplom at was reversed in the H iss-Cham bers conflict o f 1948-49. Cham bers, not H iss, was guilty of sexual subversion in addition to political deviance. B ut Hiss could not use the dam aging inform ation against C ham bers because H iss' ow n step-son was hom osexual and the F.B.I. threatened to lam baste Hiss as a failed father if he leaked news of Cham bers' past perverted peccadilloes. C redibility-dam aging rum ors could easily have been spread, as w ell, that Cham bers and Hiss had been lovers. The roots of M cC arthyite witch hunting began, therefore, well before the W isconsin senator burst on the scene in early 1950 — the height o f the "sex crim es panic" o f 1947-55 — when he, W herry and other M idw estern and Southern foes of the liberal-D em ocratic adm inistration ignited their biggest political bonfires. All that was needed w as the political leadership to place these tw in evils on the national, political spotlight, eradicating both m enaces if possible, and m ake A m erica safe again. That leadership would arise in the form o f an anti-N ew D eal, anti-com m unist and m asculinist coalition concerned with threats facing the nation — threats officially tied to the Cold W ar but also rooted in divisions w ithin the A m erican psyche. This cultural and ideological groundw ork allow ed parallel w itchhunts that w ould reach every level o f A m erican governm ent. 99 �1 Regarding restrictions against aliens, see, for example, the standard "Affidavit of the M aster or Commanding Officer or the First or Second Officer," required by the Secretary of Commerce and Labor for each incoming ship into an American port, as per Act of Congress, Mar. 3, 1903. The Affidavit demanded the ship's surgeon examine all "aliens" to ensure that none had been convicted for crim es involving, among other things, "moral turpitude" [the current term for homosexuality]; in National Archives I, R.G. 85, Series T715, Roll 695, Vol. 1532. On the Red Scare, see Robert K. Murray, Red Scare: A Study in National H ysteria. 1919-1920 (1955; New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964); William Preston, Jr., Aliens and Dissenters: Federal Suppression of Radicals. 1903-1933 (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1963); Richard M. Fried, Nightmare in Red: The M cCarthy Fra in Perspective (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1990), 37-43; M.J. Heale, American Anticommunism: Combating The Enemv W ithin. 1830-1970 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1990), 60-78; Richard G. Powers, Not W ithout Honor: The History o f American Anti-Communism (New York: Free Press, 1995), 17-42. On Americanism, see Heale, A m erican A nticom m unism . 7995; and Ole Hanson, Americanism versus B olshevism (Garden City, N.Y.: D oubleday, Page, 1920). 2 John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism. 18601925 (1955; 2nd ed., New York: Atheneum, 1963). 3 Higham, "Preface to the Second Edition," Strangers in the Land, [ii-iii]. 4 Lawrence R. Murphy, Perverts bv Official Order: The Campaign Against Homosexuals by the United States Navv (New York: Harrington Park Press, 1988), 210-12 [Hudson], 209 [Arnold]. Arnold quote repeated in U.S. Senate (67th Cong., 1st sess.), Committee on Naval Affairs, "Alleged Immoral Conditions and Practices at the Naval Training Station, Newport, R.I.," Report (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1921), 15. See also George Chauncey, "Christian Brotherhood or Sexual Perversion? Homosexual Identities and the Construction of Sexual Boundaries in the World W ar One Era," Journal of Social H isto ry 19 (Winter 1985), 189-211. 5 Palm er's house was bombed by anarchists in early May, 1919 [with neighbor Franklin R oosevelt calling in the police report]; hundreds of socialists were rounded up and many were deported before public opinion turned against the Attorney General. See U.S. Congress (66th Congress, 2d Session), House Comm ittee on Rules, "Attorney General A. M itchell Palmer on Charges Made against Departm ent of Justice by Louis F. Post and Others," and "Investigations of the administration o f Louis F. Post, Assistant Secretary o f Labor, in the Matter of Deportation of Aliens," Hearings (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1920); Robert W. Dunn, ed., The Palm er Raids (New York: International Publishers, 1948); and Stanley Coben, A. Mitchell Palmer: Politician (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1963). 6 M urphy, op. cit. , 25. Arnold [ibid. , detecting sexual degeneracy at sight." 107] claimed he had "the power of 7 Ibid. , 122-37, 243 [quote from 125]; operatives testified that they had "buggered" others but had not allowed themselves "to be buggered" (which would have called their heterosexuality into question). 100 �8 Roosevelt had initially signed and forwarded the Newport officers' letter to Attorney General Palm er in March 1919; he later sued the Republican editor of the P ro v id en ce Jo u rn al to stifle further negative press reports of alleged underm ining of naval discipline. The economy and League of Nations provided larger issues by which the overwhelm ingly Democrats lost the 1920 election, however. From Murphy, op. cit. , 254-60. 9 Quotes from U.S. Senate, "Alleged Immoral Conditions" (1921), 7. The report drew from 650 pages o f testimony from 30 men. It judged Roosevelt's action as "not only 'unfortunate and ill advised,' but most reprehensible." On FDR's role, see also Ted Morgan, FDR: A Biography (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1985), 234-45. Daniels later became U.S. Ambassador to Mexico under his old assistant, now -President R oosevelt in 1933. 10 Quotes from M urphy, op. cit. , 41-60. On cities, see George Chauncey, Gay New York: Gender. Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gav Male World. 1890-1930 (New York: Basic Books, 1994), 33-127, esp. 66-97. 11 "Coward" quote from Hanson, op. cit. , ix. "Ostracism" quote from a 1915 Portland, Oregon speech of Emma Goldman [1870-1940], cited in her Living Mv L ife. 2 vols. (New York: Dover, 1971), II, 555-56 [I, 269, and II, 551, 562-63, 573 for her defense of homosexuality]. H er associate and lover, Alexander Berkman, added a veiled defense o f homosexuality in one of his speeches; see Reb Raney, "Alexander Berkman in San Francisco," M other Earth 10, 4 (June 1915), 152. Many socialists promoted liberal sexual mores ("free love") in an attack on bourgeois-V ictorian morality, before the Comm unist Party, itself, began expelling hom osexuals as willful participants in decadent bourgeois practices, in 1927. See Igor S. Kon, The Sexual Revolution in Russia: From the Age of the Czars to Today (New York: Free Press, 1995); and Allen Young, Gays Under The Cuban Revolution (San Francisco: Grey Fox Press, 1981). 12 G eorge Chauncey has shown how, in the underground gay subcultures thrived in major American port cities with large populations of sailors and unmarried immigrants; see his Gav New York, esp. 46-97, 130-49. The same gender-role stereotypes allowed many homosexual "top men" to "pass" as "straight" until at least the 1970s; see John M arshall, "Pansies, perverts, and macho men: changing perceptions of male homosexuality," in Kenneth Plummer, ed., The M aking of the Modern Homosexual (London: Hutchinson, 1981), esp. 135-37. Many of the "sodomy" statutes in the U.S. states were labeled only "crimes against nature." For a listing of anti-homosexual legal statutes in the continental U.S. as of the late 1940s, see D.W. Cory, The Homosexual in America: A Subjective Approach (1951; New York: Castle Books, 1960), 281-92. On possibly hom oerotic, nineteenth-century concepts o f "rom antic friendship" and "manly love," see E. Anthony Rotundo, American Manhood: Transform ations in M asculinity from the Revolution to the M odern Era (New York: Basic Books, 1993); Lillian Faderman, Surpassing the Love of Men: Romantic Friendships and Love Between Women From the R enaissance to the P resen t (New York: William Morrow, 1981); Byrne R.S. Fone, M asculine Landscapes: W alt W hitman and the Homoerotic Text (Carbondale: Southern Illinois Univ. Press, 1992); and Scott S. Derrick, Monumental Anxieties: H om oerotic Desire and Fem inine Influence in 19th-Century U.S. L iterature (Piscataway, N.J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1997). 101 �13 M ichel Foucault, The History of Sexuality: An Introduction. Volume 1 (1978; New York: Vintage Books, 1990), 43. For a concise defense of social constructionism , see Alan Sinfield, The W ilde Centurv: Effem inacy. Oscar W ilde and the Queer Moment (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1994), 11-17. In this work, I shall content m yself with a similarly conditional acceptance of social construction theory. I recognize that the governmental focus of my data may lend itself to support Foucault's extended theory regarding state power, but I leave final determ ination to my more theory-focused colleagues. 14 On the transition in general, see also Jonathan Ned Katz, The Invention of H etero sex u ality (New York: Dutton Books, 1995), esp. 83-112; and Angus M cLaren, The Trials of M asculinity: Policing Sexual Boundaries. 1870-1930 (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1997). Historians have debated the sources of this transition. M arxians focus on w age-labor capitalism 's preconditions for single life apart from the family economy (thus allowing a gay urban subculture), see Jeffrey W eeks, "Capitalism and the Organization of Sex," in Gay Left Collective, ed., Homosexuality: Power and Politics (London: Allison and Busby, 1980), 11-20; and John D'Emilio, Making Trouble: Essays on Gay History. Politics, and the University (New York: Routledge, 1993), 3-15. Sociologists have defined urbanization as the key factor in the development of a homosexual identity; see, Stephen O. M urray, Am erican Gay (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1996), 13-65. "Essentialists" focus on a homosexual continuum, defined as deviant by only medical professionals seeking to augm ent their authority in society; see Lillian Faderman, "The M orbidification of Love Between Women by N ineteenth-C entury Sexologists," Journal o f H om osexuality 4 (1978), 73-90. Chauncey joins Katz, however, in stressing the agency of popular discourse in addition to a m edical literature which "represented simply one of several pow erful (and com peting) sexual ideologies." 15 See Chauncey, Gav New York. 300-54 on the new repression. On the film industry, see Vito Russo, The Celluloid Closet: Homosexuality in the Movies (1981), Rev. Ed. (New York: Harper & Row, 1987), esp. 4-59. 16 Quote from Havelock Ellis and J.A. Symonds, Sexual Inversion (1897, never released; facsimile reprint, New York: Arno Press, 1975), xi; first printed in the U.S. as Havelock Ellis, Sexual Inversion: Studies in the Psychology of Sex. Volume 1 (Philadelphia: F.A. Davis & Co., 1900-01, 1905, 1910). On Ellis [18591939], see Vincent Brome, Havelock Ellis. Philosopher of Sex: A Biography (Boston: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1979); and Phyllis Grosskurth, Havelock Ellis: A Biography (New York: Knopf, 1980). His Studies in the Psychology of S ex. 4 vols. (New York: Random House, 1936-37) introduced his work to a larger American audience; see Katz, Gay American H istory. 585. 17 George W. Henry, "Psychogenic Factors in Overt Homosexuality," American Journal of Psychiatry 93, 4 (Jan. 1937), 889; and Henry with Alfred A. Gross, "Social Factors in the Case Histories o f One Hundred Underprivileged H omosexuals," M ental H ygiene 22, 4 (Oct. 1938), 591-611. On the methods and v/ork of Henry, a doctor at New York’s Payne Whitney Psychiatric Clinic, see Chauncey, Gav New York. 278-81, 339 n 360. 102 �18 Quotes from Henry, Sex Variants: A Study of Homosexual Patterns (1941), One-Volume Edition (New York: Paul B. Hoeber, Inc., 1948). vii-ix, xv; and "Psychogenic Factors," 904-06. He further reiterated these views in his All the Sexes: A Study of M asculinity and Femininity (New York: Rinehart, 1955). 19 Quote from Freud's 1939 advice to an American woman, published over a decade after his death, as "A Letter from Freud," American Journal of P s y c h ia try (Apr. 1951), 786 [discussed in Henry Abelove, "Freud, Male H om osexuality, and the Americans," D isse n t (Winter 1996), 59]. The popularized "Freudian" definition of "latency" was taken from his c.1910 observations on "oral-fixation" theory from his Freud, Three Essays on the Theory o f Sexuality, trans. and ed, James Strachey (1949; New York: Basic Books, 1975) 10-11 n 1: "future inverts, in the earliest years of their childhood, pass through a phase of very intense but short-lived fixation to a woman (usually their mother), and that, after leaving this behind, they identify themselves with a woman and taken th e m se lv e s as their sexual object . . . Their com pulsive longing for men has turned out to be determined by their ceaseless flight from women" [italics in original]. Translations of Freud first appeared in the U.S. (after his 1909 lecture tour) as Three C ontributions to the Sexual Theory. 3 vols., trans. A.A. Brill (New York: Journal of Nervous and Mental Diseases Publishing Co., 1910). See also discussion in Katz, The Invention o f H eterosexuality. 57-82; and Kenneth Lewes, The Psychiatric Theory o f Male H om osexuality (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1988). On Krafft-Ebing, see his Psvchopathia Sexualis. with Special R eference to Contrary Sexual Interest. A M edico-Legal Study, trans. Charles G. Chaddock (1886; Philadelphia: F.A. Davis, 1893) and trans. F.J. Rebman (1904; New York: Rebman, 1931); on the influence of this medical discourse, see Jonathan Ned Katz, The Invention of H eterosexuality (New York: Penguin, 1995), 21-32. 20 See Ronald Bayer, Homosexuality and American Psvchiatrv: The Politics of D iag n o sis (New York: Basic Books, 1981), 28-37. Works from this school by such psychoanalysts as Irving Bieber, Homosexuality: A Psvchoanaivtic Study of M ale Horn sexuals (New York: Vintage Books, 1962), became the foundation for the "reparative therapy" (change model) school still advocated by some religious conservatives to the present day. 2 1 On the spread of Freud's views, see Nathan G. Hale, Jr., Freud and the Americans: The Beginnings o f Psychoanalysis in the United States. 1876-1917 (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1971), esp. 332-68. On early medical articles on hom osexuality, see Jam es Burnham, "Early References to Homosexual Comm unities in American M edical W ritings," M edical Aspects of Human S e x u a lity 7 (1973), 40-49; and the bibliography of articles and "cures" in Jonathan Ned Katz, Gav American History: Lesbians and Gav Men in the U.S.A. A Documentary (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1976), 129, 590-94. 103 �22 Quote from A.C. Cornsweet and M.F. Hayes, "Conditioned Response to Fellatio," Am erican Journal of Psychiatry Iu2, 1 (July 1945), 76-78. Statistics from Allan Berube's excellent study, Coming Out Under Fire: A History of Gay Men and Women in W orld W ar Two (1990; New York: Plume/Penguin Books, 1991), 3, 8, 33, 201 [38, 45, 67-127 for demographics and war-time living conditions]; see also John Costello, Virtue Under Fire: How World W ar II Changed Our Social and Sexual Attitudes (Boston, MA.: Little, Brown, 1985). On earlier uses of YMCA houses as gay trysting sites, see Chauncey, Gav New York. 151-177; and M urphy, op. cit. , 11-14, 37-38, 48. 2 3 On com peting approaches to the "treatment" of homosexuals, and the m ilitary’s adoption of "dishonorable" discharges, see B erube, Coming Out Under F ire. 18-33, 128-174, 228-52, 256-59, 277. The new Uniform Code of M ilitary Justice (officially enacted in January, 1950, as 64 Stat. 107 [1950], 50 U.S. Code) codified the discharge policy, defining both oral and anal sex as "sodomy." Ironically a closeted homosexual him self, Sullivan (President of the W illiam A. White Psychiatric Foundation and coeditor of P s y c h ia try magazine), lived for many years with a male lover; see Berube, Coming Out U nder Fire. 921; Patrick Mullahy, The Beginning o f Modern American Psychiatry: The Ideas of Harrv Stack Sullivan (Boston: Houghton M ifflin, 1973); and Helen Swick Perry, Psychiatrist of America: The Life o f Harrv Stack Sullivan (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1982). Colum bia U niversity-affiliate Kubie was one of the nation's leading psychoanalysts, and as a member of the N ational Research Council, he wrote the paragraph on "Sexual Perversions" which becam e part of the W ar Department's M obilization Regulations; see Berube, 19. Kubie would later attack Alfred Kinsey's 1948 report on male sexual behavior as immoral. 24 On the dilemma of 1950s "latent homosexuality," see B arbara Ehrenreich, The Hearts of Men: American Dreams and the Flight from Commitment (New York: Anchor Books, 1983), 14-28. Possibly the first work to use the phrase "sexual orientation" was Arthur Burton, "The Use of the M asculinityFem ininity Scale of the M innesota M ultiphasic Personality Inventory as an Aid in the Diagnosis of Sexual Inversion," Journal of Psychology 24, 1 (July, 1947), 161-64. 25 Quotes from Bederman, M anliness and C ivilization. 17. Richard Hofstadter's pre-gender-studies term "psychic crisis o f the 1890's" addressed the "national self-assertion, aggression, expansion" of American im perialism ; see his "M anifest Destiny and the Philippines," in Daniel Aaron, ed., America In Crisis: Fourteen Crucial Episodes in American History (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1952), 173-200 [quote from 175]. See also Kevin J. Mumford, ’"Lost Manhood' Found: Male Sexual Impotence and Victorian Culture in the United States," in John C, Fout and Maura S. Tantillo, eds., American Sexual Politics: Sex. Gender and Race since the Civil War (1990; Chicago: Univ. o f Chicago Press, 1993), 8495; Gail Bederman, Manliness and Civilization: A Cultural History o f Gender and Race in the United States. 1880-1917 (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1995), esp. 170-215 on Roosevelt; and Kristin L. Hoganson, F ighting for American Manhood: How Gender Politics Provoked the Spanish-Am erican and P hilip p in e-A m erican W ars (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1998). 104 �26 Quote from Sinfield, The W ilde Century. 67-8; see also Thorstein Veblen, The Theory of the Leisure Class (New York: Mentor, 1953), esp. 44. On the "crisis of m asculinity," see Joe L. Dubbert, "Progressivism and the M asculinity Crisis," Psychoanalytic R eview 61, 3 (Fall 1974), 443-55; and Michael S. Kimmel, "The Contem porary 'C risis' in M asculinity in H istorical Perspective," in The M aking o f M asculinities, ed. Harry Brod (Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1987), 121-54. The "crisis" has also been seen as a reaction to feminism; see M ichael S. Kimmel, "Men's Responses to Feminism at the Turn of the Century," G ender and Society 1 (Sept. 1987), 261-83; and Robyn Wiegman, American Anatomies: Theorizing Race and Gender (Durham: Duke Univ. Press, 1995), esp. 81-115. 27 On youth movements, see Jeffrey P. Hantover, "The Boy Scouts and the V alidation of M asculinity," in Pleck and Pleck, The American Man. 285-302; and David MacLeod, Building Character in the American Bov: The Bov Scouts. YMCA. and Their Forerunners (Madison: Univ. o f Wisconsin Press, 1983). On the physical fitness and calisthenics movements, see Donald J. M rozek, Sport and A m erican M entality. 1880-1910 (Knoxville: Univ. of Tennessee Press, 1983). "Physical Culture" prom oter B ernarr M acfadden [1868-1955] echoed R oosevelt's exhortations for boys to avoid the "dissipation" o f urban over­ civilization. See W illiam R. Hunt, Body Love: The Amazing Career of Bernarr M a c fa d d e n (Bowling Green, OH.: Bowling Green State Univ. Popular Press, 1989); and Robert Ernst, Weakness Is A Crime: The Life of B ernarr M acfadden (Syracuse: Syracuse Univ. Press, 1991). 28 The State Department was known as a "good old boys" club "infected" with the "Harvard-Yale-Princeton syndrome," an Ivy League elitism . Only in 1937, after the passage o f the Rogers Act, did less "elite" officers join State — a case of "too little, too late" in the eyes of most conservatives; see transcript of John F. Melby interview, Foreign Affairs Oral History Program (W ashington, D.C.: A ssociation for D iplom atic Studies/Georgetow n University, June 1989), 2. 2 9 Quotes from Barbara Ehrenreich, The Hearts of Men: American Dreams and the Flight from Comm itm ent (New York: Anchor Books, 1983), 27; and Peter Filene, Him /Her/Self: Sex Roles in M odem America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1986), 172-73. E.T. May, op. cit. , 3-91, 135-61, adopts the term "domestic containment" to describe efforts to keep sexuality under control, in a parallel metaphor to the political concept o f "containment" adopted towards the Soviet Union. On conformity, see David Riesman, The Lonely Crowd: A Study o f the Changing American Character (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1950); C. Wright Mills, White Collar: The American M iddle Classes (1951; New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1956); Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, N.Y: Free Press, 1951); William W. Whyte, Jr., The Organization Man (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1956); Vance Packard, The Status Seekers (New York: David McKay, 1959); Seymour M. Lipset and Leo Lowenthal, eds., Culture and Social Character (Glencoe, N.Y.: Free Press, 1961); Betty Friedan, The Fem inine M ystique (New York: Dell, 1963); Stephanie Coontz, The Wav We Never Were: American Families and the N ostalgia Trap (New York: Basic Books, 1992); and George Lipsitz, Rainbow at Midnight: Labor & Culture in the 1940s (Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1994), esp. 19-68. On single men, see also E.T. May, 88, 137, 146-51, 159, 176-77, 186; and Estelle B. Freedman, '"Uncontrolled Desires': The Response to the Sexual Psychopath, 1920-1960," Journal o f American H istory 74, 1 (June 1987): 83-106. 105 �30 Quotes from Howard H. Kendler, "S.F., A Case of Homosexual Panic,” Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 42 (1947), 112, 117, 119. Similarly, psychiatrist John K. M cCreary even hearkened back to K rafft-Ebing's hom ophobic 1886 P sv ch o p ath ia Sexualis in his "Psychopathia Homosexualis," Canadian Journal o f Psychology 4, 2 (June 1950), 63-74, an exposition on schizoid, paranoid, neurotic and sadistic psychopaths. The fixation theory em erged as the staple of Americanized Freudian psychoanalysis by the 1940s; see Clifford Allen, The Sexual Perversions and Abnormalities: A Study in the Psychology of Paraphilia (1940, 1949; W estport, CT.: Greenwood Press, 1979), 116-44, esp. 127-31; for an early critique, see Cory, op. cit. , 65-67, though even he accepted a type of "father replacement" model. On Momism, see Jennifer Terry, "'Momism' and the Making of Treasonous Homosexuals," 169-90 [174-75 on Wylie]; E.T. May, op. cit. , 74-75, 96-97, 116; and Rogin, Ronald Reagan. The M o v ie. 242-45, 250-56, 264. On homosexuals, see Edward A. Strecker, Their M others' Sons: The Psychiatrist Examines an American Problem (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1946), 128-32; and Philip Wylie, Generation of Vipers (New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1942), 188-90. W ylie's book was reprinted numerous times through 1955. Sociologist Talcott Parsons rationalized W ylie's misogyny in his "Certain Prim ary Sources and Patterns of Aggression in the Social Structure of the W estern World," P sy c h ia try 10 (1947), 167-81. 31 A confirm ed advocate of the tendency of homosexuals toward political subversion was Edmund Bergler; see (among others) his N eurotic C o u n terfeitSex: Im potence. Frigidity. "M echanical" and Pseudosexualitv. H om osexuality (New York: Grune & Stratton, 1951). The "Neo-Freudian" school led by Carl Jung, Alfred Adler, Karen Horney and Harry Stack Sullivan also diagnosed hom osexuality the same as did the original Freudian psychoanalysts; see Hale, op. cit. , 358; and Martin Birnbach, N eo-Freudian Social Philosophy (Stanford, CA.: Stanford Univ. Press, 1961), esp. 44-69, 88-101 [57-62, 96-101 on Sullivan]. Horney [1885-1952] viewed male homosexuality as a "dread of women" by "neurotics" who identified with their mothers; see her F em in in e P sy ch o logy. Harold Kelman, ed. (New York: W.W. Norton, 1967), esp. 53, 79, 137, 257. 32 See George Chauncey, "The Postwar Sex Crimes Panic," in W illiam Graebner, ed., True Stories of the American Past (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1993), 160-178. In a warning during a previous "national wave o f sex crimes," Abraham A. B rill, M anhattan psychiatrist and early prom oter of Freud in America, declared that "Sex crimes are committed only by people of defective mentality. All mental defectives have either actual or potential sex abnormalities." Cited in "Pedophilia" note in "Medicine" column, T im e 30. 8 (Aug. 23, 1937), 43. 106 �33 Laws reviewed in Karl Bowman, "Review of Sex Legislation and Control of Sex Offenders in the United States of America," International Review o f Crim inal Policy 4 (July 1953), 20-39. Bowman and Bernice Engle, "The Problem o f Homosexuality," Journal of Social Science 39, 1 (Jan. 1953), 4, claimed that "nine years old" was the "mean age for [boys'] first homosexual contact," inferring from child molestation. As early as the 1930s, states had started passing laws (upheld by the Supreme Court) allowing "sexual psychopaths" to be incarcerated as insane; see James E. Hughes, "The M innesota 'Sexual Irresponsibies' Law," M ental H ygiene 25, 1 (Jan. 1941), 76-86. Ralph S. Banay, "The Psychopathic Adolescent Offender," in M arjorie Bell, ed., Current Approaches to Delinquency: 1949 Yearbook (New York: National Probation and Parole Association, 1950), 63, even blamed crim inality in general on an internalized "panic" caused by "a subconscious homosexual conflict." 34 S.R. Laycock, "Homosexuality — A M ental Hygiene Problem," Canadian M edical Association Journal 63, 3 (Sept. 1950), quotes from 249-50, 248. He assumed [248-49] that "needs for affection and belonging" could "be met in concentrated form only in family life" or "in a more diffused manner in a circle of friends" since "homosexual attachm ents, even if mutual, [we]re seldom m ore than transitory and superficial." 35 "The Abnormal," T im e 55. 16 (April 17, 1950), 86 [review o f Louis S. Landon and Frank S. Caprio, Sexual D eviations (Washington, D.C.: Linacre Press, 1950)]; behavior-focused works also included Bergler, op. cit. Fred Brown and Rudolph T. Kempton, Sex Questions and Answers, a Guide to a Happy Marriage (New York: Whittlesey House, 1950), 238, conceded that "a complete 'cure' is still very rare." However, "Homosexuals in Uniform," N e w sw e e k (June 9, 1947), 54, reported that m ilitary doctors "usually doubted" hom osexuals' sincerity to change and recommended discharge. For rare omissions of the demand for a "cure," see G.V. Hamilton, "Homosexuality as a Defense Against Incest," in E ncyclopedia Sexualis. ed. Victor Robinson (New York: Dingwall-Rock, 1936), 334; and John Dollard and Neal E. Miller, Personality and Psychotherapy: An Analysis in Terms of Learning. Thinking, and Culture (New York: M cGrawHill, 1950), 420. Rarer-still public statements of homosexuals who desired to rem ain homosexual can be found in Robert Duncan, "The Homosexual in Society," P o litics 1, 8 (Aug. 1944), 209-11; and Vernon Albert Ward, Jr., "Homosexual M inority," letter to the editor, The Saturday Review o f Literature 32, 28 (July 9, 1949), 25-26. 33 Kinsey [1894-1956] studied gall wasps because of their great variation in reproduction, leading him to apply his observations of insects to humans. He concluded that every type o f sexual behavior (including even pedophilia) could be considered "natural." See James H. Jones, Alfred C. Kinsey: A Public/Private L ife. New York: W.W. Norton, 1997), 511-13, 518-21, 620, 752-53 [544-75 for initial success of the Report]. For earlier biographies of Kinsey, see Cornelia V. Christenson, Kinsev: A Biography (Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1971); and W ardell B. Pomeroy, Dr, Kinsev and the Institute for Sex Research (New York: Harper & Row, 1972). For the Report, see Alfred C. Kinsey, Wardell B. Pomeroy, [Paul Gebhard] and Clyde E. Martin, Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (Philadelphia: W.B. Saunders, 1948). 107 �37 "Discrepancy" quote from Bert N. Adams, The American Family: A S ociological Interpretation (Chicago: Markham Pub. Co., 1971), 190. The R eport revealed that sixty percent of the adolescents who participated in the study had engaged in some type o f homosexual activity; thirty-seven percent of all men reported having engaged in at least one, orgasmic homosexual contact during their lives; ten percent reported same-sex experiences continuing over a period of a least three years, and four percent were exclusively homosexual in practice. See Sexual Behavior in the Human M ale. 610-66 [plus 6, 203-04, 224, 293, 327-29, 385, 392, 414, 445, 615, 638-39, 661, 678, for K insey's comments on the findings' im plications]. See also Jones, op. cit. , 379-83, 518-32, 602; Paul Robinson, The Modernization of Sex: Havelock Ellis. Alfred Kinsev. and W illiam M asters and V irginia Johnson (New York: Harper & Row, 1976), 49-50; and D'Emilio, Sexual Politics. Sexual Communities. 33-38. Since the 1960s, gay activists have used the "ten percent" statistic loosely and extensively to prom ote acceptance of hom osexuals as a significant m inority. 33 For an overview of criticism, see Jones, op. cit. , 574-99, 635-65; and Katz, G av/L esb ian A lm anac. 630-33, Surprisingly, Kinsey was never suspected of hom osexuality, though a recent biography suggests that he was, indeed, a closeted homosexual despite his m uch-paraded, fam ily-m an im age in the popular press. He was therefore disingenuous when he claimed to promote social tolerance solely due to his views as a scientist. On Kinsey's fears of detection by the FBI, see Samuel Steward in Len Evans Papers, GLHS OHP #0006 (July 7, 1983), 3. On Kinsey's sexuality, see Jones, op. cit. , 4, 22-23, 75-80, 272-87, 384-96, 491, 603-13, 744 [relying heavily on two anonymous sources]. 33 Quotes from "Queer People," N ew sw eek 34 (Oct. 10, 1949), 52-54; American Psychiatric A ssociation, The Diagnostic and Statistic Manual o f M ental D iso rd ers (Washington, D.C.: APA, 1952); and Lawrence S. Kubie, "Dr. Kinsey's M isrem em berers," T im e 51 (June 14, 1948), 76-77; see also Kubie, "Psychiatric Im plications o f the Kinsey R eport,” P sy ch o so m atic M ed icin e 10 (M arch-April 1948), 95-106. Jones, op. cit. , 582-86, describes Kubie as "a Freudian whose rigid views on hom osexuality were well known in psychoanalytic circles" and who disliked Kinsey's report so much that he tried to sabotage the financing of Kinsey's future research. Hoover (who may have been one o f the few to question Kinsey's sexuality) article discussed in ibid. , 631-34. On the nature of Cold W ar sexual ethics, see E.T. May, op. cit. ; Thomas S. Szasz, Sex Bv P re sc rip tio n (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor, 1980); Marvin Harris, America Now: The Anthropology of a Changing Culture (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1981); and M artin P. Levine, Gav Macho: The Life and Death of the Homosexual Clone (New York: New York Univ. Press, 1998), esp. 162-66. 40 Murphy, op. cit. , 274. 108 �42 See New York Post (May 1, 5 & 6, 1942); New York Times (May 8, 1942), 3:8, (May 12, 1942), 13:7, (May 21, 1942), 6:1, (Sept. 29, 1942), 16:6, and (Oct. 6, 1942), 16:6; "The Walsh Case," N ation (May 30, 1942), 617; "The Case of Senator Walsh," T im e (June 1, 1942), 50-52; "Scandal Scotched," N ew sw eek (June 1, 1942), C hristian C entury (June 3, 1942). For later analyses, see Lawrence R. M urphy, "The House on Pacific Street: Homosexuality, Intrigue, and Politics during W orld W ar II," Journal of Homosexuality 12 (1985), 27-49; C.A. Tripp, The Homosexual M atrix (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1975), 224-27; Katz, Gay A m erican H isto ry . 580-81; and Nicholas Von Hoffman, Citizen Cohn: The Life and Times of Rov Cohn (New York: Bantam Books, 1988), 228. 43 For Catholics’ criticism of Winchell, see Lyle Stuart, The Secret Life of W alter W incheli ([n.p.]: Boar's Head Books, 1953), 168-69. Murphy, op. cit. , 62, notes the irony in the fact that Walsh had urged the Navy to quickly proceed with the trial of a M assachusetts sailor arrested during the 1919 New port scandal. Truman W hite House Assistant Steve Spingarn later referred to W alsh as a U.S. Senator, "chairman of a powerful war com mittee throughout W orld W ar II, who was a notorious homosexual who was once caught in a house of [male] prostitution near the Brooklyn Navy Yard." See Jerry N. Hess, Stephen J. Spingarn Oral History (HSTL: Mar. 1967), 802. 44 From Armv and Navv Journal (Summer 1920), cited in Murphy, op. cit. , 255. Years later, a new spaper colum nist recalled that "Everyone in W ashington knew the story, but it didn't break open for what it was. The tabu was too strong, and besides FDR's skill with crisis situations kept it under control." Max Lerner,"The W ashington Sex Story: No. 1 — Panic on the Potomac," New York Post (July 10, 1950), 24. 45 Quotes from Lerner, loc. cit ., and (July 13, 1950), 2. For accounts of the case, see Irwin F. Gellman, Secret Affairs: Franklin Roosevelt. Cordell Hull, and Sum ner W elles (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1995), esp. 302-331; see also Katz, Gay American History. 580; Ted Morgan, FDR: A Biography. 234-45; and Curt Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover: The Man and His Secrets (1991; New York: Penguin, 1992), 308-10. For a sanitized account of W elles' resignation, see "One More Scalp," T im e 42, 10 (Sept. 6, 1943), 21. Welles' homosexuality is portrayed as GOP rumor-mongering in his son Benjamin W elles' Sumner W elles. FDR's Global Strategist: A Biography (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997). 46 G ellm an, S ecret A ffairs. 392, citing sources which preferred to remain anonymous. The new succession bill (S.B. 534, passed by Congress and signed into law in July, 1947), however, was sponsored by Senator W herry, a fierce opponent of then-Secretary of State George M arshall; see M arvin Strom er, The Making of a Political Leader: Kenneth S. Wherrv and the United States Senate (Lincoln: Univ. of Nebraska Press, 1969), 81-97. 47 Ted Murphy, A Covert Life. Jav Lovestone: Communist. Anti-Communist, and S p v m aste r (New York: Random House, 1999), 210-11 [quote from 210]; Gellman, Secret A ffairs. 245, 304, 398; and Burton Hersh, The Old Bovs: The American Elite and the Origins of the CIA (New York: Scribners, 1992), 245-55. Offie [1909-1972] had served with Bullitt since 1934, and shared his dislike for Welles. Offie later transferred to the CIA but was forced to resign during the M cCarthy witchhunts; see discussion in Chapter 4, below. 109 �48 Rockefeller quoted in interview of Aug. 11-12, 1976, in Barbara L. Gellman Papers, Franklin D. Roosevelt Library; cited in Gellman, Secret A ffairs. 371-72. On the fate of W elles' associates, see Thomas Campbell and George Herring, eds., The Diaries of Edward R. Stettinius. Jr. (New York: New Viewpoints, 1975), 15860; and Jordan Schwarz, Liberal: Adolf A. Berle and the Vision of an American E ra (New York: Free Press, 1987), 248. The State Department, like all federal agencies, had regulations forbidding em ploym ent o f known hom osexuals dating back to 1942, but no systematic purge had been undertaken due to w ar­ tim e co n tin g en cies. 49 In hindsight, however, we know that American Comm unist Party members in the 1930s numbered no more than 50,000 and never credibly threatened the U.S. governm ent. Furtherm ore, the vast majority of the form er-Com m unist victims o f the late-'40s & '50s anti-comm unist witchhunts had quit the Party years before, following the 1939 Nazi-Soviet Pact. The remnant party was active in promoting strikes in 1946 but went underground after the 1948-49 trial of twelve of its top leaders, reinforcing the conspiratorial im agery with which the anti-communists so aptly tarred and feathered it. See Ellen Schrecker, The Age of McCarthvism: A B rief History with Documents (Boston: Bedford Books, 1994), 2-8, 60-62; and David McCullough, T rum an (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), 513-18. For a general history, see Harvey Klehr and John Earl Haynes, The American Communist Movement: Storming Heaven Its e lf (Boston: Twayne, 1992). On the Party's drive for African-American rights, see M ark Naison, Communists in Harlem during the D epression (Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1983); Robin D.G. Kelley, Hammer and Hoe: A labam a Comm unists during the Great D epression (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1990); and Gerald Horne, Communist Front? The Civil Rights C ongress. 1946-1956 (Rutherford, N.J.: Fairleigh Dickinson Univ. Press, 1988). For a com prehensive bibliography, see John Earl Haynes, Com m unism and Anti-Communism in the United States: An Annotated Guide to Historical W ritin g s (New York: Garland, 1990). 50 On HUAC, see (among others) August R. Ogden, The Dies Committee: A Study o f the Special H ouse Committee for the Investigation of Un-American A ctivities. 1938-1944 (Washington, D.C.: Catholic Univ. of America Press, 1945); Robert K. Carr, The House Committee on Un-American A ctivities (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1952); Carl Beck, Contempt of Congress: A Study o f the Prosecutions Initiated by the Committee on Un-American A ctivities. 1945-1957 (New Orleans, LA.: Hauser Press, 1959); Frank Donner, The U n-A m ericans (New York: Ballantine, 1961); and W alter Goodman, The Committee: The Extraordinary C areer o f the House Committee on Un-American A ctivities (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1968). For selections from the hundreds of HUAC hearings, see Eric Bentley, ed., Thirty Years of Treason: Excerpts from Hearings before the House Committee on Un-American A ctivities. 1938-1968 (New York: Viking, 1971). 110 �51 The Supreme Court finally restored w itnesses' First Am endm ent protections in mid-1960s, after upholding the contempt provisions in 1949; see Schrecker, op. cit. , 60. The film industry quickly bowed to public pressure and fired the Hollywood Ten; see Merle Miller, The Judges and the Judged (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1952); John Cogley, Report on B lacklisting. 2 vols. (New York: Fund for the Republic, 1956); Larry Ceplair and Steven Englund, The Inquisition in Hollywood: Politics in the Film Community. 1930-1960 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1980); and V ictor Navasky, N am ing Names (New York: Viking, 1980), esp. 75, 304 & 392 on Robbins and FBI blackmailing [plus remarks by Len Evans, in Madeline Tress interview (Apr. 16, 1983), 38, Len Evans Papers (San Francisco: Gay and Lesbian Historical Society of Northern California)]. U nofficial blacklists were later aided by the June 1950 appearance of a guidebook to film-industry people with alleged Comm unist ties, Red C hannels. whose homophobic editor, J.B. M atthews, was a former socialist who became an HUAC investigator in the late '30s; see J.B. Matthews Papers (Perkins Library, Duke University), and his Odvssev of a Fellow Traveler (New York: Mt. Vernon P u b lish ers, 1938). 52 Quotes from U.S. Congress, House Committee on Un-American Activities (80th Cong., 1st sess.), "Hearings on H.R. 1884 and H.R. 2122, Testimony of J. Edgar Hoover," Mar. 26, 1947 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1947). On Hoover's com pilation of "sex deviate" files, see Francis MacDonnell, Insidious Foes: The Axis Fifth Column and the American Home Front (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1995), 164-77; David J. Garrow, The FBI and Martin Luther King, Jr.: From "Solo" to Memphis (New York: Norton, 1981), 165-72; and Richard G. Powers, Secrecy and Power: The Life of J. Edgar Hoover (New York: Free Press, 1987), 171-72, 185, 526. 53 James F. Byrnes, Speaking Frankly (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1947), 87, called Potsdam "the success that failed." Truman, ironically, had built his Senate reputation on running what "is often characterized as the most successful congressional investigative effort in United States history" in 194143. See Theodore Wilson, "The Truman Committee, 1941," in Congress Investigates. 1792-1974. 327; and Donald Riddle, The Truman Committee: A Study in C ongressional R esponsibility (New Brunswick: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1963); and McCullough, op. cit. , 256-91. 54 For a version of these events slanted against the Acheson faction, see John T. Flynn, The Lattimore Storv (1953; New York: Devin-Adair Co., 1962), 68-74. 55 David M. Oshinsky, A Conspiracy So Immense (New York: Free Press, 1983), 53. Democrats in the Senate fell from 56 to 45, and in the House from 242 to 188. On the issues leading up to the election, see McCullough, op. cit. , 520-24. 56 For an impressive but not fully com prehensive review of the legislative and biographical career of Senator W herry, see Harl Adams Dalstrom, "Kenneth S. W herry," unpublished (Univ. of N ebraska history dissertation, Vols. 1 & 2, 1965). An succinct yet uncritical overview of W herry's style of politics is provided by Stromer, op. cit. , while a light-hearted critique appears in Robert S. Allen and William V. Shannon, The Trum an M errv-G o-Round (New York: Vanguard Press, 1950), 248-51. Ill �57 Stromer, op. cit. , 101. 58 Quotes from W herry's "Bureaucracy, A National Menace" [speech before the National Paper Trade Association, Chicago, Oct. 17, 1946; in W herry Papers, Box 15, Folder "Press Release, 10-17-46"], and Press Release "Summing Up The Issues In This Campaign" [radio speech to N ebraska Networks, R epublican State Central Committee, Nov. 3, 1946; in Box 16, Folder "Speeches - 11-3-46"]. W herry condemned the "secret agreements" at Y alta and Potsdam as unconstitutional, "null and void." See his letter of January 25, 1950 to Henry Doorly (Omaha, NE.); in Box 11, Folder "Rep. Party Policy Drafting Committee." On his partisanship and cham pionship of the establishm ent of a perm anent Senate Small Business Committee, see Stromer, op. cit. , 26-51, 103-11. See also W herry's "Who's Getting The Scarce Goods," A m erican M agazine 146, 2 (Aug. 1948), 19, 125-28. 59 Senate Resolution 2412 (80th Cong., 2d sess.), Mar. 30, 1948, draft bill; in Wherry Papers, Box 8, Folder "S. 2412 - Communism." Wherry deferred to the M undt-Nixon bill, which passed in the House (319-58) in mid-May but was not considered in the Senate before it adjourned in the summer o f 1948. 60 In foreign affairs, Republicans were divided into two wings: those behind the Senate's leading m oderate, Foreign Relations Comm ittee chairm an, Arthur V andenberg of M ichigan [1883-1951], who advocated American involvem ent in Europe, and supporters o f conservative-isolationist Robert Taft o f Ohio [18901953], W herry and other isolationists were dismayed when the pragm atic Taft chose to lead in domestic policy and allowed Vandenberg (until Pearl Harbor, an isolationist, himself) to take the spotlight in foreign affairs. See Dean Acheson, Sketches From Life of Men I Have Known (1959; New York: Harper & Row, 1961), 123-140; Francis O. Wilcox, Arthur H. Vandenberg: His Career and L e g a c y (Ann Arbor: Univ. of Michigan Press, 1975); and Allen and Shannon, op. cit. , 251-53. On Taft, see op. cit. , 243-46; and James T. Patterson, Mr. Republican: A Biography of Robert A. Taft (Boston: Houghton M ifflin, 1972). 61 Quote from Press Release (July 28, 1948); in Wherry Papers, Box 16, Folder "Radio - 7-28-48 — Re: President's Speech CBS." On Lend-Lease and Marshall Plan opposition, see S. Res. 231 (79th Cong., 2d sess.) of Feb. 15, 1946, which W herry and five others co-sponsored with Styles Bridges [Box 16, Folder "S. Res. 231"]; plus W herry's "The Marshall Plan and Our Domestic Economy," press and radio release of speech (Apr. 15, 1948), and CBS radio and press release (July 16, 1949), in Box 17, Folders "Marshall Plan speech - 4-15-48" and "Press Release - 7-16-49," On NATO, see Wherry Press Release, July 8, 1950, in Box 11, Folder "Press Releases, 1951." 62 Quote from Press Release (Feb. 10, 1950), 7 [entered in Cong. Rec. (Feb. 14, 1950), A1084-1086]; in Wherry Papers, Box 18, Folder "Speech — Lincoln Day (San Francisco) - February 9, 1950." Aid to China discussed in House Report No. 1265, Part 2 (81st Cong., 1st sess.), "Mutual Defense Assistance Act of 1949," (Washington, DC: U.S. G.P.O., Aug. 16, 1949), and "Public Law 329 ... Mutual Defense Assistance Act of 1949," approved Oct. 6, 1949; copies in Wherry Papers, Box 17, Folder "Speech re: H.R. 5895 - Mutual Defense Assistance Act of 1949." 112 �63 u ,s . Congress (79th Cong., 1st Sess.), Joint Committee Requested By General Dwight D. Eisenhower Through C hief of Staff General George C. M arshall, "Atrocities and O ther Conditions in Concentration Camps in Germany," R eport No. 47 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., May 15, 1945). 64 Unless otherwise specified, quotes in this paragraph from R eport [untitled and undated, c. May 1945], 11-12 for triangle designations (underlined in original), 21 for W herry's mention of Jews, 22 for de Gaulle quote. This report formed the first draft of W herry's June 1945 speech in San Francisco, "Atrocity Committee and Findings." Both in Wherry Papers, Box 15, Folder "Jan. 29 - Feb. 7, 1946, Investigation of Starvation Reports in Europe, Speeches re in Senate." Stromer, op. cit. , 137, also repeated the citations with W herry's incorrect d e s ig n a tio n s . 65 "Homosexualer" and "asozialier" terms from 1937 concentration camp manual, U.S. Memorial Holocaust Museum, Washington, D.C.; see also Richard Plant, The Men W ith The Pink Triangle. The pink ("rose" in German) triangle was later resurrected as a symbol of gay rights and liberation in America; the black triangle symbol was appropriated, in the 1980s, by American lesbians who claimed it had been used solely against them in the camps. Lesbianism was never crim inalized in modern Europe, while male hom osexuality had been crim inalized in Germany (Prussia) since the 1830s, as the infam ous Paragraph 175 of the legal code (abolished in 1972). 66 June 1945 speech, "Atrocity Committee and Findings," op. cit. Wherry did prove to be an early and loyal supporter of the State of Israel, a rare move for an isolationist. N onetheless, rumors of his potential anti-Sem itism surfaced in 1947 from "certain Jewish persons in Omaha [who] earlier considered the Senator to be anti-Sem itic." Quote from (W herry secretary) L om e Kennedy letter of Dec. 10, 1947 to Robert Smith; see also the telegram of November 28, 1947, from Wherry and 25 other Senators, to various U.N. delegations urging the General Assembly adoption of the Palestine Partition Resolution; m Wherry Papers, Box 20, Folder "Partition of Palestine." To his credit, he was an early supporter of legislation for a Jewish state; see Box 14, Folder "Palestine." W herry's filing system gives away his true, anti-internationalist m otivations for the death-camp tour. His notes from the 1945 trip are filed with those of his fall 1946, self-financed visit to Europe to investigate the UN relief agency, which he claim ed was feeding "only the displaced persons in German and Austria" instead of people throughout U.S.-occupied zones whose hunger could make them susceptible to communism; see his "Investigation of Starvation Conditions in Europe, and The Report of the Emergency Economic Committee for Europe," speeches in Senate, Jan. 29, Feb. 1 & 7, 1946; in Box 15, Folder "Jan. 29 - Feb. 7, 1946, Investigation..." Isolationist to the end, he rarely resisted a chance to slight or condemn internationalist agencies, even under the guise of protecting H olocaust victims. 67 See W herry's "American Dollars for British Socialism," Cong. Rec. (June 2, 1949); Radio Press Release, Mutual Studio, Jan. 2, 1950, pp. 1-5; Wherry text for NBC Television, "Taxes," Jan. 5, 1950; and Wherry remarks in Cong. Rec. (Oct, 20, 1951), p. 7 of office reprint; copies in Wherry Papers. 113 �68 Quote from Acheson, op. cit. , 133. Wherry had operated a mortuary along with his car dealership, out of his family store In Pawnee City, Nebraska, leading to the moniker, which he accepted as a backhanded com plem ent to his country humor. Since Nebraska's other Senator was the dour, gray Hugh Butler, members of the Senate press gallery joked that the Cornhusker State was the only state represented "by an undertaker and a corpse." See Stromer, op. cit. , 150-52 [quote from 152], 69 For W herry's demand for a State Departm ent investigation, including the text of his S. Res. 197, see Cong. Rec. 92 (July 31, 1946), 10669-79; copy in W herry Papers, Box 15, Folder "1946 - State Department." W herry's resolution was tabled in the Foreign Relations Committee and died at the end of the 79th Congress. On July 10, 1946, the House had appointed a "committee of one" (Bartel Jonkman, R-MI) which gave the State Department a clean bill o f health two years later; see Cong. Rec. (Aug. 2, 1948), cited in "The Appointment of Robert E. Lee to the FCC" (Tydings Papers), 4. 70 Quotes from Memorandum, "Re Dean Acheson, Under Secretary of State" [undated, circa Sept. 1945], and "Hard or Soft?" San Francisco C hronicle (Sept. 30, 1945), 4 [both in Wherry Papers, Box 3, Folder "Acheson"]; W herry's public letter o f Sept. 21, 1945 to Acheson, and Acheson’s reply of Sept. 22 [both in Box 15, Folder "1946 - State Department"]; and Wherry's remarks in Cong. Rec. 91 (Sept. 24, 1945), 8888-8910 [summarized in Stromer, op. cit. , 112-19]. On M acA rthur, see also W herry's "Remarks" before the Republican W omen Speakers' Task Force, June 5, 1950, p. 3; in Wherry Papers, Box 18, Folder "Republican Women talk, 6-5-50." Wherry would later spear-head the effort to bring home M acA rthur to address a Joint Session of Congress in the spring of 1951. 71 Cited in McCullough, op. cit. , 612. Truman overrode his advisors and ordered the U.S. to become the first country to recognize Israel, though the State D epartm ent insisted on delaying the announcem ent. 72 On Acheson as Under Secretary of State, see David N. Farnsworth, The Senate Com m ittee on Foreign Relations (Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1961), 41; and M cCullough, op. cit. , 535, 752-56. For contemporary descriptions, see T im e (Feb. 28, 1949), The New Yorker (Nov. 12 & 19, 1949), and New York Times (Oct. 13, 1971). 73 On the development of the Cold War and the Eightieth Congress, see (among others), John Lewis Gaddis, The United States and the Origins of the Cold War. 1941-47 (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1972); Robert J. Donovan, Conflict and Crisis: The Presidency of Harry S. Truman. 1945-48 (New York: Norton, 1977); Harold F. Gosnell, Truman's Crises: A Political Biography of Harry S. T ru m an (Westbrook, CT.: Greenwood Press, 1980); Phyllis K. DeLuna, Public versus Private Power During the Truman Administration: A Study of Fair Deal L ib e ra lism (New York: Peter Lang, 1997); Susan M. Hartmann, Truman and the 80th Congress (Columbia: Univ. of Missouri Press, 1971); and Joseph Smith, The Cold War. Second Edition. 1945-1991 (1989; Malden, MA.: Blackwell, 1998). 74 John E. Wiltz, "The M acArthur Inquiry, 1951," in Congress Investigates. 1792-1974. 387. 114 �7'5 O f a total of 218 of 301 anti-internationalist votes in fourteen roll calls during the 1949-50 session, Wherry led a list of twenty-six Senators; see Farnsw orth, op. cit. , 147-49; plus ibid. , 90-109 [on M arshall Plan] and 109-112 [NATO]. On anti-liberal blocs, see McCullough, op. cit. , 76-78, 549-50. For Senate debate on the Greece-Turkey aid bill, see Cong. Rec. 93 (80th Cong., 1st sess., 1947), 3195-3793; and McCullough, op. cit. , 539-49, 553-54. After passing in the Senate 67 to 22, the bill passed in the House on May 9 (287 to 107); Truman signed it on May 22, 1947. The Marshall Plan passed in the Senate by a 69-17 margin. See also U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Foreign Relations (80th Congress, 2d sess.), "Hearings ... on United States Assistance to European Economic Recovery," (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1948); idem , "Hearings ... to Amend the Economic Cooperation Act of 1948," (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1949); ibid. (81st Cong., 1st sess.), "Hearings ... on the North Atlantic Treaty," and "Hearings ... on S. 2388, A Bill to Promote the Foreign Policy and Provide for the Defense and General W elfare of the United States by Furnishing M ilitary Assistance to Foreign Nations," (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1949). On W herry's opposition to the North A tlantic Treaty (signed by Truman on April 4, 1949), see materials in Wherry Papers, Box 11, Folder "Senator's Reservation to the Ratification of the North A tlantic Treaty." 76 On the Canadian spy case, see Igor Gouzenko, This Was My Choice (New York: Dutton, 1948); J.W. Pickersgill and D.F. Forster, The M ackenzie King Record, Vol. 3. 1945-46 (Toronto; Univ. of Toronto Press, 1970); and James Barros, "Alger Hiss and Harry Dexter White: The Canadian Connection," O rb is 21, 3 (Fall 1977), 593-605. On A m era sia , see Harvey Klehr and Ronald Radosh, The Amerasia Spy Case: Prelude to McCarthvism (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 1996). On the 1945 State Department purge, see James F. Byrnes, All In One Lifetime (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1958), 321; plus his Speaking Frankly (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1947). For revelations of the apparent extent of spy networks, see Robert L. Benson and M ichael W arner, eds., Venona: Soviet Espionage and the American Response. 1939-1957 (Washington, D.C.: NSC/CIA, and Laguna Hills, CA.: Aegean Park Press, 1996); John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr, Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage in A m e ric a (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1999); and Allen Weinstein and A lexander V assiliev, The Haunted Wood: Soviet Espionage in America — The Stalin E ra (New York: Random House, 1999). 77 See U.S. Congress, House Committee on Post Office and Civil Service (80th Cong., 1st sess.), "Federal Employees' Loyalty Act," Hearings . . . on H.R. 3588 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., June 3-10, 1947), 1-8. Hereafter "Hearings on H.R. 3588." 78 Schrecker, op. cit. , 39; between 1947 and 1956 over 2,700 federal employees were fired over loyalty-security issues. For the text of Truman's order, see the New Y ork Times (Mar. 23, 1947), and 12 Federal Register 1935; for discussion, see M cCullough, op. cit. , 551-53. 115 �80 "Indiscreet employees" quote from U.S. Congress, Senate Report No. 1155 (80th Cong., 2d sess.), To accompany S. 1561 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., Apr. 22, 1948), 3. Text of S. 1561 in U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Armed Services (80th Cong., 2d sess.), "Summary Termination of Em ploym ent of Civilian Employees and to Equalize Retirement Benefits Among M embers of Army-Navy Nurse Corps," Hearings . . . on S. 1561 and S. 1570 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., Feb. 27, 1948), 1-2. Hereafter cited as "Hearings on S. 1561." M ilitary authorization was granted in Section 3 of the Act of December 17, 1942 (P.L. 808, 56 Stat. 1053), which would cease upon the officially declared end of WWII; the civilian agencies via bills since the D epartm ent o f State Appropriations A ct of 1947 (P.L. 490 [79th Cong.], approved July 5, 1946). These provisions would have been repealed under S. 1561. The "McCarran Rider" to the 1946 Appropriations Act allowed for agency heads summary dism issal power whenever they deemed it "necessary or advisable in the interests of the United States" but Truman made it known that the measure would be employed only in extraordinary circumstances. See Byrnes, Speaking F ra n k ly . 253-54. 81 See letters of Defense Secretary Louis Johnson to House Speaker Sam Rayburn, Feb. 21, 1950, and of Civil Service Commissioner Harry B. M itchell to Hon. Tom Murray, Mar. 6, 1950, in U.S. Congress, House Committee on Post Office and Civil Service (81st Cong., 2d sess.), "To Protect the National Security of the United States," Hearings . . . on H.R. 7439 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., Mar. 7, 23, 30, 1950), 4, 97-98. 82 Andrews recognized cases where an employee's loyalty was unquestioned but for whom there was "a serious question as to the person's fitness and reliability" due to "activities, associations, and habits which m ight make him easy prey for those attempting to secure classified inform ation at his disposal." Hearings on S. 1561, 3. 83 The State Departm ent's Personnel Security Board was a m akeshift creation until Congress appropriated the funds for the presidential loyalty program, which was not funded and implemented until December 17, 1947. A t that time, the Civil Service Commission set up its own Loyalty Review Board and the State D epartm ent's board was given the additional task of adm inistering the loyalty program within the Departm ent (leading to the latter's name change to the Loyalty Security Board). Congressman Karl Mundt [R-SD] later claimed to have been in Peurifoy's office when M arshall's June 9th order came establishing the earlier board; see Hoey Committee Hearings (July 19, 1950), 2213 [reviewed in Chapter 6, below]. 84 "Memorandum by the Chairman of the [State Department] Loyalty Security Board (Snow) to the Secretary of State (Dulles), Subject: R eport on Loyalty Security Performance — 1947-1952," in FRUS 1952-54. Vol. I. Pt. 2. 1431. See Chapter 8, below, for the 1951 changes in standards. 116 �85 Wherry later declared he was part of the group that sent the letter; see U.S. Congress, Senate C om m ittee on A ppropriations, Subcom m ittee on Appropriations for the D istrict of Columbia (81st Cong., 2d sess.), "Report ... on the Infiltration of Subversives and M oral Perverts ...," (W ashington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O, May 17, 1950), 1; hereafter as "Wherry Report." The Congressional Staff D ire c to ry did not list subcommittee members until 1959; records at the Senate Historical Office do not reveal this subcommittee's composition. The full Senate Appropriations Comm ittee at the time, however, did include such R epublican foes of the adm inistration as W herry, Homer Ferguson, M ilton Young, W illiam Knowland, Chandler Gurney, Henry Dworshak, and [Chairman] Styles Bridges. Taft's inner circle included Wherry and Bridges, who was also a leader in the Republican National Committee; see Acheson, op. cit. ,1 3 1 . 86 Senator Joe M cCarthy first revealed the text of this letter in his M cCarthvism: The Fight For America: Documented answers to questions asked by friend and foe (New York: Devin-Adair Co., 1952), 22. Text reprinted in Ralph de Toledano, Spies. Dupes, and Diplomats (New York: Duell, Simon & Pearce, 1952), 235-36, and summarized in Anthony Kubek, How The Far East Was Lost: American Policy and the Creation of Communist China. 1941-1949 (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1963), 271. 87 W herry Report, 1. Published copies of the letter [in Kubek and de Toledano, above] delete the names given for both subversives and hom osexuals. 88 In another exam ple of historical silencing (or at least ignoring the com m unist-hom osexual parallel fears), Kubek, op. cit. , 271, omitted the last lines of the 1947 letter which discussed homosexuals. He admitted, later [272 n 40], that homosexuals constituted an equal part of the security-dism issal figures (in order to explain Peurifoy's 1950 remark that only h alf o f the 194748 separations had been for Communist ties), but he dismissed the "the problem of blackmail" as "a continuing one" which "Soviet agents" took advantage of w henever they could. 88 A native of South Carolina, Peurifoy [pronounced PURE-i-foy] earned a business degree from American University; joining the State D epartm ent in 1938, he rose quickly from being economic analyst for neutrality licenses to representing State on both the Board of Economic W elfare and the W ar Production Board. He moved to the Department's Office o f Public Information in 1944 and at the request of then-Secretary of State Edward Stettinius went to San Francisco in 1945 to organize planning at the first United Nations Conference. He later served as Deputy Secretary-General to the first U.N. General Assembly session (in London) before becoming a special assistant to Acheson in 1946. In January 1947, Secretary M arshall appointed him deputy assistant for adm inistration, placing him in charge of personnel hirings, prom otions and dism issals, budget preparation, conference arrangem ents, and security investigations for the 24,000 employees of the State D epartm ent and Foreign Service. Budget-minded members o f Congress were heartened by his "Peurifoy Plan" to place the Foreign Service under closer control of the State D epartm ent and to stream line policy responsibilities. See C urrent B iography 1949. 481-83. On his political debt to Dean Acheson; see Allen Weinstein, Periurv: The Hiss-Chambers Case (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978), 21-22. 117 �90 Quote from C urrent Biography 1949. 483; for text of the hearings, see U.S. Congress, House (80th Congress, 2d sess.), "State Department, Hearings before a Subcom m ittee of the Comm ittee on Expenditures in the Executive D epartm ents," March 10 & 12, 1948 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1950). Peurifoy also satisfied the Comm ittee that he was sufficiently estranged with his leftist cousin (a point raised in the June 10, 1947 letter) to not be at risk of his influence. 91 See U.S. Congress, House Committee on Appropriations, subcommittee hearings (Jan. 28-29, 1948), 169ff., noted in "The Appointment of Robert E. Lee to the FCC," [undated, c. Oct. 1953], in Tydings Papers, Series V, Box 3, Folder "Robert E. Lee, 1953," 2; and U.S. Congress, House, "State Department. Hearings before a Subcomm ittee of the Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments," March 10 & 12, 1948 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1950). Lee, who had served from 1938-46 as a clerk for the Appropriations Committee, did the actual compilation of statistics, which he later leaked to Joseph M cCarthy in 1950; he would later serve as M cCarthy's best man. 92 Truman's directive was later clarified by his assistant Donald Dawson on Aug. 5, 1948, in a letter to heads of each executive department and agency. Dawson stated that "No investigation data of any type, w hether relating to loyalty or to other aspects o f an individual's record shall be included in the material submitted to a congressional committee." Quoted in John Cramer, "Files on Aberrants Closed to Hill," W ashington Daily News (June 20, 1950), and in Secretary of Commerce Charles Sawyer's letter to Dawson [undated, stamped "Received June 23, 1950"]; both in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. 93 See U.S. Congress, House (80th Congress, 2d sess.), H.R. 5809 of Mar. 11, 1948; H.R. 6071 of Mar. 33, 1948; and "H.R. 6071, A Bill To provide for the treatment of sexual psychopaths in the D istrict of Columbia, and for other purposes," unpublished hearings, Apr. 21, 1948 (W ashington, D.C.: Center for Legislative Archives, National Archives I). See also M iller's and Kern's reports "to accompany H.R. 6071, regarding the Treatm ent of Sexual Psychopaths in the District o f Columbia," House Reports No. 80-1787 (Washington, DC: U.S. G.P.O., Apr. 22, 1948) and 80-1377 (Washington, DC: U.S. G.P.O., May 21, 1948). 94 U.S. Congress, Biographical Directory of the United States Congress (1971), 1407-08. As an intern, he volunteered in 1917 for service in the U.S. M edical Reserve Corps but the war ended before he was called up; see copy o f military discharge in A.L. M iller Papers, N ebraska State H istorical Society, Lincoln. 95 Quoted in Jack Lait and Lee Mortimer, W ashington Crown, 1951), 96. C onfidential (New York: 96 H.R. 6071 became Public Law No. 615 in June, 1948. Section 104(a) defined sodomy as both oral and anal sex with humans or animals, and increased the penalty up to a $1,000 fine and up to ten years in prison; Section 104(b) paralleled the m ilitary's specification that "Any penetration, how ever slight, is sufficient to complete the crime specified in this section. Proof of emission shall not be necessary." 118 �97 On the breakfasts, the W herry files do not indicate the Senator's presence at these events; he conducted most of his personal business by telephone, saving w ritten correspondence to other members o f Congress either for the rare, formal occasion, or for those he knew only distantly. See Stromer, op. cit. , 57; and Drury, A Senate Journal. 139. 98 For the sole biography of Mundt, see Scott N. Heidepriem, A Fair Chance For A Free People: Biography o f Karl E. Mundt. United States Senator (Madison, S.D.: Karl E. M undt H istorical and Educational Foundation/Leader Printing Co., 1988); see also R. Alton Lee, '"New Dealers, Fair Dealers, Misdealers, and Hiss Dealers': Karl M undt and the Internal Security Act of 1950," South D akota H istory 10, 4 (Fall 1980), 277-90. 99 Robert K. Carr, The House Committee on Un-American Activities: (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1952), 227. 100 Roger Morris, Richard Milhous Nixon: (New York: Henry Holt, 1990), 346-47. 1945-1950 The Rise of an American Politician 1°1 The bill was signed by President Truman and enacted into law on Jan. 27, 1948 (P.L. 402, 62 Stat. 6). In mid-1953, the U.S. Information Service was separated from the State Departm ent and renamed the United States Inform ation Agency (USIA). On governm ent-sponsored propaganda efforts overseas, see W alter L. Hixson, Parting the Curtain: Propaganda. Culture, and the Cold War. 1945-1961 (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1997). 1°2 See New York Times (Aug. 17, 1948) for background on Mundt reported at the time. The 1948 Mundt-Nixon communist-control bill passed in the House, 319-58, but the Senate adjourned before considering it. M undt had been close to Peurifoy for several months; he later claimed to have been in Peurifoy's office when Secretary of State M arshall ordered the establishm ent o f the (June 1947) security board; see Hoey Committee Hearings (July 19, 1950), 2213. 1 °3 Jonathan Aitken, Nixon: A Life (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1993), 111-32 [quotes from 114-16, 121]. Aitken gives a more sympathetic overview of Nixon than does M orris, op. cit. On early Nixon, see Ralph de Toledano, One Man Alone: Richard Nixon (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1969); Stephen E. Ambrose, Nixon. Volume I. The Education of a Politician. 1913-1962 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1987); and Irwin F. Gellman, The Contender. Richard Nixon: The Congress Y ears. 1946-1952 (New York: Free Press, 1999). 1°4 Aitken, op. cit. , 133-35; and Morris, op. cit. , 343-44. The Taft-Hartley Bill (passed over Truman's veto on June 23, 1947) outlawed the closed shop, prohibited picketing by sym pathetic unions, established a cooling-off period before strikes, and required the expulsion of Communists from unions. On Mundt, Nixon and HUAC, see Aitken, 138-41; Morris, 344-46; and Lee, "’New Dealers, Fair Dealers, Misdealers, and Hiss Dealers'," 277 n 1. 119 �105 Quote by Jack Anderson, "Kissinger: One-Man State Department," W ashington Post (Oct. 18, 1974), D19; I am grateful to Keith L. Nelson for bringing this item to my attention. Nixon was undoubtedly aware of his play on words, insinuating imagery of anal sex in his linkage of "faggots" with Foggy Bottom, the name for that part of Washington in which the new State Departm ent building was com pleted in 1947. Senator Wherry and cartoonist Jim Berryman would use sim ilar language, joking about the Departm ent in 1950 [see Chapter 4]. 1°6 On Elizabeth Bentley, see her Out Of Bondage (1951; New York: Ivy, 1988); Robert J. Lamphere and Tom Shachtman, The FBI-KGB War: A Special Agent's S tory (New York: Berkley, 1987), 36-42; and Harvey Klehr, John Earl Haynes, and Fridrikh I. Firsov, The Secret World o f American Communism (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1995), 309-17. W einstein, P erju ry , and Edith Tiger, ed., In Re Alger Hiss (New York: Hill and Wang, 1979), use FBI files to conclude that Hiss wasguilty, evidence refuted (while not necessarily exculpating Hiss) in Athan G. Theoharis, ed., Bevond the Hiss Case: The F.B.I.. Congress, and the Cold War (Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press, 1982). Alistair Cooke, A Generation on Trial: U.S.A. v. Alger Hiss (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1950) defended Hiss, while Sam Tanenhaus, W hittaker Chambers: A Biography (New York: Modern Library, 1997), sides with Chambers. See also Ralph de Toledano and Victor Lasky, Seeds of Treason: The True Storv of the Hiss-Chambers Tragedy (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1950); M.D. & Myer A. Zelig, Friendship and Fratricide (New York: Viking, 1967); John C. Smith, Alger Hiss: The True Story (New York: Holt, 1976); and Morton Levitt and Michael Levitt, A Tissue O f Lies: Nixon vs. Hiss (New York: M cGraw-Hill, 1979). 107 108 W einstein and Vassiliev, The Haunted W ood. 38-49, 267-69, cite evidence from the VENONA transcripts which seem to indict Hiss as a Soviet agent, but even they admit (267) Hiss "must have been" by deduction only. 109 From Tanenhaus, op. cit. , 3-119, who takes liberties in weaving together the rumors and oral histories about Chambers. Since my goal here is to show Chambers' questionable character, I will leave to others the dilemmas o f whose stories to believe, since myths were equally important as the evolving "facts." Tanenhaus' book remains the most revealing portrait of Chambers, whom he "labors mightily" to resurrect "beyond the mere 'witness' (the title of Chambers' memoir)" as per Stanley I. Kutler, "Truth or Consequences," Los Angeles Times Book Review (Mar. 2, 1997), 4. 110 Tanenhaus, op. cit. , 91-98, 117. On Luce, see Robert T. Elson, The World of Time. Inc.: The Intim ate History of a Publishing Enterprise. Vol. 2. 1941-1960 (New York: Atheneum, 1968); John Kobler, Luce: His Time. Life, and Fortune (New York: Doubleday, 1968); W.A. Swanberg, Luce and His Empire (New York: Dell, 1973); and Patricia Neils, China Images In the Life and Times of Henry Luce (Savage, MD.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1990). 120 �111 Testimony found in U.S. Congress, House Committee on Un-American A ctivities (80th Cong., 2d sess.), "Hearings Regarding Communist Espionage in the United States Government," Part 1 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., July 31 Sept. 9, 1948) and Part 2 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., December 7-14, 1948). H ereafter cited as "HUAC Hearings, 1948, I" for August testimony, and "HUAC H earings, 1948, II" fo r December testimony. 112 Tanenhaus, op. cit. , 222-23, 228, citing unpublished "Testimony o f David W hittaker Chambers," Preliminary Hearing, Executive Session, Aug, 3, 1948 (released in 1974); HUAC Hearings, 1948, I, 656; and Aitken, op. cit. , 153. 113 HUAC Hearings, 1948, I, 1075-1206 (Aug. 25, 1948); and "Interim Report on H earings R egarding Communist Espionage in the U nited States Government," in HUAC Hearings, 1948, I, 1347-57. For Mundt's general files on the Hiss case, see also M undt Papers, Boxes 681-87, Box 1222 folder 1, and Box 1225 folder 6. M undt's role was even satirized by Evening S tar cartoonist Jim Berryman [1902-71], who drew a late-1948 spoof of the pipe-sm oking M undt digging his way into a broom closet in search of headlines; cartoon reprinted as back cover of South Dakota History 10, 4 (Fall 1980). 114 Quoted in W einstein, P erju ry . 68-69. Tanenhaus, op. cit. , 239. On rumors, see Aitken, op. cit. , 157; 115 On Cham bers' hom osexuality /bisexuality confessions, see W einstein, P eriu rv . 118-19, 381, 399; and FBI Memos, Fletcher-Ladd (Feb. 18, 1949) and H oover-Clark (Mar. 1, 1949), noted in M ohr-Tolson (June 1, 1949) — all cited in M orris, op. cit. , 921 nn. 488 & 489; the Fletcher-Ladd memo is also cited in Gentry, op. cit. , 781 n. 7. Weinstein and Vassiliev, The Haunted Wood. 341, however, gloss over Chambers' homosexuality. For rumors that Hiss and Chambers may have been lovers, see David Halberstam, The Fifties (New York, NY: Villard, 1993), 15-16. See also FBI reports 74-1333-2237 & 74-1333-2152 (Feb. 16 & 18, 1949), interviews with W hittaker Chambers; FBI teletype 741333-2746 (Mar. 28, 1949); FBI reports 74-1333-3059 (Mar. 28, 1949), 74-13333051 (Apr. 14, 1949), and 74-1333-3059 (Mar. 29, 1949) -- all cited in Tanenhaus, op. cit. , 531 nn 28-29 & 536 n 29, though he cites the same report number for both the Mar. 28 & 29 interviews and dates Chambers’ first interview as Feb. 8, not Feb. 16, 1949. He also [40-41, 61-66, 342-45] provides further oral-history claim s o f Cham bers' homosexual and heterosexual prem arital and extra­ m arital activ ities. 116 Quotes from Zelig, op. cit. , 407-08; and New York Times (Feb. 22, 1984), 1 [on the occasion of President Reagan's posthumous award of the Congressional M edal of Freedom to Chambers]. 121 �117 Chambers' claim to have "conquered" his sexual "affliction" can be found in FBI Memo, Fletcher-Ladd (Feb. 18, 1949). On Hobson, see discussion in Tony Hiss, The View From Alger's Window: A Son's Memoir (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1999); I am grateful to Tony Hiss and his publisher for graciously providing me with an advance copy of this work. Hobson was eighteen and serving in the Navy's V -12 cadet program when he confessed his moral qualms about his sexuality to a Navy doctor and asked for the man's advice. Hobson was com m itted to a naval hospital for three months, where he was under the care, ironically, of a doctor who was him self homosexual; he was soon given an "undesirable" discharge. See Hiss, op. citr, and author's telephone interview with Hobson, M ay 29, 1999. 1 18 Hobson's accusations, therefore, would have earned him a Pyrrhic victory [similar to that o f potential McCarthy accuser, Lt. David Sayer, in 1951-52; see Chap. 8]. For previous references to Hobson's homosexuality, Hiss' reticence and the FBI hints at blackmail, see Zelig, op. cit. , 407-08; W einstein, P e rju ry . 165-66, 182-84, 281, 305, 378-84, 401, 582-83, & 633 nn. 57 & 59; Tanenhaus, op. cit. , 283; Morris, op. cit. , 488-89; Gentry, op. cit. , 363; J.C. Smith, A lger Hiss. 151, 195. Chambers dismissed the allegations in his W itn ess (1952) and his Qdvssev of a Friend: Letters to William F. Bucklev. Jr.. 1954-1961. ed. William F. Buckley, Jr. (New York: Putnam, 1969). 119 F or an interpretation of the anti-com m unist witchhunts as a national, political confession of sin, leading to self-purging of perceived demons, see Navasky, op. cit. , 199-222; Chambers' 1952 autobiography, W itn e ss, stands as a classic case of this type of confessional. This same mechanism for post-purge reentry into the national body politic, hov/ever, could not have worked for hom osexuals, who were beyond recovery due to their intractable "condition." Cham bers' self-construction as a repentant, form er Com m unist can therefore be seen as an elaborate cover story for his sexual activities (the dates of which overlap almost exactly), so that he could purify him self by owning up to som ething less disgraceful than hom osexuality. 120 Quote from Aug. 5, 1948 Peurifoy-M undt discussion, cited in W einstein, P e rju ry . 21-22; Truman's directive was issued ten days after Peurifoy secreted Hiss' file to Mundt, possibly as a result of the meeting. Peurifoy had first corresponded with M undt on security-related matters since the first months of his tenure; see his letters to M undt (Feb. 27 & Mar. 21, 1947), in M undt Papers, Box 681, Folder 3 [Roll 122]. Peurifoy's Dec. 7-8, 1948 testimony appears in HUAC Hearings, 1948, II, 1386-1428; he claimed that he had come to the conclusion that the Hiss documents indicated a "systematic and surreptitious looting" of State Departm ent files. See also Bert Andrews with Peter Andrews, A Tragedy of History: A Journalist's Confidential Role in the Hiss-Chambers C ase (Washington, D.C.: R.B. Luce, 1962), 177, 191. On Peurifoy-Dulles, see Ronald W. Pruessen, John Foster Dulles: The Road to Power (New York: Free Press, 1982), 371. N.B. -- Since Hiss' material was supposedly given in 1938, ten years before, the statute o f limitations had passed for espionage; his perjury charges stemmed from his Aug. 1948 testimony before HUAC. 121 Tanenhaus, op. cit. , 314, 576 n 58. 122 Aitken, op. cit. , 174; and Tanenhaus, op. cit. , 324.Despite the opposition of many Democrats, HUAC would stay funded for another 20 years. 122 �123 On Duggan and criticism of HUAC, see New York Times (Dec. 25 & 27, 1948); T im e (Jan. 3, 1949); Goodman, op. cit. , 282-83; Mundt Papers, Box 687, Folders 4-6; Tanenhaus, op. cit. , 327-34; and F.B.I. Report 65-14920, "Re: Laurence Duggan." Weinstein and Vassiliev, The Haunted Wood. 3-21, 35, 48-49, 78-79, 156, 170, 295-96, cite evidence from the VENONA transcripts which seem to im plicate a reluctant Duggan. J. Reuben Clark, a business associate of a longtime diplom at in Latin America, Frances White, would later allude to the possible homosexuality of Duggan, but this is not verified by inform ation in Duggan's FBI report; see Clark's letter of Mar. 31, 1950 to W hite, in Francis W hite Papers, M ilton S. Eisenhower Library, Johns Hopkins U niv., Baltim ore. 124 See U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Foreign Relations (81st Cong., 1st sess.), "Hearings ... on the Nomination of Dean G. Acheson to be Secretary of State," Jan. 13, 1949 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1949); idem , "Executive Sessions of the Committee on Foreign Relations [Historical Series], Vol. 2 (81st Congress, 1st & 2d Sess., 1949-1950)," Jan. 14, 1949 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1974); Stromer, op. cit. , 121-25, and Farnsworth, op. cit. , 40-42. Acheson was confirmed 83-6 with 7 absentees. Wherry was quite proud of his record. "At no time have I charged him with communistic or subversive intent, but his previous record satisfies me that he would lean more toward a record of appeasement," he wrote to Frank Major, Jr. (Apr. 4, 1950); in Wherry Papers, Box 20, Folder "Statement re Dean Acheson and re Foreign Policy 4-4-50." 125 Schlesinger quotes from his The Vital Center: The Politics of Freedom (Cambridge, MA.: Riverside Press, 1962), cited with criticism in Garry Wills, N ixon A gonistes (Boston: Houghton M ifflin Co., 1970), 573-75. "Impoverished" quote from Kyle Cuordileone, "'Politics in an Age o f Anxiety': M asculinity, the Vital Center, and American Political Culture in the Cold War, 1949-1963," Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of California at Irvine, 1995 (Ann Arbor, MI.: UMI, 1997), 2. "Hard" politics, according to Daniel Bell, meant holding no distinction between threats o f international and domestic communism; see his "Interpretations of American Politics," in The Radical Right (1955; New York: Doubleday, 1963), 68-70; cited in Cuordileone, 1, with comment, 9-12. On the effect of Schlesinger [b. 1910] on national politics, see Stephen P. Depoe, A rthur M. Schlesinger. Jr.. and the Ideological History of American Liberalism (Tuscaloosa: Univ. of Alabama Press, 1994). On the ADA, see also Alonzo Hamby, Beyond The New Deal: Harry S. Truman and American Liberalism (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1973), 277-91, 379-402. 126 See U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departm ents, Subcomm ittee on Investigations (81st Cong., 1st sess.), "Army O fficers' Improper Use of Position to Influence Governm ent Contracts and A dm inistrative Procedure, Investigation," Hearings pursuant to S. Res. 52, Aug. 8-Sept. 1, 1949 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1949); and idem, "Report on the 'Five-Percenters Inquiry'," Jan 18, 1950 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1950); for discussion, see Susan T. Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," Ph.D. thesis in History, Duke Univ., 1983 (Ann Arbor: UMI, 1984), 156-61; and M cC ullough, op. cit. , 744-747. For an unsympathetic overview, see Jules Abels, The Trum an Scandals (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1956), 42-52, 264-73. 123 �"Treason" quote from Raymond A. Schroth, The American Journey of Eric S e v a re id (South Royalton, VT.: Steerforth Press, 1995), 230. "Frenzy" quote from Byrd, op. cit. , 562. On the vilification of the State Department, see also William S. White, Citadel: The Storv of the U.S. Senate (1956; New York: Harper & Brothers, 1957), esp. 160-61; E.J. Kahn, Jr., The China Hands: America's Foreign Service Officers and W hat Befell Them (New York: Viking, 1975); and Gary M ay, China Scapegoat: The Diplomatic Ordeal o f John Carter V incent (Washington, D.C.: New Republic Books, 1979). On the "atom spy" cases, see Philip M. Stern, The Oppenheimer Case: Security on Trial (New York: Harper and Row, 1969); Ronald Radosh and Joyce Milton, The Rosenberg File: A Search for the Truth (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1983); W alter and M iriam Schneir, Invitation to an Inquest (New York: Pantheon, 1983); and Robert C. W illiams, Klaus Fuchs. Atom Spy (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1987). 127 128 For right-wing critiques, see Kubek, op. cit. , 88-112; and "Bi-Partisan Senate Group calls White House Paper ‘A libi’, Urges M ore Aid For China," Bridges Press Release (Aug. 21, 1949), quotes from 3, 4; in Wherry Papers, Box 17, folder "Press Release (Bridges) Reply to White Paper on China." For critical views from the left, see Frederick V. Field, From Right to Left: An A u to b io g rap h y (Westport, CT.: Lawrence Hill, 1983); and Ross Y, Koen, The China Lobby in American Politics (New York: Macmillan, 1960). On the China Lobby, see also Joseph Keeley, The China Lobbv Man: The Story of Alfred K o h lb e rg (New Rochelle, N.Y.: Arlington House, 1969); and Thomas E, Graham, "Getting Right W ith China: M embership, Scandal, and W eaknesses of the China Lobby," Ph.D. dissertation, Northern Illinois Univ., 1994 (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI, 1997). For the government's defense of its pragmatism, see U.S. Departm ent of State, The China W hite Paper (1949; Stanford, CA.: Stanford Univ. Press, 1967). 129 See U.S. Congress, House Foreign Affairs Committee (81st Cong., 2d sess.), "The M utual Defense A ssistance A ct of 1949, Hearings," and "Supplemental Report ... on the M utual Defense Assistance Act of 1949," Report 1265, Pt. 2 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1949); and U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Foreign Relations and the Committee on Armed Services (81st Cong., 2d sess.), "Military Assistance Program, 1949," Hearings (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1949). Senators Knowland, W herry, Mundt, Ferguson and B rew ster amended foreign aid bills with $175 million for m ilitary assistance to non-Com m unist China; see Wherry Papers, Box 10, folder "Re S. 2341 of August 4, 1949," and folder "S. S.2388 = August 10, 1949.” The administration managed to hold up funds to the N ationalists until the outbreak of the Korean conflict. 130 Details remained secret until published as "NSC-68: A Report to the National Security Council," Naval W ar College Review 27, 6 (May/June 1975), 51-108; see also "United States Objectives and Programs for National Security," Apr. 14, 1950, FRTIS- 1950. Vol. 1 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1977), 234-92. 131 Kubek, op. cit. ,2 5 1 . For text of report, see Pt. 7, 2287-93 of U.S. Congress, Senate Comm ittee on Judiciary, Subcommittee on Internal Security (82d Congress, 1st & 2d sess.), "Institute of Pacific Relations," Hearings and Report, 14 vols., July 24, 1951 to June 20, 1952 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1952). 124 �133 Quotes from Freedman, op. cit. , 208; and Terry, op. cit. , 170-71. May, op. cit. , 94-95, and Ehrenreich, op. cit. , 14-28. See also E.T. 134 Cuordileone, op. cit. , 18, 107-08; "revolt against modernity" term from Richard H ofstadter. A nother historian has pointed out how W estern thought was prone to "lumping together" all types of "heresies — religious, sexual and political" with the assumption that "if a man is guilty of one, he m ust also be guilty o f the others." By this thinking, "a homosexual (quite apart from his liability to blackmail)" was seen as "more liable to turn com m unist than a heterosexual, and [wa]s, accordingly, a greater security risk." See Burgo Partridge, A History of Orgies (1958; New York: Bonanza Books, 1960), 101-02. 135 Quotes from Cuordileone, op. cit. , 105; and George F. Kennan, American D iplom acy. 1900-1950 (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1951), 94. 125 �CHAPTER 2 W itch-H unts For Political And Sexual "Perverts" B egin. W inter 1950 A m erica's early-C old W ar, foreign-policy m asculinity crisis increased throughout the first few m onths of 1950. N ot only was form er diplom at and secretary o f the Y alta C onference, A lger Hiss, convicted for perjury but Secretary of State D ean A cheson defended Hiss in a questionable display of collegial loyalty. Acheson, in particular, drew fire from scores o f conservatives who thought him innocent of the wiles o f Soviet Com m unism at best and "traitorous" at worst. M cCarthy's charges o f Com m unists w ithin the ranks of the State D epartm ent w ould increase the perception that the T rum an adm inistration and the State D epartm ent were failing in their efforts to guard the nation from loyalty and security risks. M cC arthy's unfounded attacks prom pted defense by the State D epartm ent and the D em ocrat-led Senate Foreign R elations Com m ittee. Senator M illard Tydings found him self politically closer than ever before to his own, liberal president in his subcom m ittee's investigation of M cCarthy's claims. Since the W hite H ouse w ould not agree to a release of personnel files, how ever, M cCarthy could claim that the adm inistration was protecting subversives w ithin the D epartm ent. To com pound m atters, A ssistant Secretary of State for P ersonnel John Peurifoy tried to placate the anti-com m unist w itchhunters by saying that m any of those fired from the State 126 �D epartm ent in recen t years had been "separated" not over loyalty concerns, but because they w ere hom osexual. Peurifoy's deflection attem pt failed m iserably, as Senator K enneth W herry took the adm ission as further evidence o f the Trum an adm inistration's lax se c u rity p ro ce d u res. C oncerns about hom osexual security risks reached the H ouse A ppropriations Subcom m ittee on the Com m erce D epartm ent before K enneth W herry could initiate an investigation of the issue. A H ouse bill authorizing "sum m ary dism issal" of security risks also generated discussion on the subject of hom osexuals, but the bill failed to address an area w hich m ost concerned Senator W herry — w ere the governm ent's personnel files being m arked in som e way as to warn prospective em ploying agencies that an applicant had been arrested for or suspected o f hom osexual-related offenses? M any hom osexuals, if caught, had been allow ed to resign for "personal reasons" to save face; this diplom atic m easure, how ever, also enabled a "pervert" to seek reem ploym ent at a different governm ent agency, should he or she dare to attem pt such a m ove. Joseph M cCarthy, in fact, found out about one particular "re-hire" in early M arch, proving W herry's suspicions. W hen the im patient N ebraskan received no im m ediate reply from a request to the C ivil Service Com m ission for clarification of the problem , W herry m oved to in itiate a separate inquiry on hom osexuals in governm ent e m p lo y m e n t. 127 �T he "Red Scare" reached new heights after Senator M cC arthy's w ell publicized attacks on the m asculinity o f A m erica's liberal foreign-policy establishm ent. The State D epartm ent's own attem pt to defend itself led to further attacks over an overtly sexual m atter. K enneth W herry had w aited since June o f 1947 to resolve the reem ploym ent loophole in security regulations, and now nothing could deter him from his goal. ACHESON AND ENTIRE EXECUTIVE BRANCH SCAPEGOATED T ensions over the recent "loss" of China and of A m erica's nuclear dom inance and the arrest of nuclear spy Klaus Fuchs added to the dram atic atm osphere that prevailed at the turn of the new decade. "How m uch m ore are we going to take?" asked R epublican arch-conservative H om er Capehart. The conviction of the form er Y alta (read "sell-out") secretary A lger Hiss, of perjury on January 21, 1950 furth er fueled conservatives' contention that diplom ats w ere being seduced by the Com m unists. Hiss became "the personification o f the w eak-w illed, effete, and ultim ately treacherous eastern establishm ent liberal, w hose 'softness' rendered him prone to transgressions of a political, m oral and perhaps even of a sexual nature" -- though, in Hiss' case, it had been his accuser who had been tainted with rum ors of hom osexuality. H ;ss' conviction "proved" to anti-com m unists that there were, indeed, spies in the governm ent — 128 �or at least had been in the late '30s. Secretary of State Dean A cheson realized the virulence of conservatives' belief w hen he earned calls for his resignation from certain G.O.P. senators by not only calling Hiss his friend but by indulging in a rather sanctim onious effort to put his critics in their place. C iting Jesus in M atthew 25:34, A cheson said, "I do not intend to turn my back on A lger Hiss." The phrase becam e a brickbat which Republicans used to chastise the him for years thereafter, fulfilling the prophesy of one m agazine that his words w ould leave "the H iss m illstone tied around" the neck o f "the suave, elegant, fastidious S ecretary ."1 A cheson's politics, m annerism s and m asculinity cam e u nder quick and vicious attack. His statem ent was reported to the Senate w hen Karl M undt was interrupted by a little-know n, ju n io r Senator from W isconsin, Joseph M cCarthy, who had heard it from a reporter on the telephone. M cCarthy w ildly waved a copy of A cheson's "m ost fantastic" rem arks and added his ow n com m ents about how he assum ed A cheson also m eant that he w ould not turn his back on other Com m unists. H om er C apehart [R-IN] declared his pride in having opposed A cheson's nom ination the year before. W herry's N ebraska colleague, H ugh Butler, bellow ed about "that fellow " w ith "his sm art-aleck m anner and his B ritish clothes and that New D ealism in everything he says and does" w hich led the Senator to "want to shout, 'G et out! Get out! You stand for everything that has 129 �been w rong in the United States for years.’" W hen M undt regained the floor he slyly attacked A cheson's m asculinity as w ell as his politics. "There are som e who say that H iss is a nice young m an with a H arvard accent and a neat crease in the front o f his pants." Hiss m ight have a "peculiar capacity" to win the trust o f those like Acheson, but C ongress now needed to "m easure up to our dim ension as m en."2 The rhetoric was typical M undt: jocular, not overly hom ophobic, bu t clearly playing on the juxtaposition of "nice" m en possessing funny accents and "neat" creases in their pants w ith real m en who presum ably had bulges in the fronts of their pants. Several m em bers o f Congress called for Acheson's resignation in w hat becam e one o f the Trum an adm inistration's w orst political disasters. Senate A ppropriations C om m ittee m em ber Styles B ridges w anted to know "how deep Mr. H iss's influence ran -- and if the connections are still there" in the State D epartm ent before its budget receiv ed ap p ro v a l.3 Senator Karl M undt delivered a scathing indictm ent of the State D epartm ent, though he spent m uch o f the tim e establishing his credentials as the one who had originally decided to subpoena Cham bers in 1948 — glossing over his hesitation about continuing, early in the hearings, after Hiss' initial defense. In the H ouse, R ichard N ixon follow ed suit by citing extensively from the 1948 hearings. O ther conservatives labeled A cheson a "paid advocate" of U .S.S.R. "selected and hired by the Soviet leaders to 130 �prom ote their cause" from the tim e he had represented the Soviet U nion w hen it appealed for Am erican recognition in 1933. P ro o f o f A cheson's leadership o f a "pro-Soviet cabal" lay in the fact that he had reinstated and prom oted A m e r a s i a case defendant John Stew art Service, approved a $90 m illion E xport-Im port B ank loan to Poland, abandoned Chiang K ai-Shek, and defended A lger H iss.4 Acheson thus had to face a hostile Senate a m onth later at the State D epartm ent's annual appropriations hearing, but by then a h eretofore-unknow n senator from W isconsin had started a greater firestorm that even the distinguished Secretary could not hope to extinguish. In the course o f the two weeks follow ing A cheson's near- fatal loyalty declaration to Hiss, Joe M cCarthy would discover the crusade which w ould earn him, at a great cost to m any (and to him self), a distinct place in Am erican history. The anti-A cheson spirit quickly infected the m eeting room s o f the C ongressional funding process — frequently tough but now even m ore so. R epublican stalw arts on the Senate A ppropriations C om m ittee banded together to force the Subcom m ittee on the State, Justice and Com m erce Departm ents to take up the issue o f com m unist infiltration, starting on January 31, 1950. Though fervently anti-com m unist, chairm an P at M cC arran [D-NV] was unsuccessful in denying the R epublicans' dem and that the hearings be held in open session. The new budget included funds for 131 �132 “H e ’s a pretty fiy customer, Chief— no obvious tieups with any of the Communist-front organizations— but we finally hung it on him. From N ovem ber, 1944, until April, 1946, he was in the State Department Figure 4. Alan Dunn illustrated the suspect loyalty of State Department personnel, as Senator McCarthy's attacks increased; in New Yorker 26, 5 (Mar. 25, 1950), 23. The grim "Chief' figure most likely referred to F.B.I. Director J. Edgar Hoover. Reprinted with permission; © The New Yorker Collection 1950 Alan Dunn from cartoonbank.com; all rights reserved. �additional personnel for the Justice D epartm ent's Internal Security Section, part of an overall increase which L everett Saltonstall [R-MA] deem ed unnecessary since "we are now at peace and no longer at war." Hom er Ferguson [R-MI] focused on deporting C om m unist aliens, im plying that Justice had been lax in its investigative duties; F.B.I. D irector J. Edgar Hoover defended the effectiveness o f the P residential Loyalty Program (E.O. 9835), com plained that "C om m unist-front organizations" had spread propaganda in Southern states dealing w ith civil rights cases, and w arned that "a larger volum e o f subversive activities than existed at any period during the last W orld W ar."5 [see Figure 4] No m ention was m ade of hom osexuals in the Subcom m ittee's in itial discussions, though subversion rem ained of param ount concern. Hoover agreed with Senator Ferguson's judgm ent that "a M arxist is a Com m unist" and w arned that the 54,174 know n m em bers of the CPUS A controlled "a potential fifth colum n of 540,000 people dedicated to this philosophy." A doubtful J. L ister H ill (later a co-instigator o f the anti-hom osexual investigations) dem anded proof o f H oover's claim and the D irector responded by arguing that C om m unist-front organizations had "endeavored to exploit youths, veterans, civil rights, foreign nationality, the press, radio, television, the m otion-picture industry, educational, political, w om en and labor groups" as a m eans of sabotaging A m erican �industry during a national em ergency. Senator John M cC lellan [D-AR], another future m em ber o f the anti-hom osexual investigation, was very interested in learning of the p ro p a g a n d ists nature o f the Civil Rights Congress. H om er Ferguson was concerned about num bers of foreign students from iron-curtain countries studying in the U.S. M cC arran, overall, m ost concerned with tracking down aliens as s u b v e r s iv e s .6 D eputy U nder Secretary of State John E. Peurifoy began com m ittee testim ony in his usual way, cheerfully plodding through each item w ith "Old South courtesy" and his "sm ile-crinkled face" (as one W ashington reporter noted). P eurifoy subm itted the State D epartm ent's request for only $230 m illion for FY '51, dow n $70 m illion from FY '50. M cC arran noted State's w ithdraw al o f personnel and building projects from China (saving $7.4 m illion), and noted a recent report, by the Senate E xecutive E xpenditures Com m ittee, citing an increase in U.S. contributions to the U.N. from $43 m illion in 1947 to $220 m illion for 1949. O thers sought a balanced budget via across-the-board cuts in each Federal agency, com plaining that the U.S. budget had increased from $9 billion to $42 billion in 10 years, w ith a national debt of $250 billion.7 Through the grilling, Peurifoy handled all the Senators’ questions w ith his usual tact and courtesy. He w as prepared, as usual, for their carping about costs and the for global vigilance. H e was need not prepared, however, for the storm 134 �w hich w ould shortly break out as the result of a speaking tour by another senator in the hills w est of W ashington. ENTER JOE M cC a r t h y The ju n io r senator from W isconsin, Joseph R. M cCarthy (1908-1957), was little know n in early February, 1950, though his po litical sun w ould suddenly em erge as a supernova in the first few m onths o f the new decade.8 Future heir to the seat of his state's prom inent progressive R epublican, R obert L aFollette, Jr., M cC arthy had left school at fourteen to w ork as a farm hand, chicken farm er and grocery clerk, then returned at nineteen to com plete high school in a year. A fter earning a law degree from M arquette U niversity in M adison, he practiced law and failed in a run for district attorney as a D em ocrat in his strongly Republican state. Subsequently, he sw itched to the G.O.P. and was elected the state's youngest circuit ju d g e before serving two years in the M arine Corps. A t thirty-seven, "Tail Gunner Joe" then ran for Senate in 1946 (w ithout any prior legislative experience), lam basting his D em ocratic opponent as a C om m unist "fellow traveler."9 By early 1950, after three lackluster years in the nation's highest legislative body, M cCarthy was looking for a substantial issue to carry him through the next election. A m em ber of the Senate E xecutive E xpenditures C om m ittee's investigations subcom m ittee, he 135 �had developed ties w ith Father W alsh and other W ashington-area C ath o lic a n ti-c o m m u n ists.10 Exploiting inform ation they provided, M cC arthy tossed the equivalent o f a gasoline bom b on the com m unist-subversives debate. His infam ous W heeling, W est V irginia speech of February 9, 1950, opened the first salvo o f a rhetorical w ar w hich shook to the core the myth that the only threat to A m erica cam e from the outside.11 Though his num bers w ould change (205 com m unists to 57, then to 207 in his D enver speech, and finally 81), M cC arthy accused the Secretaries of State and D efense o f tr e a s o n .12 The absolute conviction with which he claim ed his figures gave him the national stage m any of his Republican colleagues had been craving in m aking sim ilar accusations for m any m onths. M cC arthy's W heeling speech contained soon-fam iliar splashes o f m asculinist and hom ophobic im agery. He warned that the C old W ar was "a final, all-out battle betw een com m unistic atheism and C hristianity," w ith the biggest threat com ing from those who w ould betray A m erica from w ithin its own ranks. A m erica had found itself em asculated, internationally, and "in a position of im potency" due not to foreign invaders but to State D epartm ent filled w ith "bright young m en . . . born w ith silver spoons in their m ouths" who w ere "selling this N ation out" despite the benefits of living in prosperous A m erica. These "traitorous" diplom ats w ere led by a "pom pous diplom at in striped pants, with a phony B ritish accent" — unnam ed but obviously 136 �Secretary of State D ean Acheson -- who "proclaim ed his loyalty to a m an [Truman] guilty o f what has alw ays been considered as the m ost abom inable of all crim es — of being a traitor to the people" by selling out "the Christian w orld to the atheistic world" at the end o f the Second W orld W ar.13 M cCarthy not only blam ed the Secretary of State. A dditionally, he m ade the incendiary charge that 205 form er Com m unists or those "certainly loyal to the C om m unist Party" were "still helping to shape our foreign policy" — presum ably by w orking for the D em ocratic-led State D epartm ent. H e further claim ed that State had stripped its own files of dam aging details of these em ployees’ subversion, a "w hitew ash" M cC arthy w ould repeat throughout the spring and sum m er o f 1950.14 The real problem in America, in his view, was not com m unism but internal subversion. W hether from dom estic political m otivations or from a genuine desire to root out subversion in every facet of A m erican society, he cham pioned investigations o f every governm ent agency. Given his determ ination and intim idating personality, he largely fulfilled his own prophecy over the next half-decade. [See F igure 5] INITIAL HOMOSEXUAL CHARGES APPEAR H om osexual cases first surfaced among M cCarthy's lists of com m unist-loyalty threats in early M arch, 1950. 137 "T ail-G unner Joe" �Figure 5. Senator McCarthy had demanded presidential release of State Department files when Gil Crockett drew this cartoon, [Washington] Evening Star (Mar. 6,1950), A l. The "red herring" referred to President Truman’s dismissive remark about communist influence in the Department, from the summer of 1949 - a seemingly naive comment which would come back to haunt him as the anti-communist witch-hunt heated up. Reprinted with permission of Washington Post [successor to the Star!. �rem inded his audiences that the State D epartm ent had consistently ignored C ongress' w arnings about the hom osexual threat, hearkening back to the Senate appropriations subcom m ittee's June 10, 1947 letter w hich had w arned o f the "extensive em ploym ent in highly classified positions o f adm itted hom osexuals, who are historically know n to be security risk s."15 M cCarthy claim ed that a "flagrantly hom osexual" State D epartm ent em ployee had been discharged as a security risk in 1946 b u t had been reinstated due to "pressure" from a sym pathetic, unnam ed "high State D epartm ent official" — im plying that D ean A cheson had reinstated the m an know ing he was a h o m o s e x u a l.16 M cCarthy also warned o f another case o f "an unnam ed hom osexual" (now know n to be Carmel Offie) who had been allow ed to resign from the State D epartm ent after a m orals charge yet w as found in 1950 to be em ployed by the C.I.A. The senator was "at a loss to understand" how the situation had happened, and dem anded to know who had "sponsored" the m an in his current p o s itio n .17 M cC arthy's tirades m ixed attacks on officials' loyalty and sexuality in a cruder fashion than that of his equally m asculinist and/or hom ophobic colleagues. The "pitiful squealing" o f "egg-sucking phony liberals," he charged, "w ould hold sacrosanct those Com m unists and queers" who had sold C hina into "atheistic slavery." Prom ising to purge the "prancing m im ics o f the M oscow party line" 139 �from the State Departm ent, he assailed Acheson and U.N. A m bassador-at-L arge Philip Jessup as "dilettante diplom ats," who "whined," "whim pered," and "cringed" before Com munism. NATO com m ander and form er Secretary o f State George M arshall, he said, was a "pathetic thing," while Secretary o f State Dean A cheson was a "Dean of Fashion" effem inized by "a lace handkerchief, a silk glove, and w ith a H arvard accent." M cCarthy later bragged to reporters, "if you w ant to be against M cCarthy, boys, you've got to be either a com m unist or a cocksucker."18 H is conflation of cowardice, hom osexuality and treason covered anyone left o f the Right. M cCarthy's vicious tone quickly spread to other foes of the A dm inistration, who sm elled blood over the issue and were sick o f w hat seem ed to be a perpetual scandal culture o f m ore and more Com m unists in the State D epartm ent. W hen D em ocrats resolved to investigate M cC arthy's charges (w ith the ultim ate goal of censuring him if the attacks proved false), Senators H om er Ferguson and K enneth W herry countered by sponsoring an am endm ent providing the investigating com m ittee w ith fu ll subpoena pow ers to exam ine State D epartm ent loyalty files. Follow ing acrid debate on and off the Senate floor, the resolution passed w ith the W herry-Ferguson am endm ent attached. As one new spaper com m ented, adm inistration supporters now "took notice of the incredible yet soberingly serious, new level of political m udslinging."19 140 The war �over governm ent em ployee files -- on hiatus since 1948 — had reo p en ed w ith vengeance. C onservative D em ocrat M illard Tydings, who had crossed T rum an on m any occasions, took on the unenviable task o f trying to m oderate the divisive hearings w hich follow ed over the next four m onths. C hairing w hat w ould becom e fast know n as the T ydings Com m ittee, the M aryland D em ocrat attem pted to steer the inquiry into discrediting M cC arthy but proved neither capable o f stopping his continued slanders against the governm ent nor able to escape becom ing a paw n in the files war. M cCarthy's accusations against Johns Hopkins professor Owen Lattim ore and the "China Hands" in the State D epartm ent, how ever, m ade during the course of the Tydings C om m ittee investigation in A pril, together w ith the K orean conflict and the snow balling of anti-liberal attacks during the spring o f 1950, drow ned out the com m ittee's judgm ent that the charges were "a hoax and a fraud."20 But instead of accepting the im plied reprim and, M cC arthy w ould turn against Tydings in the N ovem ber m idterm elections. D em ocrat In M arch, therefore, the prom inent M aryland unw ittingly began w hat w ould becom e his political swan song. Through his m asculinist attacks on the Secretary o f State, M cC arthy insinuated the existence of hom osexuality and set the tone for a m isstep from w hich even the suave, Southern gentlem an John 141 �Peurifoy could not recover. The Deputy U nder Secretary for A dm inistration had initiated State's response to M cC arthy's charges against the D epartm ent and Peurifoy's patron, D ean Acheson. Peurifoy had had to testify against A lger Hiss back in D ecem ber 1948; now, fourteen m onths later, with the entire D epartm ent under direct assault, Peurifoy defended the D epartm ent adm irably on all fronts. First, he sent a telegram to M cCarthy disputing the claim of "57 card-carrying Com m unists" in the D epartm ent, urging him to turn his inform ation over to the FB I and to "prom ptly publish" the nam es o f the supposed C om m unist Party m em bers, releasing the rem aining "thousands of loyal em ployees" from being "under a cloud o f suspicion." Receiving no reply, Peurifoy sent out a press release on February 13th, noting that M cCarthy's attack had "confused" the question of w hether State was "witch hunting" or was guilty of "having Com m unists on our rolls." Peurifoy stated that of 16,075 persons review ed by the presidential L oyalty R eview B oard (and thus by the FBI) since 1947, none had been "found disloyal" and only 202 had been dism issed as "security risks."21 Peurifoy's defense soon crum bled against M cC arthy's dam aging and repeated accusations. W hen Secretary of State A cheson gave his previously scheduled testim ony, he tried to put a positive spin on the situation, highlighting State's recent staff stream lining and defending the slight increase in State's budget request by arguing that the 142 �V oice of A m erica, em bassy libraries, inform ation officers and education exchanges w ould be "am ong the m ost productive o f the funds" to counter Soviet and C om m unist-sym pathizing countries' "cam paign of m isinform ation, distortion, and libel." H e began to respond m ore tersely w hen asked about the effectiveness o f the inform ation program . Styles Bridges pointedly questioned A cheson's definition of "security risk," while H om er Ferguson asked if the Secretary had ever used the R epublican's favorite security device, the 1946 M cC arran rider w hich allow ed the Secretaries o f D efense and State, plus the chairm an of the atom ic energy agency, to term inate any em ployee on security grounds. A cheson curtly deferred details to Peurifoy after review ing the four, basic categories of security risks. The senators m ostly knew them, but w anted to put the Secretary through his paces by having him review them for the r e c o rd .22 Acheson also m entioned that persons in non-political categories of security risk could be rem oved at the judgm ent of the loyalty board. This included the person who had "as a m atter of character, any defect which w ould lead him into any of these difficulties. An exam ple w ould be a habitual alcoholic or a person who has any other physical or m oral defect w hich could be preyed upon or w hich m ight be used by som ebody who was attem pting to penetrate into the Departm ent." Senator B ridges im m ediately asked, "Such as 143 �hom osexuality or a person with a crim inal record?" A cheson concurred, and the discussion turned to the process by w hich the loyalty board w ent about recom m ending dism issals. B ible-m inded Senator W illis R obertson [D-VA] urged Peurifoy to m ake every effort to carry out security investigations along the lines of St. Paul's adm onition (2 Cor. 6:14) that we should "Be not equally yoked together with unbelievers." A cheson said they were doing so, but M cC arran com plained that the Secretary had left the security issue up to the loyalty board (harking back to Ferguson's com m ent about the M cC arran rider). A cheson responded only by noting that there was a constant effort by others "to penetrate into the D epartm ent o f S ta te ."23 Senator B ridges then tried to bait A cheson into further defending the convicted perjurer A lger Hiss. Bridges stated that anyone who had given classified m aterials to H iss’ law yers (for use in the trial) was a security risk; A cheson rem inded Bridges that only release o f "unauthorized" m aterial constituted a breech of security, leaving subpoenaed item s exem pt. In an unstated but obvious reference to the vilified Hiss, B ridges continued badgering A cheson by slyly asking him if he considered a "friend of a person convicted of, say, perjury in connection with a treasonable act and found guilty, a security risk?" A cheson replied only, "I think it w ould be a m atter that you would look into." Bridges pushed again, asking if State 144 �em ployees determ ined to be security risks w ere ever kept in positions with access to classified inform ation. A cheson and Peurifoy both replied negatively, and Peurifoy chim ed in that it was his objective was to "get them out o f the D epartm ent."24 In an effort to defend his boss and point up his use o f the M cC arran rider, Peurifoy recalled the instance in the sum m er of 1947 w hen he had recom m ended ten for dism issal. H e noted that during his absence in Europe, they had been allowed to resign instead (six had, three w ere exonerated, and only one — an accused hom osexual — had actually been dism issed). B ridges asked who had counterm anded P eurifoy's decision, know ing that only then-Secretary G eorge C. M arshall and U nder Secretary R obert A. L ovell had had the authority to do so.25 Peurifoy could not say for sure, how ever, if any of the resignees had subsequently returned to governm ent service; he claim ed that the fact o f resignation was put into an em ployee's C ivil Service Com m ission record, and that the staff o f a prospective, new em ploying agency could view both the em ployee's security and personnel files — issues W herry w ould later take up during his anti-hom osexual investigation. Peurifoy undid w hatever dam age-control efforts he had accom plished to that point, how ever, in his next exchange with Bridges. The New H am pshire Republican asked him how m any others were under investigation or had resigned under such 145 �circum stances since the beginning o f Peurifoy's tenure in early 1947. Peurifoy replied that there had been a total of 202 cases -- 20 dism issed because they w ere no longer needed — plus 91 people in "this shady category." W hen pushed by Bridges, he defined "shady" as "people o f m oral w eakness and so forth that we have gotten rid of in the D epartm ent." M cC arran dem anded even further clarification. "M ost o f these were hom osexuals, Mr. Chairm an," he answered. "All o f them w ere rem oved."26 Peurifoy had to adm it that he had not used the sum m ary-dism issal pow ers o f the M cC arran rider since "we called the [employees] in" to tell them they were under suspicion of hom osexuality. As he recalled, "we asked for their resignation, and they subm itted them voluntarily in these cases." B ridges then pushed him to confirm w hether any of the 202 dism issed had been rehired by other governm ent agencies. Peurifoy lam ely replied that w ould have to check w ith the Civil Service Com m ission, but assured the com m ittee that none of "those we have ju st been discussing" (i.e. the hom osexuals) had been rehired, even as per diem co n su ltan ts.27 At this point, A labam a D em ocrat Lister Hill broke in. A nticipating his role in Senator W herry's investigation of hom osexuals, H ill attem pted to point out how sm all the num ber of "risk" cases cited actually am ounted to, by asking how m any people w orked in the State D epartm ent. Peurifoy replied that about 20,000 w ere 146 �em ployed during the period the 202 w ere released. W herry’s chief ally, H om er Ferguson, w ent on to w ring one last concession out of Peurifoy, who potentially dam aged the credibility of his boss by going beyond w hat A cheson had said about A lger Hiss. Ferguson asked if the inform ation revealed in Hiss' trial, and the fact o f a perjury conviction, w ould be "sufficient to classify" H iss as a security risk? Peurifoy was forced to reply in the affirm ative.2 8 The rest of the day was spent discussing the qualifications of Presidential L oyalty B oard m em bers, the Hiss dism issal, and P eurifoy's legal inability to surrender loyalty files w ithout authorization of the president, even in response to subpoena. Senator H ill tried to add levity, gently poking fun at Senator Robertson's use of the B ible to clarify his points — after Peurifoy had defended the quality o f security investigations by saying he did not believe som eone could be "a little pregnant," H ill offered a paraphrase of Jesus in M atthew 12:30, "Who is faulty is against me," to w hich Peurifoy heartily agreed. Afterw ards, how ever, H om er Ferguson kept after Peurifoy regarding access to files, in a discussion that took up m ost of the afternoon.29 Senator H ill finally gave in to the Republicans' serious focus and asked the Secretary of State about the Hiss verdict ju s t before the end o f the day. A cheson understandably hesitated at having to com m ent about the trial or about his previous rem arks, claim ing that 147 �he had been "harassed by m isrepresentations" as to w hat he had said, but he agreed to m ake a statem ent in hopes o f being able "to dispose of this m atter once and for all." Fortunately for him, his sum m ary o f his position was rather unexceptional.30 A t that, the long, grueling session was over. NEW ANGLE OF ATTACK IN HOMOSEXUAL ISSUE Peurifoy had m ade a valiant attem pt to deflect M cCarthy's charges by revealing that m ost o f the ninety-one State personnel dism issed as security risks were hom osexuals, not com m unists. B ut to no avail. His rem arks m ade the front page o f every national new spaper. In the words of one historian, "If Peurifoy hoped to indicate that the State D epartm ent was not really a haven for Com m unists, the tactic failed. His distinction betw een different undesirables was overrun by the politicians." In the weeks to follow , the words "hom osexual" and "pervert" began to be encountered w ith a frequency never before seen in A m erican print journalism . Peurifoy's "chance revelation" thus only served to fuel the fires, giving those in the an ti-ad m in istratio n and an ti-S tate D epartm ent cam ps fu rth er evidence o f laxity in security, and further exposed the D em ocrats to R ep ublican attack .3 1 �The w inter 1950 hearings officially focused on Senator M cC arthy's charges o f Com m unists in the State D epartm ent but unofficially becam e his and others' vehicle for further attacking the T rum an adm inistration. The appointed com m ittee was headed by M aryland D em ocrat, M illard E. Tydings (1890-1961), chairm an o f the im portant Senate A rm ed Services Com m ittee and a m em ber of the equally prestigious Foreign Relations and Joint Atom ic Energy com m ittees. T ydings was also a long-tim e critic of the adm inistration who voted m ore w ith Southern than w ith N orthern D em ocrats and who certainly could not be expected to "whitewash" T rum an.32 Ironically, the suave, e litist Tydings would come to defend the President, earning M cC arthy's ire and losing his status with the M cC arthyites. T ydings p u t h im self in a difficult position from the start by dem anding that M cC arthy appear as his subcom m ittee's first w itness and by describing his charges as false. M cC arthy's general claim s appeared to be ju stified , how ever, when F.B .I. director J. Edgar Hoover dropped a bom bshell by announcing his initiation of a "full field investigation" of Johns H opkins U niversity Professor Owen L attim ore, the "Far E ast expert" w hom M cC arthy claim ed was the spy leader behind the State D epartm ent's pro-Com m unist decisions in China. L attim ore was a convenient target since he was away on a research trip in A fghanistan, and by the tim e he cut short his trip and returned to 149 �W ashington, M cC arthy had turned the investigation into a broad attack on the adm inistration's China policy. M cCarthy slyly gave out nam es o f supposed Com m unists in the State D epartm ent in tantalizing doses and the press gobbled them up -- Judith Coplon, D orothy Kenyon, A m bassador Philip Jessup, and others reputedly connected to the adm inistration's decision to stop backing the N ationalist C hinese governm ent in 1949. Lattim ore's threats of a law suit only encouraged M cCarthy, in a ram bling speech on the Senate floor, to renew his indictm ent of the professor as the "architect" of A m erica's China policy.33 The T ydings C om m ittee also had to determ ine w hat m ystery persons M cCarthy was touting as his "proven" Com m unists. finally settled on a list of 81 suspects. He The problem for the Senate, how ever, was that the Loyalty Program did not allow the release o f fed eral em ployee loyalty files to investigative bodies w ithout the authorization of the President. The 108 files review ed in early 1948 had been shown to a special H ouse subcom m ittee before the executive order on loyalty procedures brought the practice to a halt. In fact, M cCarthy's cases w ere draw n entirely from the earlier list o f 108, and even included several people who were never em ployed by the federal governm ent, m uch less by the State D epartm ent. T he only way for D em ocrats on the Tydings Com m ittee to refute M cC arthy, ironically, was to subpoena their own president for 150 �executive-agency records. Even Tydings, an erstw hile critic of Trum an, did not relish this task, but to his credit, he applied him self professionally, com bining his loathing for M cCarthy w ith a desire to increase the pow er of Congress. The debonair M arylander could thus play friend and foe at the same time. Accordingly, he sent out identical letters to Trum an, Secretary of State D ean Acheson, A ttorney G eneral H ow ard M cG rath, and Loyalty B oard C hairm an Seth R ichardson, threatening to subpoena the files if they w ere not v o lu n ta rily p ro d u ce d .34 W ith the T ydings Com m ittee, therefore, the "national security" bogey once again arose to tem pt the adm inistration into w orking out som e type of deal, as it had in early 1948. Trum an w aited until he had arrived in Key W est, Florida for a "working vacation" to reply to T ydings' M arch 22, 1950 request that the P resident authorize "production" o f the State D epartm ent em ployee files. that the m atter was "one of grave concern." T rum an w rote Citing the opinion o f J. E dgar H oover, the P resident reiterated that the loyalty program forbade such a violation o f privacy, and that Congress had been denied such requests since April, 1941. Trum an offered to have the Loyalty Review Board "arrange for a com plete and detailed review , as soon as possible, of the cases in which charges of disloyalty have been m ade" before the T ydings C om m ittee.35 151 �B y m id-M arch, therefore, a renew ed loyalty-files w ar was in full sw ing, with R epublicans dem anding their release, the adm inistration defending their secrecy, and the general public grow ing increasingly distrustful. To M cCarthy, only a full disclosure o f the individuals F.B.I. and Loyalty Board files could prove their innocence; his charges forced the W hite H ouse to appear as if it w ere hiding s o m e th in g .36 For D em ocrats, an "independent" review was sim ply irresponsible since view ers could m ake the nam es public, destroying the integrity of the files and setting a dangerous precedent for any future M cCarthy. B altim ore Public suspicion o f the State D epartm ent led the Sun (Tydings' hom etow n new spaper) to express its surprise that so m any people supported M cCarthy even as the press consistently painted him as a dem agogue. One W ashington wom an linked the "pervert" and C om m unist issues in her letter, stating "We know there are all shades of Reds, pinks, and m auves in our D epartm ent o f S tate."37 W hen the requested files were not produced, the Senate voted the T ydings C om m ittee pow ers of subpoena on M arch 28th. Som e doubted if their soon-issued w rits w ould be enforceable, and the C om m ittee pressed ahead with its investigation w ithout the files. D ue to witness scheduling and the Senate's other debates, how ever, the L attim ore issue was not solved by the time of the two-week, spring recess in m id-A pril. The Com m unists in the State D epartm ent 152 �w itchhunt prom ised m ore hearings and M cC arthy grandstanding w ell into M ay.38 N ebraska Senator K enneth W herry jo in ed his R epublican colleagues in turning the T ydings C om m ittee hearings into a referendum on executive-office records jurisdiction. On February 24th, he had suggested court action if the State D epartm ent did not authorize the release loyalty files of suspected Com m unists. W herry threatened to subpoena A cheson to produce files w ith threat of contem pt o f court if he refused, w hile the Secretary claim ed he was standing by P resident T rum an's executive order keeping such files confidential. Just as in the 1948 dispute, W herry insisted that the nam e-search details w ould be kept secret. Senators M cCarthy, M undt, W herry and others, not surprisingly, saw a cover-up of C om m unists in the State D epartm ent. SUMMARY DISMISSAL ISSUE REEMERGES A long w ith the issue of personnel-file authority, the context for Senator W herry's anti-hom osexual in vestigation included the issue o f authority to sw iftly dism iss federal em ployees w hose loyalty was suspected. Legislation taken up by the House Com m ittee on Post O ffice and Civil Service in early M arch, 1950, could have satisfied problem s about hom osexuals who had som ehow regained em ploym ent in another governm ent agency after having been 153 �allow ed to resign quietly — a glaring loophole w hich A ssistant Secretary Peurifoy's testim ony had revealed. A ddressing this problem , a new bill "To Protect the N ational Security o f the U nited States" (H.R. 7439), reintroduced an earlier bill proposed during the E ightieth C ongress at the tim e of its 1947 dispute w ith the W hite H ouse over agency term ination pow ers, b u t which had not passed .39 A long the lines of the Uniform Code o f M ilitary Justice (being im plem enting that sam e spring), H.R. 7439 sought to unify the em ployee term ination policies of both the defense agencies — covered by w artim e m easures w hose authority could expire w ith an official end to the w ar — and civilian agencies such as the D epartm ent of State w hich had been granted dism issal authority only on an annual basis as part of their appropriations bills in C ongress.40 H.R. 7439 specifically addressed people not covered by E xecutive O rder 9835, the presidential loyalty review program , recognizing that there w ere people w hose loyalty was n o t in question but w hose "loquaciousness" (especially when drunk), "personal habits," "associations" or other indiscretions m ight lead them to divulge sen sitive inform ation to foreign agents or subversive A m ericans.41 Prom oters o f the bill stressed that its provisions w ould not supersede the authority of the Presidential Loyalty R eview Board, since they w ould be lim ited to the "sum m ary suspension and ultim ate term ination of em ploym ent of persons who are poor 154 �security risks." A gency representatives praised the b ill since it gave them pow er to suspend questionable personnel "w ithout first notifying that em ployee of the reasons for suspension and affording him an opportunity to reply" -- an option not available under the existing m easures — and since em ployee rights w ere considered in the b ill's provision o f an appeal before suspension could turn into te r m in a tio n .42 T he new bill also allow ed for the reem ploym ent o f those dism issed (except in cases o f proven disloyalty), fu rth er balancing G overnm ent security concerns with workers' rights. A C ivil Service C om m ission law yer cited the exam ple o f a m an who "because he talks too m uch . . . w on't do for very delicate w ork in the Atom ic Energy Com mission, bu t . . . m ight do all right as an accountant in the V eterans' A dm inistration or . . . other jobs. In other w ords, this rem oval . . . w ould not necessarily bar him from other em ploym ent, and the Civil Service Com m ission would be the one to decide w hether he [w ajs suitable fo r em ploym ent in other agencies."43 Congressw om an K atharine St. G eorge [R-NY], how ever, echoed criticism raised by Senator W herry since his com plaints about the 1947 dism issal bill. St. George voiced her concern th at since m any an em ployee dism issed as a "bad security risk" w ere allow ed to resign for "personal reasons," they could get away w ithout perm anent notes in their files and w ould be eligible for rehire at other agencies — a 155 �vital loophole in the process. The G overnm ent Em ployees Council w itness assured St. George and the House Com m ittee that once one was rem oved from one agency as a "bad security risk" that one w ould have trouble being accepted in another agency, being left "out o f the picture." B ut the com m ittee took the reem ploym ent m atter no fu rther, leaving open the assum ption that an em ployee w ould becom e "unhirable" if and only w hen an official flag were placed in one's record; otherw ise, a perspective new boss duly checking with the C ivil Service Com m ission would see no reason not to hire som eone who was concealing hom osexuality (as C om m issioner H arry M itchell w ould later admit). St. George and other R epublicans also feared that a rider on the b ill m ight reinstate the current, m ore d raw n-out appeals process and require public announcem ent of charges leveled at an individual at the tim e of suspension — drastic steps w hich had discouraged sum m ary dism issals in the p a st.44 A side from not resolving the loophole problem , H.R. 7439 also did n o t specifically cite hom osexuality as a security risk. Only one reference was m ade of hom osexuals, in an exchange betw een Congressm en Ray Karsten [D-MO] and Thornberry [D-TX] on the last day o f the hearings, M arch 30, 1950. K arsten had "read extensively in the W ashington papers concerning the situation o f perverts in the service" and pushed Navy U nder Secretary Dan K im ball to affirm that hom osexuals w ould be considered security risks. 156 T hornberry raised �the objection that fired em ployees w ould be left with a "stigma" of a character defect, even if they w ere loyal.45 K arsten's concern was som ew hat ill-focused since the new spaper reports by the end of M arch — w hen Senator W herry announced his own investigation o f hom osexuals — were addressing the supposed laxity in the civilian agencies m uch m ore than in defense agencies. To be fair, how ever, neither K arsten nor his other fellow com m ittee m em bers could ask questions about civilian agencies, directly, since m ost o f the civilian agencies were represented only by letter. The D epartm ent o f State, for exam ple, had declined to send a representative to the hearings after its personnel director conferred w ith the com m ittee's legal s ta f f.46 The announcem ent o f W herry's separate investigation also reduced the need to reiterate the hom osexual threat. N evertheless, the H ouse Com m ittee's lack of concern w ith the issue stands in distinct contrast to the vitriolic attention it received from Senators M cC arthy and W herry. A nother reason for the lack o f focus on hom osexuality was probably that the initiator of the bill, D efense Secretary Johnson, knew that hom osexuals could be rem oved from m ilitary and civilian agencies under existing statutes on im m oral conduct. In any case, H.R. 7439 did not cover the m atter of som eone known to be hom osexual but who had not been caught in the act; theoretically addressed such persons. 157 the bill only W herry, therefore, still needed �to explicitly focus attention to his p e t peeve — hom osexuality in the S tate D epartm ent. As it turned out, after passage in the Post Office and Civil Service Com m ittee, the bill failed to pass in the full House on M arch 31, 1950. The spirit o f M cCarthyism had not yet blinded Congress to concerns of em ployee rights, as it w ould when the bill w ould be reintroduced three m onths later. A ll that Congress got from the adm inistration w as Secretary A cheson's agreem ent to hire R epublican policy analyst John Foster Dulles as a safeguard against D em ocratic liberal influence in the State D epartm ent.47 U nresolved, still, was the issue o f hom osexuals in Federal em ploym ent, an issue S enator W herry was determ ined to resolve. B efore Senator W herry had the chance to start a separate investigation, how ever, the issue o f hom osexual em ployees had also arisen in a H ouse hearing on the Com m erce D epartm ent's budget. The H ouse A ppropriations C om m ittee heard testim ony that "some em ployees, who had been cleared o f disloyalty charges[,] still were on the payroll," even though they w ere considered security risks. Som ehow , the questionable em ployees could not be discharged, how ever. The C om m erce D epartm ent was reported as being "honeycom bed" with security risks, though m uch of the testim ony regarding hom osexuality was off the record. Congressm an John J. R ooney [D-NY] charged that the Com m erce D epartm ent was guilty o f 158 �"laxity in w eeding out hom osexuals" though he "praised the State D epartm ent for vigilance in that regard."48 As chairm an of the House Com m ittee on D istrict o f Colum bia A ppropriations, Rooney was in the position to start an investigation parallel to the one W herry was considering in the Senate. R ooney's defense o f the State Departm ent, how ever, le ft him at odds w ith the R epublicans who sought to em barrass the m ost vulnerable and visible m em ber of Trum an's cabinet, D ean Acheson. A ttacking the C om m erce D epartm ent in the spring of 1950, too, had less cachet than attacking the "effete cookie-pushers" in the foreign service, as C liff C levenger [R-OHj later noted 49 Nonetheless, the Com merce D epartm ent did in itiate an accelerated purge of suspected hom osexuals from its ranks. The H ouse Com m ittee's solution to the problem , how ever, did not fit the pattern espoused by anti-A dm inistration R epublican senators. N ot surprisingly, they reintroduced into the budget bill before the appropriations subcom m ittee their own favorite tool for solving loyalty and security problem s — the M cC arran R ider — w hich had the political benefit of granting dism issal authority apart from that authorized in the President's Loyalty Program . Once again, the dism issal authorization becam e a m eans o f fighting subversives — and now perverts, too. W herry's faithful ally, Senator H om er Ferguson, raised the issue in m id-M arch, m istakenly assum ing that 159 �the 91 fired State D epartm ent hom osexuals disclosed by Peurifoy had been dism issed under the M cC arran R ider.50 Even Ferguson failed to realize, therefore, that the rider did not cover the ree m p lo y m e n t loophole. WHERRY DEMANDS INVESTIGATION A nticipating H.R. 7439's failure and addressing Ferguson's m isunderstanding about the M cC arran Rider, Senator K enneth W herry turned to a different m echanism to handle the reem ploym ent loophole. Peurifoy's February 28th deflectio n attem pt had generated a new fire in the m an who had w arned o f the potential for hom osexual security leaks as early as 1947. W herry was determ ined to force the issue and dem anded an investigation of hom osexuals by the Senate, in the third w eek of M arch, 1950. Since W herry had first raised his concerns over hom osexual security risks in the Senate A ppropriation C om m ittee’s 1947 letter to Secretary M arshall, he had risen from M ajority W hip in the 80th C ongress to M inority Floor L eader in the 81st — becom ing the behind-the-scenes point m an for R epublican leg islativ e initiatives. As noted in the previous chapter, W herry was not know n to abandon a fight, and never held back from prom oting his firm ly held ideals. The N ebraskan was both liked for his disarm ing, jo v ial w it and feared for his excited, hyperactive bravado and partisanship. 160 A �senate reporter described W herry as "best organization m an on the R epublican side" and adm itted that, "All the things that people dislike about him — his blustering, his im patience, his didactic m anner, his personality w hich at first rubs people the w rong way — still hold; but underneath them there is a certain dogged determ ination to keep slugging away at what he believes in, w hich is in its way quite adm irable."51 A nother observer noted that W herry conveyed his "anxieties and m isgivings" about the future w ith an unquestionable sincerity. "Especially upon the Senate floor, the Senator, in his zeal, ha[d] a way, at times, of alternately of striking his breast w ith the palm s of his extended hands and then plaintively appealing in the unparliam entary language of his native state" as he m oved "springily and tirelessly about, rather like an eager boxer in a ring." Even A rthur V andenberg com m ented on W herry's energy: "The Senator from N ebraska can even say 'good m orning' so vehem ently as to m ake m e quail."52 T he N ebraskan's reputation had grown during his six years in the Senate. He was voted one o f the ten "worst senators" by W ashington Press Gallery reporters who called him "sectional and blindly p a rtis a n ." 53 Neither was he known for his diplom acy. One Senate historian rem arked that the N ebraskan was "a fair to good leader — but his outstanding characteristic in the post was a flatly uncom prom ising attitude and a brand of M idw estern, sm all-tow n, 161 �Lions Club R epublicanism so intolerant as som etim es to repel even the redoubtable T aft."54 In any case, W herry soon saw his chance to use the hom osexual issue to add to the funeral pyre the R epublicans w ere building for the D em ocratic adm inistration. It was during this period that W herry, like T aft and other R epublicans becam e M cC arthy supporters, though the exact chronology o f their shift is a m atter of debate. R epublicans quickly realized that, despite M cC arthy's disreputable character and crude personality, having a figurative bull loose in the Trum an china shop could have its advantages. Ever the w iley partisans, W herry and Ferguson had saddled the D em ocrats' resolution to investigate M cC arthy's charges w ith his ow n am endm ent to subpoena State D epartm ent loyalty files. Even the w ell-respected Senator R obert Taft, who had privately declared M cC arthy's February 20th Senate speech "a perfectly reckless perform ance" later advised him that, "if one case doesn't w ork out, bring up another."55 one of many. And T aft was only According to D avid M cCullough, "W hile num bers of his fellow R epublicans silently deplored M cC arthy's m ethods, others — B ridges, B rew ster, Capehart, M undt, W herry — began lending support. 'I will not turn my back on Joe M cCarthy,' said B rew ster," m ocking A cheson's declaration o f loyalty to the convicted H iss in January. A nother historian claim ed that, "to K enneth W herry and 162 �the rest of the R epublican leadership, M cCarthy was, w ithin a m atter o f w eeks, to becom e pure gold."56 W herry's interest in using the M cC arthy investigation for partisan p olitical ends suggests that his "conversion" to M cC arthyism occurred earlier than som e observers have suggested. B ut w hatever the exact tim ing, M cCarthy seem ed to inspire the w orst in W herry, who had previously been know n as a tough but jovial negotiator, high-m inded in his rhetoric but rarely vicious: Kenneth Wherry may have exaggerated a bit when he told a cheering crowd, while it was still conceivable that Chiang Kai-shek m ight endure, that "with God's help, we will lift Shanghai up and up, ever up, until it's ju st like Kansas City," but W herry would not have descended into gutter politics without M cCarthy's guidance. Styles Bridges, Homer Capehart, Bourke Hickenlooper, H. Alexander Smith — these were vigorous partisans, but they were not without honor. It was M cCarthy who engineered the descent into diabolism.5 ^ W herry was already anti-liberal and an ti-interventionist, but w hether in response to M cCarthy's influence or not, the events of the w inter of 1950 inspired him to m ove beyond his usual vituperous attacks on D ean A cheson and the State D epartm ent.58 The hom osexual issue provided another link in W herry's long-standing w ar against the executive branch for a redressed balance of pow er in favor of Congress. Like M cCarthy, W herry now had a battle to fight and w as determ ined not to let give up. Initial salvos in the anti-hom osexual attacks on the D em ocrats and State D epartm ent began when K enneth W herry dem anded, in a 163 �M arch 15, 1950 letter to C ivil Service Com m ission chief H arry M itchell, that the nam es o f persons referred to by Peurifoy be rev ealed to a special com m ittee w hich W herry had set up to review the "pervert" problem . W herry's letter to M itchell w ould go unansw ered for alm ost two m onths, to the great consternation of the im patient N ebraskan. The chain-sm oking, "M erry M ortician" was never one to let a foot-dragging bureaucrat get in his way. One w eek after sending his letter to M itchell, W herry announced his own inquiry on the issue. One final note on the opening o f W herry's anti-hom osexual investigations. T he nation-w ide publicity from the Peurifoy rev elations and W herry’s subsequent pronouncem ents m ay have had a fatal effect on at least one prom inent Am erican who was also hom osexual. H arvard Professor F.O. M atthiessen (1902-1950) could be considered an early, indirect victim of the 1950 anti-hom osexual purge. "One of the m ost influential writers on Am erican culture o f the 1930s and 1940s," he "influenced an entire generation o f students and scholars" and continued to "exert an im portant presence" even after his death. He kept quiet his tw enty-year relationship with another m an, but as president and founder of the H arvard T eachers’ Union, he cam paigned for Henry W allace, the progressive candidate for president in 1948. he did not deny his hom osexuality; 164 "In these public roles he m erely perform ed them �w ithout any reference to sexuality," his biographer observed. "It was a difficult line to walk, and his repeated bouts o f depression w ere likely deepened by his precarious position." One o f forty-six m em bers o f the H arvard faculty who had protested the M undt-N ixon anti-com m unist bill, he had been investigated on and off by the F.B.I. since 1941 for his politics, though he was never labeled anything m ore than a civil rights activist and a self-proclaim ed socialist.59 The H arvard don's dem ise had its roots in the increasingly hom ophobic and anti-com m unist culture in w hich he lived. M atthiessen described him self in his suicide note as "a C hristian and a socialist" who was "depressed because o f w orld conditions" though he still "firmly believed in international peace." Since he was tenured, he could only be attacked on m oral not political grounds by his fellow faculty, "The extrem ely hom ophobic atm osphere in which M atthiessen lived and w orked probably contributed to his suicide when he dove from the window of the M anger Hotel" in B oston on the m orning of A pril 1, 1950.60 The events preceding M atthiessen's death paint a vivid and ugly picture o f growing national intolerance. A fter all, Peurifoy had testified on February 28 before the Senate that m ost of the 91 em ployees dism issed from his departm ent on m oral grounds w ere hom osexuals; R epublicans had im m ediately added "sexual perverts" to the issue o f com m unists in high governm ent positions, and 165 �throughout M arch 1950, stories about sexual deviants in governm ent m ade the front page o f the New Y ork Tim es three tim es. U nfortunately, such overt publicity over a rarely discussed topic could have provided the im petus for suicidal depression at the thought o f the pain and ignom iny o f public exposure and the ru in ation o f one's career.61 M ost hom osexuals, how ever, for better or for w orse, chose to and were able to live through the nadir of the an ti-h o m o sex u al purges, a lb e it uncom fortably. CONCLUSION B uilding off of D ean Acheson's questionable defense of A lger Hiss, Senator Joseph M cCarthy touched off a lasting political firestorm with his accusations of Com m unists w ithin the ranks of the U.S. D epartm ent of State. The State D epartm ent's attem pt to deflect M cC arthy's accusations unintentionally opened the door to an add itional debate over the existence of hom osexual governm ent em ployees, allegedly an equally dangerous security risk due to the p o ten tial o f blackm ail. A ssistant Secretary Peurifoy's seem ingly sm all point turned into a large problem for federal agencies that had pledged to keep their ranks secure from every threat. O nce it becam e clear that other congressional m eans w ould not adequately address his concerns, Senator W herry w ould begin a 166 �crusade to end w hat he saw as unresolved lapses in em ployee security. If a governm ent w orker could be allow ed to resign from one governm ent agency for "personal reasons" — evading having a black m ark on one's record — and later could find em ploym ent in another agency w ithout one’s hom osexual past having been revealed, this w as, indeed, a potentially dangerous security "loophole" that m ust be elim inated. Since H.R. 7439 and the House's Com m erce D epartm ent appropriations hearings failed to rectify the problem , W herry felt obligated to press ahead w ith m ore drastic m easures. The question rem ained ju st how to ensure the closing of the reem ploym ent loophole. W ould it be done privately through back channels, or publicly, in as dam aging a forum as possible to the T rum an adm inistration and the hated A cheson State D epartm ent? G iven the background of Kenneth W herry, it is not surprising that the single point o f closing the hom osexual security gap was turned into six-w eek-long "prelim inary investigation" w hich led tr> a six-m onth-long inquiry by a full Senate subcom m ittee. Though conducted behind closed doors, details from the probes w ere conveniently leaked to the press, providing a successful m eans o f condem ning the Trum an adm inistration for its political sins in addition to resolving the official policy issue. How W herry went about his initial inquiry, w hat he found, and w hat he did with the inform ation is the subject o f the follow ing chapter. 167 �1 C apehart quote from W einstein, P erju ry . 507. "Softness" quote from Kyle Cuordileone, '"Politics in an Age of Anxiety': M asculinity, the V ital Center, and American Political Culture in the Cold War, 1949-1963," Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of California at Irvine, 1995 (Ann Arbor: UMI, 1997), 111. Allen W einstein and A lexander V assiliev, The Haunted Wood: Soviet Espionage in America — The Stalin Era (New York: Random House, 1999), 38-49, 267-69, seem to confirm the guilt o f Hiss and numerous other suspected Soviet agents, including (311-37) "atom spies" such as Fuchs. For Acheson quote on Hiss, see McCullough, T ru m an . 759-61; Morris, Richard M ilhous Nixon. 499-502; Tanenhaus, W h ittaker C ham bers. 436-38; plus various articles in New York Times. New York H erald-T ribune. W ashington Post. W ashington T im es-H eraid and others (Jan. 25, 1950). "M illstone" quote from N ational Review (Feb. 6, 1950). The only paper to offer support was New York H erald-Tribune (Jan. 27, 1950), which said Acheson's statem ent was "as courageous as it was Christian." 2 From Goodman, The Com m ittee. 125, summarizing Cong. Rec. 96 (Jan. 25, 1950), S 895-97. Mundt quotes repeated in New York Times. New York HeraldT rib u n e . and W ashington P ost (Jan. 26, 1950). A contemporary critiques of Bridges and M undt appear in Robert S. Allen and W illiam V. Shannon, The Trum an M errv-G o-R ound (New York: Vanguard Press, 1950), 288-89, 2913 Quote from New York Times (Jan. 30, 1950). Privately, Acheson offered to resign, but Truman refused; see Dean Acheson, Present At The Creation: My Years at the State Department (New York: Norton, 1969), 360. While refusing com ment about Hiss at this Jan. 27, 1950 press conference, Truman was privately convinced that the "s.o.b." Hiss was guilty; see Robert J. Donovan, The Tumultuous Years: The Presidency of Harrv S. Truman. 1949-1953 (New York: Norton, 1982), 133; and McCullough, T ru m an . 761. 4 Karl Mundt, "What the Hiss Trial Actually Means," in Cong. Rec. 96 (Jan. 25, 1950), S899-907; Richard Nixon, "The Hiss Case: A Lesson for the American People," in Cong. Rec. 96 (Jan. 26, 1950), H999-1007; and Felix Wittmer, "Freedom's Case Against Dean Acheson," A m erican M ercury (April, 1952), 1415, citing testimony Acheson gave before the Senate, when he was confirm ed as U nder Secretary of the Treasury, in Cong. Rec. (May 16, 1933), S3483-84. N.B. — Within a few months, Acheson’s critics would add that he provoked the Korean conflict by omitting Korea in his Jan. 12, 1950 National Press Club speech. 5 U.S. Congress, Senate, Subcommittee of the Committee on A ppropriations (81st Cong., 2nd sess.), "Departments of State, Justice, Commerce and the Judiciary Appropriations for 1951," Hearings, Jan. 31 - Feb. 28, 1950 (Washington, D.C.: 1950), Pt. I, 1, 21, 32-39, 68-69, 116, 132, 133, 137, 447, 581-83. Hereafter "1950 D epartm ents of State, Justice and Commerce H earings." 6 1950 Departments of State, Justice and Commerce Hearings, I, 143, 146, 162, 231-23, 236-41, 249-58. 168 �7 Quotes from C urrent Biography 1949. 483; figures from 1950 Departments of State, Justice and Commerce Hearings, I, 386, 388, 390-95, 508, 512-14, 538. Peurifoy later clarified that the $230 million amounted to only 2.2% national defense expenditures; ibid. , 586-87. 8 For a contemporary critique of M cCarthy, see Allen and Shannon, op. cit. , 293-95. For the only recent biographies of McCarthy,see Thomas Reeves, The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy (New York: Stein and Day, 1982); and David Oshinsky, A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy (New York: Free Press, 1983). Richard H. Rovere, Senator Joe M cCarthy (1959; New York: H arper Collophon Books, 1973), 68, includes a then-complete but now-dated listing of works on the senator. See also Richard G. Powers, Not W ithout Honor: The H istory of American Anti-Communism (New York: Free Press, 1995), 23572. On M cCarthy's Catholic political connections, see Donald F. Crosby, God. Church, and Flag: Senator Joseph R. McCarthy and the Catholic Church. 19501957 (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1978). 9 Oshinsky, op. cit. , 50-51. Howard McMurray, M cCarthy's "disloyal" opponent, had discovered (too late!) that he had been endorsed by W isconsin's branch of the Com m unist Party. 10 On Walsh's role, see Powers, op. cit. , 52-53, 66, 89-90, 109-113, 232, 238, 251, 276; and Roger Morris, Richard Milhous Nixon: The Rise o f an American P o litician (New York: Henry Holt, 1990), 502. 11 Schrecker, The Age of M cCarthvism . 63. McCarthy had pilfered most of his speech from Richard Nixon's four-hour, anti-Acheson Jan. 25th address to C o n g re s s . 12 Caroline H. .Xeith, "For Hell And A Brown Mule": The Biography of Senator M illard Tvdings (Lanham, MD.: Madison Books, 1991), 79-80 n 8, cites a July 26, 1946 letter from then-Secretary of State James F. Byrnes to Illinois Congressman Adolph J. Sabath as the source of M cCarthy's original figure — Byrnes had noted adverse recom mendations on the screening o f 284 em ployees, o f which 79 had been "separated." McCarthy subtracted those fired and presumed the remaining 205 were still employed and com munists. For the lower figures, he had taken the 57 still employed in 1947 at the time of the House committee examination o f the 108 cases; the 81 figure was taken from the 108, as well. A copy of the "List of 81" (with "no name given" for #72) can be found in White House Official File 419-K, HSTL. Senator M illard Tydings [D-MD] later claimed that the man who had reviewed the 108 files for the House in 1947-48, Robert Lee, had supplied M cCarthy with the list between the time of M cCarthy's Feb. 9 charge and his more detailed figures of Feb. 20, an accusation that Lee later denied; see "The Appointment o f Robert E. Lee to the FCC" (Tydings Papers), 7-12. 169 �13 For the radio-transcription text of M cCarthy's attack, see "Speech at W heeling, W est Virginia," in William H. Chafe and Harvard Sitkoff, eds., A History Of Our Time: Readings on Postwar America. 2nd ed. (1981; New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1987), 65-67; see also partial reprints in Eric F. Goldman, The Crucial Decade — And After: America. 1945-1960 (1956; New York: Vintage Books, 1960), 142; and Oshinsky, op. cit. , 109. For the official text, wherein M cCarthy reduced the number of alleged Communists from 205 to 57 in a latenight, rambling delivery to the Senate, see Cong. Rec. 96 (Feb. 20, 1950), 195457, 2043-71; and Byrd, The Senate. 1789-1989: Classic Speeches. 611-16. For the State D epartm ent's official replies to this and M cCarthy's continued attacks, see FRITS. 1952-54. Vol. 1. Pt. 2 (1983), 1379-97. 14 Cong. Rec. 96 (Feb. 20, 1950), 2044, 2046 [repeated in similar form, 2047, 2059]; M cCarthy later referred to "Hisslings" in an article he submitter rCong. R ec. 96 (May 22, 1950), 4066], called Acheson and gang "dupes in our State D epartm ent" rCong. Rec. 96 (June 26, 1950), 9316, and (June 28, 1950), 9469], and further railed against the "men of little minds and less morals" who had "raped, denuded and rifled" the files TCong. Rec. 96 (July 6, 1950), 9862]. 15 See [undated citations in] Joe McCarthy, McCarthvism: The Fight For A m e ric a . 22; and Ralph de Toledano, Spies. Dupes and Diplomats. 236. For discussion of the 1947 Senate letter, see Chapter 2, above. McCarthy had adopted the nicknam e "Tail-Gunner Joe" having flown rear gunner position during the war; he later falsified his record to show that he'd flown 32 (not 11) missions, in order to apply for his Distinguished Flying Cross and use the award citation in his 1952 campaign literature. His limp-like ambling gait was not caused by a war wound (as he often claimed), but from a fall down a flight of stairs during a ship-board hazing stunt. See Keith, op. cit. , 109-110. 16 Quoted in New York Times (Mar. 9, 1950), 5:4, and (Mar. 15, 1950), 3:15; see also U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Foreign Relations (81st Cong., 2d sess.), "State D epartm ent Loyalty Investigation. Hearings before a Subcommittee ... pursuant to S. Res. 231, A Resolution to Investigate W hether There are Employees in the State Department Disloyal to the United States," Hearings, 5 vols, March 8 to June 28, 1950 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1950; hereafter "Tydings Committee Hearings"), 318-23 for March 8 & 14 testimony, which is also summarized in "H.O.A.C.S. (McCarthy Statements — His 0.wn A ssertions Classified and Systematized," p. 10C; in Tydings Papers, Series V, Box 3, folder "HOACS, June - August 1950." Tydings compiled these listings of McCarthy statem ents as boilerplate material for speeches against him, including a coded category for "sex perversion charges." 170 �17 Offie was the former confidential secretary to W illiam B ullitt (U.S. Ambassador to the Soviet Union) and participant in Bullitt's smear of Sumner Welles ~ see Chapter 2, above. Following his dismissal from the State Department in 1948, Offie worked for the CIA's Office of Policy Coordination. His sexual advances to a U.S. Army Counter-Intelligence Corps officer in 1949 led the CIA's security office to leak a copy of the police report of Offie's 1943 arrest to McCarthy, whose publicity gave the CIA the excuse it needed to fire Offie. See Ted Murphy, A Covert Life. Jav Lovestone: Communist. AntiComm unist. and Spvm aster (New York: Random House, 1999), 212-13; Irwin F. Gellm an, Secret Affairs: Franklin Roosevelt. Cordell Hull, and Sumner Welles (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1995), 245, 398; and FBI File #65-32871. Offie’s case was anonymously referred to in "Federal Agency Spots Perverts By Lie-D etector," B altim ore Sun (May 21, 1950); unpaginated copy in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. 18 Unsourced quotes cited in Lawrence S. W ittner, Cold War America: From H iroshim a to W atergate (New York: Praeger, 1974), 95, 99; repeated in Reeves, The Life and Times of Joe McCarthy. 299; David Halberstam, The Fifties (New York: Villard, 1993), 54; and Keith, op. cit. , 56. McCarthy used similar language in his June 9, 1950 keynote address to the W isconsin State Republican Convention in Milwaukee; see copy in Tydings Papers, Series V, Box 7, Folder "M cC arthy Speeches." 19 Quote from Cecil Holland article in [Washington, D.C.] Evening Star (Feb. 24, 1950); unpaginated copy in Wherry Papers, Box 11, Folder "S.Res. 231 Ferguson and W herry Amendment to Subpoena State D epartm ent for Loyalty." See also U.S. Congress (81st Cong,, 2d Sess.), S. Res. 231 (introduced Feb. 21, 1950), with the Ferguson-W herry Amendment (passed Feb. 22, 1950); see drafts and final copies in Wherry Papers, loc. cit. For official texts, see Cong. Rec. 96 (Feb. 22, 1950), 1950 [amendment], & 2150 [final resolution]. 20 See U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Foreign Relations (81st Cong., 2d sess.), Senate Report 21.08 Pursuant to S. Res. 231, Parts 1 & 2 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., July 22, 1950). For general discussion of the hearings, see Farnsw orth, Senate Foreign R elations Com m ittee. 124-28; Reeves, op. cit,, chs. 12-13; Oshinsky, op. cit. , ch. 8; and Griffith, op. cit. , ch. 3. On Lattimore, see Chapter 4, below. 21 1950 Departments o f State, Justice and Commerce Hearings, I, 584-89. 22 Op. cit. , 593-97, 634-35 for telegram text (also included in Department of State Press Release No. 142, Feb. 13, 1950). Acheson quickly reviewed the categories: members of subversive groups (including the Com m unist Party); those spying for them; those passing information to them; and persons having "habitual or close association with persons known or believed to be in categories A or B" where they might divulge classified inform ation w ithout authority. 22 1950 Departments o f State, Justice and Commerce Hearings, I, 598-600. This Bridges-Acheson exchange was also repeated in the May 1950 W herry Report, 2; see Chapter 3. 171 �25 Op. cit. , 601-05. One local newspaper report cited Peurifoy as having ordered 11, not 10, dismissed; see Evening Star (Feb. 28, 1950), A l:l . 26 Peurifoy quotes from 1950 Departments of State, Justice and Commerce Hearings, I, 601, 603. The Evening Star (Feb. 28, 1950), A6, reported that the 91 cases were called "shadowy" (not "shady" in Peurifoy's words); the paper reported that, when asked if any were reemployed, Peurifoy replied "I would hope not," a less hopeful phrase than the one he actually used before the c o m m itte e . 27 1950 Departments of State, Justice and Commerce Hearings, I, 604-05. 28 Op. cit. , 605. 28 Op. cit. , 606-34 [Hill quote, 613]. 38 Op. cit. , 636-38. 31 For Peurifoy's remarks, see, for example, New York Times (Mar. 1, 1950), 1:4, 2:8. "Chance revelation" from John D'Emilio, Sexual Politics. Sexual C o m m u n itie s. 41. Long quote from Richard Cleaver, "Sexual Dissidents and the National Security State, 1942-1992," in Richard Cleaver and Patricia M yers, eds., A Certain Terror: Heterosexism . M ilitarism . Violence and Change (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1993), 171-207, quote from 180. Cleaver referred to the episode as "The Peurifoy Diversion" (179). I appreciate, though do not attempt to employ, Cleaver's analysis of the anti-homosexual policies of the U.S. governm ent from a Foucaultian perspective, stressing forms o f pow er and r e s is ta n c e . 32 See Keith, op. cit. , for the only comprehensive treatment of Tydings' political career. Tydings was a liberal when it came to foreign policy, however. Before the Senate, on Feb. 6, 1950, he had urged "universal disarmament down to rifles" in face of the atomic bomb threat; he also sponsored S. Res. 236 (Mar. 6, 1950) for a world disarmament conference. 33 For the m ost recent and com prehensive coverage of the M cCarthyLattim ore charges, see Robert P. Newman,Owen Lattimore and the ‘Loss’ of C h in a (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1992), esp.207-303 for th e wintersummer 1950 period. For Lattimore's own story, see his Ordeal by Slander (Boston" Little, Brown & Co., 1950); see also Evening Star (Mar. 8, 26 & 31, 1950), and New York Times (Mar. 9 & 27, and Apr. 1, 1950). For McCarthy's lengthy accusations on Lattim ore and A m e ra sia , see Cong. Rec. 96 (Mar. 30, 1950), 4375-93. 34 Tydings' letters of M arch 22, 1950; Richardson and Peyton Ford (assistant to M cGrath) replied on March 23 with denials similar to Truman’s of M arch 28 (see below). Copies in Tydings Papers, Series V, Box 5, folder "State D epartm ent, 1950." 172 �35 Truman letter to Senator Tydings, March 28, 1950; reprinted in numerous sources with original in Tydings Papers, Series V, Box 5, Folder "State Department, 1950." The 1941 case was that of then-Attorney General R obert H. Jackson (with the approval of Franklin Roosevelt), who denied to furnish certain F.B.I. files to the House Committee on Naval Affairs. 36 The files war even became the subject of newspaper cartoonists — see Figure 4. The Evening S tar's political cartoons appeared every day, at the top of the front page. The center-right paper had a more populist style than the more prosaic W ashington P o st or New York Times — as such, the S ta r was the favorite paper of conservatives like Ken Wherry; see W herry-Berrym an correspondence in W herry Papers, Box 11, Folder "Gen. Nebr. — Jim Berryman letter re Nebr. admiral." 37 Pro-M cCarthy letters are found in Evening Star (Mar. 25, 1950), W ashington P o st (Mar. 27 & 28, 1950); clippings in Tydings Papers, Series V, Box 2, Folder "Correspondence, 1950-51." These and B altim ore Sun (Mar. 28, 1950) also cited in Keith, op. cit. , 38-39. 38 Copies of the subpoenas to Acheson and others can be found in White House Official File 419-K, HSTL. Lattimore answered McCarthy's charges in early April and taunted him for refusing to drop immunity and be sued (som ething McCarthy never did). See Evening Star (Apr. 1 & 6, 1950), and New York Times (Apr. 2 & 7, 1950). 39 S. 1561 history given in Feb. 21, 1950 letter of Secretary of Defense Louis Johnson to Speaker of the H ouse Sam Rayburn, requesting introduction of H.R. 7439, cited in U.S. Congress, House Committee on Post Office and Civil Service (81st Cong., 2nd sess.), "To Protect the National Security of the United States, Hearings . . . on H.R. 7439," Mar. 7, 1950 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1950), 4; entire hearings hereafter as "House Hearings on H.R. 7439." 40 Sec. 3, P.L. 808 (77th Cong.) of Dec. 17, 1942 covered the military, but only as long as war technically existed (which still did, following WWII); the latest civilian coverage came from Sec. 104, P.L. 179 (81st Cong.) was part of the State, Justice and Commerce Departm ents Appropriations Act for fiscal year 1950, giving the Secretary "absolute discretion" to "terminate" em ploym ent "whenever he shall determ ine such term ination necessary or advisable in the interests of the United States." See House Hearings on H.R. 7439, 6, 36, 40, 44, 46 [quote from 44]. 41 Op. cit. , 20, 25. For E.O. 9835 (Mar. 21, 1947), see 32 Federal Register 1935. 42 House Hearings on H.R. 7439, 10, 26, 32, 35-36. 43 Op. cit. , 9. 44 Op. cit. , 41, 43, 49-55, 97-98. The House would not pass the bill until July 12, w hereafter the Senate took it up, on July 20-21; see Chapter 4. 173 �45 House Hearings on H.R. 7439, 70; and reported in detail in Joseph Young, "Defense Aides Pledge Use of Firing Powers Against Perverts: Committee Hears Kimball and Others Testify for Summary Dismissal Bill," Evening Star (Mar. 30, 1950), A 1:6, A5:4; comments from the two congressmen from A5:4. Kimball and Felix Larson (assistant general defense counsel, Office of the Secretary of Defense) promised the com mittee that summary firing powers would not lead to abuses. Kimball said firings would be used "with the greatest discretion" while Larkin reminded that the m ilitary's tem porary powers (initiated in the 1940 W ar Preparedness Act) had been used sparingly; only had been 227 fired from Army, 244 from the Navy and nine from the Air Force, since 1940. 46 House Hearings on H.R. 7439, 36. 47 See coverage in Evening Star (Mar. 28, 1950), 1; New York Times and W ashington Post fMar, 29, 1950), 1; and New York Times (Apr. 1, 1950), 2:3. Dulles was formally named consultant to Acheson on April 6th, at Truman's request; in January, 1953, he would succeed Acheson as Secretary of State. 48 Rooney quoted in New York Times (Mar. 20, 1950), 5:1; "honeycombed" quote from "Senators Studying if Agencies Should Get Sex A rrest Reports," Sunday S ta r (Mar. 26, 1950); unpaginated clipping also in Wherry Papers, Box 18, folder "Press Releases: First H alf of 1950." See also U.S. Congress, House Comm ittee on Appropriations, Subcom m ittee on D epartm ent o f Comm erce (81st Cong., 2d sess.), "Department of State Appropriations for 1951," Hearings, Pt. 2, Feb. 7-28, 1950 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1950). 49 See Cong. Rec. 96 (Apr. 19, 1950), 5402. 50 See discussion in "Senators Studying if Agencies Should Get Sex A rrest Reports," Sunday Star (Mar. 26, 1950). Ferguson also got his facts wrong when he reminded the public that the State Departm ent had been dealing with the homosexual problem since the time of Secretary of State James Byrnes, who had had left office to run (successfully) for Governor in 1946; George M arshall was Secretary in 1947 when the Republican Senators sent him their scolding letter. Allen Drury, A Senate Journal. 1943-1945 (New York: Di Capo Press, 1972), 47, described Ferguson as one who "plow[ed] ahead like some great big shaggy bear with his questions, keeping one eye on the press table and exhibiting a very good nose for headlines . . . He gets hold of something and worries it like a dog with a rag until he has extracted a sensation from it, whereupon he give us an innocently pleased smile and settles back in his chair content." 51 Drury, op. cit. , 41, 292 [26, 180 on Wherry's dry humor and bombastic style]. 52 Quotes from W illiam S. White, "Portrait of a 'Fundamentalist'," New York Tim es M agazine (Jan. 15, 1950), 22. Wherry rejected the word "conservative," preferring "fundamentalist" -- not in a religious sense but "to denote a political person who wishes to have done with many of the political ideas of recent years and return to a simpler past." He did not even not like the term "democratic processes," because it was "too close to socialism," he said, inveighing heavily against the "socialistic welfare state" of the "radical" Truman adm inistration. Ibid., 14, 24, 27. 174 �53 Reported in Pageant 5, 4 (Oct. 1949), 9, 15. 54 W illiam S. White, Citadel: The Story of the U.S. Senate (1956; New York: H arper & Brothers, 1957), 106. Wherry's style was not necessarily a benefit to his role, as another historian recalled. "Kenneth W herry, more o f a back­ room operator than either Taft or Knowland, suffered as a floor leader from his position near the extreme right wing of the Republican party. It is difficult, if not impossible, to play the role of honest broker from an extremist political position." In contrast, W herry's ally, Styles Bridges, who would succeed him as M inority Leader in the 82nd Congress, better learned the "manipulative style of the postwar Democratic leaders." Donald R. M atthews, U.S. Senators And Their World (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1960), 130 [Bridges] and 130 n 14 [Wherry]. 55 Rovere, Senator Joe McCarthy. 136; Reeves, The Life and Times of Joe M c C a rth y . 263; Oshinsky, A Conspiracy So Immense. 121; and Ellen Schrecker, The Age of McCarthvism: A Brief History with Documents (Boston: Bedford Books, 1994), 63. 56 M cCullough, T r u m a n . 766, citing Brewster quote from W ashington Post (June 25, 1950); and Rovere, Senator .Toe McCarthy. 135-136. A later observer claimed that the isolationist "Tafts, W herrys, and M cCarthys had successfully covered up their own 'pinch-penny response' to the dangers o f Soviet world dom ination by assiduously proclaim ing that the param ount threat to Am erican security and liberty came not from without but from within." See Lisle A. Rose, The Cold War Comes To Main Street: America in 1950 (Lawrence: Univ. of Kansas Press, 1999), 213. 57 Newman, Owen Lattimore and the "Loss" of China. 213, citing Goldman, Crucial D ecade. 116 (on Wherry) and Watkins, Enough Rope, ix. 58 W herry's papers reveal little formal connection between him and his M idw estern colleague. 59 On the sexual politics of M atthiessen's life and suicide, see David Bergman, "F.O. Matthiessen: The Critic as Homosexual," in his Gaiety Transfigured: Gav S elf-R epresentation in Am erican L iterature (Madison: Univ. of W isconsin Press, 1991), 85-102 [quote from 86]. See also declassified portions of F.B.I. File No. 100-26967 (F.O. M atthiessen); Kenneth S. Lynn, “F.O. M atthiessen,” in Masters: Portraits of Great Teachers, ed. Joseph Epstein (New York: Basic Books, 1981), 103-18; William E. Cain, F.O. Matthiessen and the Politics of C riticism (Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin Press, 1988); James W. Tuttleton, “Politics and Art in the Criticism of F.O. M atthiessen,” The New Criterion 7, 10 (June 1989), 4-13; For a fictional work on M atthiessen’s life, see May Sarton, Faithful are the W ounds (New York: Rinehart, 1955). For M atthiessen's intimate correspondence with his lover, see Louis Hyde, ed., Rat and the Devil: Journal Letters o f F.O. M atthiessen and Russell Chenev (Hamden, CT.: Archon Books, 1978; Boston: Alyson, 1988); and Rictor Norton, Mv Dear Bov: Gav Love Letters through the Centuries (San Francisco: Leyland, 1998), 220-24. 175 �60 Suicide note quoted in The Boston Globe (Apr. 2, 1950), also noted in F.B.I. Report of April 13, 1950, in File #100-26967. "Homophobic atmosphere" quote from Bergman, op. cit. , 92, 102. 61 M atthiessen was never suspected by the Bureau of being homosexual, though one FBI report noted that Russell Cheney, "an artist by trade [who] is unable to make a living for himself" lived with and had been supported by the professor at a cost of $1,000 per year since 1931; see Key Figure Summary Report, Oct. 28, 1943, in F.B.I. File 100-26967. Cheney's death in 1945 may have made the matter moot to Bureau agents more concerned with M atthiessen's pro-com m unist leanings. If the 48-year-old bachelor had criticized Congress for its anti-hom osexual w itchhunting during the course of 1950, how ever, the F.B.I. m ight have noted with greater interest his marital status and previous relatio n sh ip w ith C heney. 176 �CHAPTER 3 T he W herrv-H ill "P relim inary Investigation" Of H om osexuals In G overnm ent Service. Spring 1950 N ebraska's blustery, u ltra-co n serv ativ e R epublican S enator K enneth Wherry led the charge in attacking the Federal governm ent's failure to ensure an airtight m eans o f policing itself against hom osexual security threats. B ut w ould there be any effective counter-balance to his anti-adm inistration crusade? One senator, Lister Hill of A labam a, w ould attem pt such a m ove, w hile the W hite House and State D epartm ent appeared distracted w ith the T ydings Com m ittee hearings and other issues. H ill's efforts, how ever, w ould not prevent W herry from revealing gaps in the governm ent's se cu rity procedures. Police testim ony and the procrastination o f the Civil Service C om m ission provided the w orst evidence of lax federal security m easures. One police "vice squad" officer claim ed that hundreds of hom osexuals w orked for the federal governm ent and that not all of the arrests had been reported to em ployers. W herry ensured that the officer's guesstim ate received w ide attention, not know ing the dubious means by w hich the statistics w ere generated. The Senator also forced the Civil Service Com m ission to adm it that a few fired hom osexuals had som ehow regained em ploym ent in other 177 �governm ent offices — pi'oof of a "re-hire" loophole he had long s u s p e c te d . B acked publicly by num erous R epublican colleagues -- including attacks from the G.O.P. chairm an and from form er presidential candidate Tom Dewey — and the results o f his dam aging "prelim inary in vestigation," by the end of May, 1950, Senator W herry would be able to force the first-ever, full-scale C ongressional investigation of hom osexuals in federal em ploym ent (the 1921 hearings had focused on the questionable schem e to entrap hom osexuals who "preyed upon" Navy sailors). Com pared to R epublicans thirty years earlier, W herry conducted a m ore credible crusade to end w hat he saw as unforgivable lapses in governm ent policy. Post-w ar A m erican society had grow n relatively accustom ed to m ention of "perverts" and so allow ed a quiet yet pointed debate to occur on the subject. The security aspect of the "scandal" was clearer, as well, than the loyalty issues which M cCarthy had raised. The civil service had seem ingly allow ed exposed-hom osexual em ployees to resign for "personal reasons," thus evading black m arks on their records. This allow ed the possibility of reem ploym ent in another agency w ithout detection — a potentially dangerous security loophole that, given the laws o f the day, needed to be elim inated. R epublican partisanship thus turned biased police estim ates into m uch-repeated "facts" w hich dam ned the federal governm ent for its apparent laxity in allow ing another plague to m atch the supposed 178 �"Red m enace" that the M cC arthyites claim ed had "infested" W a sh in g to n . M oving forw ard on the hom osexual issue, Senator W herry asked his fellow m em ber of the Senate Subcom m ittee for D istrict of C olum bia A ppropriations, Chairm an J. Lister H ill [D-AL], to initiate a "supersecret" inquiry. On Thursday, M arch 23, 1950, H ill brought W herry's request before the group, w hich authorized a "sub­ subcom m ittee" (consisting of W herry and Hill) to investigate and report back to the full Subcom m ittee. Previously, their hearings had been opened to the public, but the sensitive nature o f the topic led Senator H ill to dem and a "iocked-door session" w ith "ironclad secrecy" over the details of the investigation. Press reports leaked by R epublicans on the Subcom m ittee, however, violated H ill's desire fo r com plete se cre cy .1 Otherwise, to their credit, the hearings had little of the circus-like atm osphere o f the T ydings C om m ittee inquiry over Senator M cCarthy. Senators W herry and H ill v/ere left to their ow n devices in pursuing w hat becam e the prelude to a broader, fullS enate inquiry. ENTER LISTER HILL W ho was W herry’s fellow investigator, Senator L ister H ill? Should he be considered a friend of the D em ocratic adm inistration, playing a 179 �defensive role in the anti-hom osexual investigation? Or was he a Southern D em ocrat critic o f the "liberal" Trum an A dm inistration who was colluding w ith W herry and the R epublicans under the guise of giving a balance to the inquiry? Perhaps an interm ediate role can be seen for this son of the South. Born Joseph L ister H ill in M ontgom ery, Alabam a, on D ecem ber 29, 1894, this son and grandson of noted M ontgom ery physicians was called by his m iddle name, "Lister," having been nam ed after his father's m entor, the B ritish physician who invented antiseptic. Dr. Joseph L iste r.2 A bright student in his own right, L ister H ill received law degrees from both the U niversity o f A labam a at T uscaloosa and C olum bia U niversity by the age of tw enty-two. A fter serving in the Arm y during the G reat W ar, he was appointed in 1923 to com plete the term of the late Congressm an John Tyson. H ill represented A labam a's Second D istrict until 1938, when he was elected to fill the vacancy o f Senator Hugo B lack follow ing Black's appointm ent to the U.S. Suprem e Court. M arried with two children, H ill would eventually be reelected five times to the Senate, where he served as M ajority W hip in the 77th-79th C ongresses. L ister H ill may not have follow ed the fam ily tradition and becom e a doctor, but he was devoted to prom oting health education as a legislator. Growing up wealthy in a poor state, he becam e one of the m ost accessible politicians of his day and traveled extensively 1 80 �throughout rural Alabam a. By 1950, he had sponsored m any pieces o f N ew D eal-oriented legislation during his fifteen years in the H ouse and tw elve years in the Senate, including the creation of the T ennessee V alley A uthority (as H ouse sponsor), funding acts for rural electrification, telephones, housing and library services. His 1946 H ospital Survey and C onstruction A ct transform ed the nature o f A m erican health care through cost-sharing Federal grants totaling $75 m illion to the States and local nonprofit sponsors for the co n struction o f com m unity hospitals, public health centers, nursing hom es, clinics, rehabilitation facilities and treatm ent centers, m any of w hich had grow n obsolete and inadequate during the D epression and W ar. Furtherm ore, in 1948, from his vantage point as a m em ber o f the Senate A ppropriations Com m ittee, he authored the bill establishing the N ational Institutes of H ealth.3 He also cham pioned pillars o f peacetim e transition such as the V ocational E ducation A ct and the G.I. B ill of Rights for W orld W ar II (and later, Korean) v e te r a n s .4 Senator H ill was know n for his courageous stands against popular m isconceptions. He had confounded his less-confident Southern colleagues by cam paigning for reelection in 1937 in favor of a N ew D eal labor b ill which w ould created the Fair L abor Standards Board to im prove w orking conditions, shorten hours, raise w ages, and discourage child labor. Some Southern senators criticized the bill 181 �because it w ould stifle industrial growth in the South by forcing wage equality. H ill argued that Southern workers should be paid the sam e as N orthern w orkers, and his reelection inspired other Southern senators to vote for the b ill.5 R oosevelt had endorsed H ill in the January 1938 D em ocratic prim ary at a tim e w hen the President was attem pting to purge overly conservative D em ocrats like M illard T ydings from the Party. H ill needed that endorsem ent because he had alienated B irm ingham industry w ith his staunch support of the Fair L abor Standards Act. M ore to his advantage was the fact that he was closely identified with the T ennessee V alley A uthority (TVA), R oosevelt's endeavor to bring 'cheap pow er' to the South. "The TVA is the best thing which ever happened to the South" was a popular phrase o f H ill's.6 H ill rem ained pro-labor well into the late 1940s. He opposed the 1947 T aft-H artley B ill, voted against its passage and afterw ards cam paigned for its repeal.7 H ill had a vision o f a classless A m erica that played w ell to w artim e and Cold W ar audiences. that "contented m en do not revolt; traitors. He declared satisfied citizens do not becom e A gitators and organizers, Fascists and Com m unists," could m ake "no real converts am ong m en and women" who believed their governm ent was "good, ju st and enlightened." G overnm ent m ust live up to "its duties toward all the people, the helpless, the poor, and the underprivileged," he contended. "The interest of one is the in terest 182 �of all. Injustices and discrim inations betw een sections should not be sought and cannot be tolerated."8 D espite his dem ocratic rhetoric, however, Lister H ill was the product o f a w hite, m iddle-class, racist political system w hich held him firm ly in its grasp. W ith m ore overtly D ixiecrat allies like Jam es E astland and John M cC lellan (future m em bers of the full-scale Senate anti-hom osexual inquiry), H ill had supported segregation and fought the m any anti-poll tax bills w hich N orthern legislators like K enneth W herry had tried to force through over the years.9 H ill especially opposed the F air E m ploym ent Practices Com m ission. "I feel sure that you are fam iliar w ith my vigorous opposition to the so-called C ivil R ights m easures," he w rote his constituents. "I am enclosing a copy of the C ongressional Record containing my speech together w ith a copy o f m y m inority report on the FEPC bill. I shall continue to fight these m easures w ith every pow er at my com m and."10 Thus the gentlem anly A labam ian was not so liberal that he could not question the Trum an A dm inistration, though he was a D em ocrat o f unim peachable loyalty. If H ill did not join the "Dixiecrats" in 1948, he was m oderately critical of Trum an on areas dear to the O ld South's heart. W hen the President called for civil rights legislation in his 1948 State of the U nion address and again on M arch 8th in announcing that he w ould seek reelection, H ill and his fellow A labam a Senator John Sparkm an (two of the South's m ost liberal 183 �m em bers o f C ongress and longtim e friends of T rum an) dem anded th at T rum an w ithdraw from the race, vow ing that they w ould give him no support at the convention. By the spring o f 1950, how ever, w hen H ill stood for reelection, he was praised by m any as a "regular D e m o c ra t." 11 R egarding foreign policy, Lister Hill was a strong believer in the pow er o f A m erica's m ilitary, and (like K enneth W herry) air w eaponry in particular. As chairm an of the H ouse M ilitary A ffairs C om m ittee, he had sponsored the developm ent o f M axw ell Field (later M axw ell A ir Force Base) outside his native M ontgom ery. U nlike W herry, how ever, H ill had fought isolationism since the 1920s. Follow ing the June 1940 fall o f France, H ill was part o f a four-m an team know n as B 2 H 2 , who first prom oted w hat becam e the U nited Nations. He becam e a close advisor to the President on defense planning after 1943, introducing a U nification B ill w hich w ould com bine the armed forces into a single "D epartm ent of N ational D efense," and supporting L end-L ease and the A tlantic C harter. H ill's staunch internationalism earned him a seat on the F oreign R elations C om m ittee in January 1945 in a vote w hich ignored his lack of seniority for the position.12 W ith the beginning of the Cold W ar, H ill cham pioned A m erican nuclear superiority as well as econom ic growth. "The U nited States m ust m ake certain that she rem ains first in atom ic pow er," he 184 �d eclared in a V eterans Day speech follow ing T rum an's announcem ent o f a Soviet nuclear explosion. "Russia's possession o f the bom b not only m akes it m ore im perative" that the U.S. renew its "efforts for strict international control of atom ic energy under the U nited N ations." N onetheless, H ill believed that the "bedrock of m ilitary security" was A m erica's agriculture, industry and global interests. "Econom ic strength m ay often be a m ore effective w eapon than m ilitary strength," he rem inded his audiences. W hile he defended the adm inistration's C old W ar defense requests, w hich W herry and oth er R epublicans thought outrageously expensive, H ill rem ained fiscally cautious. H e rem inded one critic that he "helped to bring about m any savings in non-defense expenditures of the governm ent" and was w orking to "cut non-defense expenditures to the b o n e ."13 As m any D em ocrats o f his day, Senator Hill condem ned com m unism but he was not a rabid anti-com m unist. H e rem ained u ncom m itted regarding the reincarnated M undt-N ixon anti-com m unist b ill (S. 2311), which was opposed by only one senator w hen it was passed by the Judiciary C om m ittee in early M arch, 1950.14 He rem inded one tough-m inded constituent that he had "alw ays devoted m yself to protecting the right o f the individual as guaranteed under the B ill of Rights [,] and to upholding the C onstitution." H e provided sim ilar platitudes to constituents who condem ned "socialized program s o f the Fair Deal" and dem anded less 185 �governm ent spending. H e prom ised that he w ould support only m easures he considered "in the national interest and that w ould strengthen our D em ocracy" since he believed "in individual initiative, in d ividual reliance and in our free enterprise system ."15 The M undt bill aside, H ill did support existing anti-com m unist efforts. H e praised Trum an's loyalty plan, and in later years described his fellow D em ocrat as "the President w hose w isdom and courage and boldness stopped the tide of com m unist aggression and prevented it from engulfing our free world . . . but for H arry Truman, Joe Stalin w ould today have the world by the tail w ith a dow n-hill pull." To one constituent who worried that J. Edgar H oover m ight not receive enough funding for his agency, Hill noted his ow n efforts on the A ppropriations C om m ittee to help the F.B.I. "m ore effectively com bat Com m unism and subversive forces." opposed political sm ear tactics, however. H ill consistently He desired to "rid our country o f subversive elem ents" but felt it "should be done in the right way. This objective is not served by sm earing loyal A m ericans and dam aging our international relations," he w ro te.16 Hill's com m ittee w ork reflected his com m itm ent to active and "clean" governm ent. He was briefly chairm an of the Senate C om m ittee on E xecutive Expenditures in 1943, but he had m oved up to the A ppropriations Com m ittee by 1950, where he served on six subcom m ittees and was Chairm an of one of them (D istrict of 186 �Colum bia). He was also a m em ber of the Senate Com m ittee on Labor and Public W elfare and the chairm an o f one of its several subcom m ittees. He expressed his view s on "good citizenship" in term s that w ould sound unusually religious for a politician today but fo r the South of 1950 fit public expectations about elected officials. "W e know that to be good citizens we m ust be educated and healthy and hard w orkers. W e m ust vote and m eet the responsibilities o f citizenship," the Senator began his reply to a sixth-grade class's inquiry his beliefs. "B ut our great strength is spiritual strength -- the m oral force of a Christian people. W e m ust practice the gospel of Jesus C hrist in our daily lives and m ake His teachings a living force w ithin us." Possibly reflecting on the hom osexual inquiry he had com e to initiate w ith Senator W herry, H ill concluded that "each of us m ust do all we can, w ithout counting too much the cost, to right m oral w rongs and correct in ju stic es."17 In the spring o f 1950, Lister H ill enjoyed a fine position in the Senate leadership. H e had m oved, since 1945, into the "inner circle" o f Senate insiders w hich frequently m et w ith then-A cting Secretary o f State Dean A cheson for consultations on various foreign policy bills. Slender in build and bald by 1950, Hill was a patient legislator w ho had held R epublicans in check on num erous occasions over the years, m aking his points w ith a w ell-respected m ixture of parody and wit. D escribed as "tall and drawling," Hill exhibited typical 187 �Southern aristocratic m annerism s, b u t w ithout being considered haughty. He had been reelected by a com fortable m ajority in 1944 and was facing a strong but not threatening challenge in the M ay 2, 1950 p rim a ry .18 As chairm an of the D istrict of Colum bia appropriations subcom m ittee, H ill was the m an to whom the R epublican floor leader turned to officially request a prelim inary investigation of h o m osexuals in g o v e rn m e n t.19 H ill had worked together with W herry on various defense bills, though the two w ere usually on opposite sides of the Senate floor, physically and ideologically. later credited W herry as a "driving, effective senator; H ill w hat he should have been as G.O.P. leader — an advocate o f his cause."20 Integrity issues aside, how ever, C hairm an H ill quickly m oved to counterbalance W herry's inquiry by appointing him self as the D em ocratic m em ber o f the tw o-m an, bipartisan sub-subcom m ittee. H ill did so because he felt "a concern equal to W herry's about getting at the facts."21 Senator H ill further detailed his m otives four m onths later to New Y ork P ost colum nist M ax Lerner. Lerner praised the A labam ian for creating "the chance for an educational jo b about sexual deviations and inversions com parable to w hat the Surgeon G eneral's O ffice has done on venereal disease. It should give the Am erican people a chance to learn som ething m ore about them selves and their nature." 188 �T he hopeful tone of the quote m ay have reflected L erner's optim ism m ore than H ill’s, but the Senator’s pragm atic approach could not have been a com plete invention of the interview er. H ill did care to better u nderstand hom osexuality, even if he ultim ately labeled it in a less-than-positive light. The m ere sw itch of reference from the term "p erversion” to "sexual deviation" and "inversion" indicated a sensitivity beyond that of K enneth W herry, m uch less that of Joseph M cC arthy. Lister H ill, therefore, provided the rare exam ple of som eone who did not necessarily see a federal em ployee's hom osexuality as a cause for national security alarm. P o litic al considerations provided another, unspoken reason for H ill's personal involvem ent. W herry needed counter-balancing, and the other m em bers of the D.C. appropriations com m ittee w ere less lib eral than Hill. M oreover, the adm inistration m ust not escape scrutiny for its potential shortcom ings. H ill had reason to criticize the adm inistration, but he also needed to keep proving h im self a D em ocratic stalw art, especially after having threatened to leave the Party in 1948 over Trum an's civil rights initiatives. He was caught in a dilem m a, like m any m oderates and liberals of the day. H e was not p reoccupied with defending hom osexuals, but at the sam e tim e, he did not think their existence w orthy o f the attention K enneth W herry and others were devoting to it. In the end, he could only act to tem per W herry's attack and by helping ensure that a full-scale Senate investigation, should one occur, be as quiet and fair-handed 189 �as possible. He was thus perfoim ing a type of damage control for som ething he ultim ately did not w ant and did not have to get involved in — an am biguous position, overall. THE ERSTWHILE SHERLOCK HOLMES OF THE "PERVERT PROBE" The first witness before H ill's subcom m ittee on M arch 23, 1950 w as a "key" officer, Lieutenant Roy E. Blick of the (W ashington, D.C.) M etropolitan Police Force's special "Vice Squad" unit designed to catch prostitutes, gam blers and "perverts" in the nation's cap ital.22 G iven the fact that W herry and other A dm inistration foes w ould base so m uch o f their attacks on "perverts" on B lick's adm ittedly exaggerated testim ony, the police lieutenant's credibility dem ands som e scrutiny by the historian, even if it received no evaluation in the em otional clim ate of 1950. W ho w as L ieutenant Roy Blick? A native of Petersburg, V irginia, B lick (1900-1972) had run away from hom e at the age o f thirteen, spending five m onths working on a ship sailing betw een N orfolk and South A m erica. H is adventure im pressed him enough that he returned hom e and com pleted school, having received "a good education in the rough ways of the w orld."23 He later served in both the Navy and Arm y in W W I, tried his hand in banking and stocks until the 1929 crash, and ended up m oving to W ashington and 190 �joining the M etropolitan Police in 1931. He was assigned to plainclothes duty, and after two years began w hat w ould becom e a thirty-year stint in the force's vice squad, first w ith the anti-gam bling division and later with all three areas under V ice's p u rview : h o m o se x u ality /p ro stitu tio n /p o rn o g rap h y , gam bling, and racketeering. Blick soon becam e w idely known as a "one-m an w atchdog of the city's m orals." D espite a 1933 injury during a w hisky raid w hich perm anently im paired the vision of his left eye, he "continued to w ork around the clock in his war on gam blers, bootleggers, prostitutes and perverts." The repeal of Prohibition led B lick to concentrate chiefly on sexual crimes. He rose to Acting L ieutenant in 1944 and to full L ieutenant only a year later. charge o f the entire V ice Squad. By 1947, he was in A ccording to Senator W herry, B lick and a staff of four m en gave "their full tim e to detecting and arresting hom osexuals." B lick "participate[d] in m uch o f this w ork him self" since, though he was "authorized to draw upon the general police force for additional help in em ergency situations," the additional men w ere "not especially trained in suppression of the crim e o f m oral p erversion."24 His work in inform ing senate investigators of the presum ed thousands o f "perverts" in fed eral em ploy would contribute to his rise to the rank o f C aptain by the end o f 1950. 191 �B lick reported the gist o f his testim ony before the H ill-W herry com m ittee to two State D epartm ent security investigators six days later. B lick claim ed that the subcom m ittee had called him "several tim es recently to testify" and that he had been officially subpoenaed to do so. He also m aintained that he "did not have any list o f State D epartm ent em ployees tending to show that anyone in the D epartm ent [wa]s a pervert." If he had, he said, he w ould have turned over such inform ation to the D epartm ent.25 The subcom m ittee had requested police reports o f hom osexual arrests, plus Blick's personal files, "if he had such," on hom osexual suspects. H e replied that his own files were "confidential and could not be turned over to the C om m ittee," and when pushed, he claim ed that there were "no private files . . . in existence." As for police records, he asserted that "neither he nor [Police Chief] M ajor B arrett intended to turn over any such files on perverts in the Federal G overnm ent to th e S enate C om m ittee."26 As shall be seen, since the arrest records w ere a m atter of public record, they were soon review ed by the F.B.I. and eventually w ould be exam ined by the larger Senate inquiry. The W herry-H ill hearings thus involved w hat could be called an early, gay civil-rights dispute over privacy issues. B lick had touched o ff another storm over C ongressional access to records. As reported in the new spapers, B lick told the senators that the police w ere "ready to turn over all nam es reported to them o f alleged perverts on 192 �G overnm ent jobs." Both the N ational Capitol Park Police and M etropolitan Police w ere know n to have extensive files on hom osexual-related arrests, but since the Park Police w ere an ex ecutive-branch agency (under the control o f the Interior D ep artm ent), their records w ere th eoretically covered by the P resident's 1948 confidentiality directive. D istrict o f C olum bia records, on the other hand, w ere technically available to the Senate inquirers. W herry hoped to cross-check the files of hom osexual arrestees against federal em ploym ent lists, a taste fo r w hich he suggested increasing the police ^ -.ce's budget to allow additional officers to track down perverts.27 U nder pressure from the T rum an adm inistration and out of a desire to protect the integrity o f his departm ent, how ever, Police C h ief R obert B arrett prom ised to keep both the hom osexual and subversive files "locked up tight." D istrict of Colum bia C om m issioners, m eanwhile, struggled to resolve the policy issue. They invited vice squad officers (including Lt. B lick) to jo in their M arch 28 business m eeting, but the request w as dropped after reporters found out and threatened to attend. A ssistant C harles Stofberg had "no C om m issioners’ com m ent" w hen asked by new sm en if the Com m issioners had discussed the files. C hief B arrett claim ed to be "in the dark" about the Com m issioners' discussions. "I don't know w hat it's all about and I don't w ant to know," he added.28 193 �W herry then threatened to subpoena the files, in the sam e m anner the Tydings Com m ittee had done with the loyalty files. He w arned that he was considering taking the hom osexual issue to the Senate floor, which m ight m ake it even "m ore sensational than the M cC arthy spy charges." O bviously, his flair for the dram atic was playing a large part in his statem ents designed to w in headlines. O ther m em bers of the D.C. subcom m ittee expressed their concern th at governm ent bureau chiefs w ere not "taking the problem seriously enough" and that the hom osexual issue should be considered an issue of national im portance, not ju st a local police m atter. In any case, no one was "going to be put into the position o f d efending those guys (hom osexuals)."29 The Senate investigators also stressed the inadequacy o f D istrict o f C olum bia legal procedures. W herry pushed Lt. B lick to detail the blackm ail susceptibility of "m oral perverts," prom pting the officer to declare that he "could get anything [he] w ould w ant from an individual who was a pervert . . . I could get it quicker by the approach of exposing him than I could by . . . offering him money." B lick reported that "none" of the disorderly conduct charges had ever gone to trial, though there w ere a rare few convictions for sodom y in the arrest records. W herry would later recite the D istrict's legal code to dem onstrate ju st how m uch hom osexuals were getting aw ay w ith by being allow ed to forfeit a bond collateral of $25 on charges 194 �usually reduced to disorderly conduct. W hile H ill m erely reported the testim ony w ithout com m ent, W herry saw these lax m easures as "scant deterrent to the eradication of this loathsom e vice," especially in connection w ith "the guarding o f G overnm ent secrets upon which the life o f our Republic m ay depend."30 N onetheless, B lick dem onstrated that his sm all squad had an im pressive record. The lieutenant recalled one particular night w hen p olice under his direction "arrested 65 alleged hom osexuals in L afayette Park, w hich com prises one square block and is directly opposite the W hite House." A ll 65 "adm itted guilt."31 Given the fact th at arrestees' nam es and addresses w ere routinely reported in the next day's new spapers (a fact which both H ill and W herry om itted in their R eports), the loss of em ploym ent was a distinct possibility for those arrested for disorderly conduct at publicly labeled " d is re p u ta b le " e sta b lis h m e n ts. POLITICIZED NUMBERS GAME T he subcom m ittee w as also concerned w ith the poten tial num ber o f hom osexuals in the State D epartm ent. W herry pushed the lieutenant to state figures for the city o f W ashington, the governm ent as a whole, and his favorite nem esis, the D epartm ent of State, in p articular — forgotten, apparently, w ere the concerns from earlier in the m onth over hom osexuals in the Com m erce D epartm ent. 195 W herry �flattered B lick by asking him to estim ate, based on his "18 years' experience," how m any hom osexuals he thought w ere in W ashington. B lick responded with "a very conservative estim ate" o f 5,000. He guessed that seventy-five percent of these w ere em ployed in governm ent jobs, placing 300-400 in the State D epartm ent (ten percent o f federal jobs — itself an overly large percentage). B lick adm itted this was only "a quick guess," purely his own estim ation and "not based on factual know ledge."32 To his State D epartm ent liaisons the follow ing week, how ever, the lieu ten an t explained that he had "reached his figure on the prem ise that the U .S. Public Health Bureau estim ate[d] that only 1/10 o f the people who have Venereal D isease report such V enereal D iseases to the H ealth authorities and that since 86 know n perverts ha[d] been discharged from the State D epartm ent, ten tim es that num ber w ould be 800, and he cut his estim ation in half" to conveniently arrive at the previously determ ined "300-400" figure; he fu rth er underlined the inaccuracy o f this estim ate in a later interview . H e claim ed a political disinterest which he could scarcely defend, claim ing he was surprised w hen sum m oned to appear before the subcom m ittee, and later regretting getting caught "betw een the D em ocrats and the R epublicans." H e admitted that the figures he gave "were guesses, m y own guesses, not official figures."33 His comm ents thus indicate eith er a naivete as to W herry's m otivations or that he w ent along 196 �w ith the investigation out of a desire to do his job of rooting out "perverts." B lick's m otivations for giving such a reckless estim ation o f the num ber o f hom osexuals in W ashington rem ain largely unknow n. D escribed in his obituary as "an im peccable dresser w ith a shock of th ick gray hair and a m oustache," B lick was "a distinguished-looking m an who seem ed far rem oved from the areas in w hich he w orked." H e had a "faultless m em ory of all the cases in which he had been involved and of the people with whom he had dealt." m arried, he died childless. A lthough he This fact and his reputation as a person driven to "ride herd on the city's prostitutes, to confiscate indecent literature and to w ar against sexual perversion" gave his opponents reason to suspect possibly sublim ated m otives for his concern w ith sex crim es. He rem ained a withdraw n V ictorian, "a very strange person" to Frank Kam eny, the gay legal activist to whom B lick later confessed that his estim ates in 1950 were com pletely m ade up and w ith o u t statistical b asis.34 The story behind B lick's figures should rank am ong the farthest stretches o f im agination in the M cCarthy era. In both H ill's and W herry's reports and in various new spapers, B lick was quoted as having based his figures on his experience that arrestees, if pressed, w ould often offer names of other State D epartm ent sex partners. "W hy don't you go get so-and-so and so-and-so? 197 They all belong to �the sam e clique," B lick claim ed those arrested would say. Y et the lieu tenant then adm itted his own collusion with the arrestees' guilt offerings. The coerced, unproven names "were put on the list and they w ere catalogued as such, as the suspect of being" hom osexual.3 5 L erner m ade a painstaking effort to pull out of the lieutenant ju st w hat he deduced w ith the "list," once it was com piled, a process w hich L erner found disturbingly vague. B lick claim ed he started w ith the list o f one thousand hom osexual-related arrestees, and since he assum ed that "every one of these fellow s has five or six friends" who "w ent to rug parties," he reasoned that "you m ultiply the list by a certain percentage" to derive the total num ber of hom osexuals. B lick thus cam e up with his "5,000" figure for W ashington as a whole, and since he "figured that three out o f four o f them worked for the governm ent," he arrived at the "3,750" num ber o f federal e m p lo y e e s .36 W illing or not, therefore, the unassum ing Roy B lick had becom e, in the words of M ax Lerner, the "star witness" due to his "classic estim ate" of 5,000 hom osexuals in W ashington. The Trum an adm inistration had never undertaken to com pile statistics of this sort, so it was com pletely at a loss to defend itself against the dam aging estim ate. To those who had appointed them selves the m orally vigilant and security-m inded, B lick's figures certainly show ed the need for m ore police protection against capital-area 198 �perverts. Senator W herry was supposedly so im pressed that he successfully pushed the M etropolitan Police to add another subdivision to the existing M orals D ivision of the V ice Squad, which it did. The new "pervert" subdivision set out to entrap hom osexuals in the D istrict and, if they w ere em ployed by the governm ent, report their arrests to the Civil Service. U pon hearing this new s, B lick m anaged to shed his usual m odesty. He "glowed" at Senator W herry's recom m endation that the D.C. V ice Squad be expanded and even hoped aloud that, som e day, he m ight also head a "Lesbian S q u a d ." 37 To the fiery N ebraskan senator, all perverts — m ale or fem ale — threatened national security as m uch as com m unists. T he Senator later told L erner that "You can ’t hardly separate hom osexuals from subversives. M ind you, I d o n ’t say every hom osexual is a subversive, and I d o n ’t say every subversive is a hom osexual. B ut a m an o f low m orality is a m enace in the governm ent, w hatever he is, and they are all tied up together." down his exact com plaint. To be sure, W herry could not pin "You can handle it w ithout a definition," he explained to Lerner, adding "I’m not going to define w hat a hom osexual is." T hen W herry tried a m an-to-m an appeal, rationalizing, "But look, Lerner, w e're both Am ericans, aren't we? I say, let's get these fellow s out o f governm ent."38 199 �To Senator W herry's delight, B lick's com m ents also provided an indictm ent o f the State D epartm ent. In testim ony not passed on to the public by W herry, the lieutenant recalled that "prior to 2 years ago" there had been a liaison betw een his vice squad and the Departm ent. A "new m an was put in charge of liaison," however, to whom B lick continued subm itting "many names" of hom osexuals, but B lick "had not heard of any action being taken to get them out o f the S tate D ep artm en t."39 Once again, though not publicly until his R eport cam e out in m id-M ay, W herry had gathered am m unition he could use against the realm o f Dean Acheson. A national A.P. bulletin of M arch 28, 1950 assured that the nation's readers heard of a scandal that otherw ise m ight have rem ained m erely a story told w ithin the W ashington beltw ay. were sim ilar to that of the S acram ento Titles B ee, which trum peted, "M ost O f Capitol's Perverts Are Said To Be In US Jobs." In the A.P. report, Senators (who otherw ise declined to be identified) w ere quoted as saying that their "hush hush investigation o f sex perversion in W ashington" m ight lead to the "introduction of legislation" — a curious claim , since congressm en and senators had proposed legislation aimed at reducing the "security risk" factor the previous m onth. The A.P. report adm itted the guesstim ate status of the inflam m atory figures and noted that the subcom m ittee declined to nam e the "D istrict official" who gave the estim ate, though one senator 200 �[possibly W herry] described him as "the m an in the best position to know w hat he's talking about." G.O.P. stalw art Styles Bridges rep ortedly dem anded to know nam es of the "91 sex perverts reported fired in the last two [sic] years." He com plained that A cheson was acting as if "the spies are gone" from the D epartm ent because the hom osexuals w ere "allowed to resign," and im plied that the "half hearted and self serving investigations the departm ent has been conducting of itself" were m ade only for purposes o f dam age control. Bridges also dem anded a report on how long the "sex perverts w ere em ployed before they w ere let out" and im plied greater hidden scandals by asking, "How m any other cases does the departm ent have on file, pending investigation?" He claim ed he and o th er senators w ere getting num erous letters dem anding that the State D epartm ent "be liberated from the Com m unists, and the C om m ie sym pathizers and the fellow travellers and the Socialists and the hom osexuals and the ju st plain incom petents who have brought it so low in the nation's esteem ."40 Once again, hom osexuals and C om m unists were lum ped together in the sam e xenophobic boat. BATTLES OVER LISTS AND STATISTICS T he tw o-m an "sub-subcom m ittee" m et again on M arch 27th to consider the possibility of increasing the D istrict's budget to include 201 �m ore vice squad em ployees trained to go after hom osexuals. M oreover, both Senators H ill and W herry, expressed concern that no system atic policy existed w hereby the police w ould pass on nam es of m orals-charge arrestees who w ere found to be em ployed by the federal governm ent. A com pulsory reporting b ill was discussed, although technically the A ppropriations C om m ittee could only consider an agency's budget. W herry hinted that a "thorough" and "full-scale inquiry" m ight be desirable, w hile another R epublican, M ichigan Congressm an Clare H offm an, called for fuller investigation after reading new spaper accounts of the "im m orality" issue in the S tate D e p artm en t.41 Probably as a result of these prom pts, Senator H ill, in his role as subcom m ittee chairm an, telephoned Interior S ecretary O scar L. C hapm an on M arch 28th and requested th at the Interior D epartm ent "im pound" the N ational Capitol Park Service's "list of persons concerning whom [they had] inform ation indicating the possibility o f perverted sexual conduct." H ill did not specify w hether or not he w ould request Chapman to turn over the list to the Senate subcom m ittee, but Chapman knew that should he refuse to do so, H ill m ight "serve a subpoena calling for the production o f the list." The In terior Secretary also understood that H ill had already approached the D istrict of Colum bia Com m issioners for sim ilar files from the M etro p o litan P o lice.42 202 �The S ecretary seem ed non-com m ittal, how ever, about trying to p ro tect police records. "It probably w ould not prejudice the public interest," he suggested, for the federal or D.C. governm ents to furnish, "upon request, lists of these persons, including Federal G overnm ent em ployees, who have been apprehended by the P ark Police or the M etropolitan Police because of suspicion o f sexual perversion and concerning whom a public court record already exists." C hapm an did recognize the sim ilarity betw een the loyalty and security files issues, and therefore doubted "the propriety o f disclosing" records relatin g to those who had been "investigated because of supposed sexual p erversion but concerning w hom no facts w arranting prosecution w ere fo u n d ."43 Indeed, the Secretary knew that political em barrassm ent and even possible law suits m ight occur should the nam es of those not actually arrested be com prom ised. He held o ff in replying to Hill, pending a decision on the issue at the W hite House level — one which w ould not come for four m onths. Chapm an had w aited until April 1.2th before w riting T rum an to request that the President decide on disclosure o f the park service's file to Congress. The park service's file was a hot potato, and C hapm an undoubtedly sought to avoid the negative publicity achieved by his C abinet colleague, Dean Acheson, over the hom osexual-em ployees issue. Chapm an later reported to the P resident that the list contained the nam es of 817 people 203 �apprehended from N ovem ber 1, 1947 to February 12, 1950, including 159 governm ent em ployees. O f those for whom sufficient evidence w arranted arrest, 196 w ere taken into park service custody. Am ong them w ere 34 civilian governm ent em ployees who w ere arrested and either appeared in court or forfeited collateral, w hile another 29, m em bers of the arm ed forces, w ere "turned over to the D epartm ent o f D efense."44 Such figures would m ake the 91 State D epartm ent firees pale in com parison. K enneth W herry never found out the details of the park service's list, but one can im agine him w aving it as proof of the validity o f his allegations. As it was, W herry never saw any list. Trum an eventually agreed to release som e of the loyalty files sought by the Tydings Com m ittee since the files' m aterial had already been revealed in earlier congressional testim ony. The President w ould not give in, how ever, on the Park Police lists o f arrested hom osexuals. com plain that W herry could only files of em ployees "alleged in police records to be m oral perverts" — especially of "perverts holding jobs in any agencies connected w ith foreign policy and national defense" -- w ere needed to balance the review the files o f potential Com m unists, since the hom osexual threat was "not a local police problem , but one of national im portance, affecting national security." B ut despite W h erry's efforts, the hom osexual-em ployee files rem ained under lo ck and key. N either the H ill-W herry "prelim inary investigation" 204 �nor the future Hoey Com m ittee inquiry was able to force a gay "nam ing o f nam es" sim ilar to those of anti-com m unist w itchhunts.45 Once the file wars appeared to fizzle, the subcom m ittee turned its attention to details o f civil service procedure. On M arch 29, 1950, C om m issioner H arry M itchell m et w ith Senators H ill and W herry to discuss how careful the C om m ission had been in forw arding nam es of arrested individuals to prevent "re-entry" o f hom osexuals into governm ent em ploym ent. M itchell later confirm ed, in a letter of A pril 5th, that the Com m ission had regulations covering "im m oral" conduct and "rem oval" of guilty individuals.46 W ith persons who attem pted to transfer jo b s or reenter governm ent service, "the gaining agency m ust check with the losing agency to ascertain the status o f the individual's record as disclosed by the loyalty check." M itchell's response should have satisfied the senators. re-entry was not allow ed if circum stances were suspicious. In theory, The C om m issioner prom ised the senators that, though he believed "that existing regulations" w ould "effectively m eet the problem as it exists w ith respect to transfers and reinstatem ents," his office w ould "reem phasize" the rules so as to ensure security risks w ould be properly labeled in the files. The problem was that K enneth W herry som ehow never received a copy of M itchell's A pril 5th response. Senator H ill either assum ed M itchell had sent W herry a copy or 205 �allow ed his upcom ing prim ary debates to distract him from keeping his N ebraska colleague in the loop.47 As it turned out, W herry felt ignored during m ost o f the m onth o f A pril. He finally fired off a tart letter to M itchell on A pril 25th, p ushing the C om m issioner for evidence w hich w ould prove W herry's case against the governm ent. How many of the "91 m oral w eaklings separated from the D epartm ent of State in the last 3 years," W herry asked, had "been subsequently reem ployed by other [federal] d epartm ents"? W herry knew from testim ony before the subcom m ittee that the C om m ission's Investigations D ivision had been "m aking a check to ascertain" that fact. He claim ed that he and H ill w anted to com plete their report that same week, and that H ill "concurred in the im portance o f obtaining the inform ation from M r. M itchell," hence the need for the statistics as soon as possible. Tow ards the end o f April, they issued a jo in t statem ent w hich noted th at they had "drafted a tentative report" but had "now found that additional inform ation" was necessary but they expected it by the follow ing week, when they would report to the full D istrict of C o lu m b ia A p p ro p riatio n s S ubcom m ittee.48 W herry grew even m ore concerned when M itchell (still unaw are that he had not received the April 5th letter) seem ed to ignore the R epublican's April 25th letter. A fter W herry told Senator H ill of it, H ill m ust have called his W hite House contacts at this point, since one 206 �o f Trum an's assistants was advised on M ay 8th of the C ivil Service C om m ission's com pilation of hom osexual statistics.49 In any case, H ill called M itchell on Friday, M ay 12th to prom pt the Com m ission to resolve the issue once and for all. M itchell "signed" his prepared response that very afternoon, he claim ed, suggesting that he'd been holding off for som e reason. He then sent the letter not to W herry, how ever, but to the Investigations D ivision, who thought that the State D epartm ent should have a chance to review it (probably a courtesy, to allow for dam age control).50 M itchell's concern for in-h ouse diplom acies thus only w orsened the situation. W herry finally called M itchell him self, on M onday, M ay 15th. W herry's report lists the extensive conversation that ensued, suggesting that he either taped the call or took notes on it im m ediately thereafter. W herry was incensed to hear that M itchell had sent his reply to the State D epartm ent, bellow ing, "W hat has the State D epartm ent got to do with correspondence betw een you and me?" M itchell becam e defensive, claim ing that he had not seen W herry's letter until A pril 29th and that he had w aited to w ait to reply so that "he could get the facts to [W herry] right away." W herry responded that the C om m issioner should have acknow ledged receip t o f his letter and dem anded one now since M itchell's reply was being delayed by the State D epartm ent.51 20 7 �M itchell then sum m arized to W herry over the phone w hat he w ould include in his official reply, sent the follow ing day, M ay 16th. H e noted that thirteen o f the ninety-one individuals m entioned by P eu rifoy had, indeed, m anaged to regain governm ental em ploym ent after they had previously resigned due to hom osexual-related charges. O f the thirteen, the Civil Service Com m ission had "jurisdiction to investigate and to initiate such corrective action as w as necessary" in nine cases, indicating that the rem aining four were em ployed in agencies such as the C.I.A. or F.B.I. (which had been n o tified that "unfavorable inform ation pertaining to suitability" was available in State D epartm ent files). O f the nine, seven had been ordered "separated," one had "resigned before the com pletion of the investigation," and the last still under investigation "at the tim e of the check."52 W herry questioned the assertion that there w ere so few cases in the rehired category. E ither his paranoia or inside sources had alerted him to the possibility of a cover-up. "I got it there w ere m ore," he told M itchell, adding he w ould like to know their nam es (disclosure of w hich the President had forbidden). M itchell deflected the request, m erely responding, "M ost are out now," not a very reassuring answ er in light o f W herry's accusation. The Senator then reduced his request to dem anding to know only "how m any o f them are still with the G overnm ent and when and if they resigned."53 20 8 �WHERRY HAS HIS PROOF Com plaints and delays aside, M itchell’s disclosure was dam aging enough, and was ju st w hat Senator W herry was looking for. M itchell had been forced to adm it that fired hom osexuals had not been effectively blacklisted, as he had claim ed in his A pril 5th letter. D espite all the officials' testim ony, this dam ning fact proved that there was "no effective, coordinated system" by w hich the governm ent "autom atically put a flag or w arning on the file of one who bad been perm itted to resign" — only in cases o f actual court prosecution had such a "flag" been added. As W herry reiterated in his subcom m ittee report, "a degenerate elim inated from the State D epartm ent by threat of form al discharge m ay gain reem ploym ent in another departm ent," including "the N ational D efense E stablishm ent, unless there happens to be som e one still in the State D epartm ent who rem em bers the circum stances and can pass along the inform ation." W herry at last had docum ented proof of his loophole in the civil service regulations — w hat he sought in requesting the prelim inary investigation. He could dem onstrate that there had been "dereliction to duty in the executive branch in perm itting these m oral perverts to obtain reem ploym ent by the G overnm ent."54 W herry's evidence o f "holes in the system or rather lack of system " augm ented the value of hom osexuality as a political weapon. 209 �In his report, W herry used M itchell's figures to reinforce Senator M cC arthy's recent assertion that the C.I.A. was harboring a form er State D epartm ent official once separated for hom osexuality, whom W herry called "a key m an."55 M cCarthy's sexual innuendoes, appearing as they did during the Senate's investigation of com m unists in the State D epartm ent, added to the urgency o f the W herry-H ill investigation. No w onder the N ebraska Senator was so eager to report their inquiry to the full D.C. appropriations subcom m ittee in late A pril, while the T ydings C om m ittee hearings focused on Owen Lattim ore and other accused spies. But how should the Senate proceed in achieving the desired security changes? Senator H ill suggested a lim ited inquiry aim ed at designing legislation to strengthen penalties for "hom osexualism " and "ensure adequate liaison and adequate exchange o f data and inform ation" betw een police and governm ent em ployers. Senator W herry, how ever, dem anded a broader inquiry to accom plish the ends H ill desired, but also "to ascertain w hat positions w ere obtained by these em ployees and the circum stances under w hich they obtained their reem ploym ent" — in other words, to punish those who had allow ed the perverts to slip back into the system .56 Instead of simply pressuring the Civil Service Com m ission to live up to its existing regulations, W herry preferred to turn the m atter into a political w itchhunt that w ould last for several m onths. 210 �W herry offered only one, brief "out" for the adm inistration, buried in the back o f his M ay report. "A forthright order by President T rum an to departm ent heads to enforce that regulation vigorously w ould be helpful," he claim ed.57 O f course, such an order would im ply that the C ivil Service C om m ission had not been abiding by its own regulations, an adm ission T rum an w ould not m ake. offer, therefore, can be seen as disingenuous. W herry's Y et it is also true that the adm inistration could have avoided m onths of further congressional inquiry had it considered an executive order to resolve the m ost pressing aspects of the hom osexual reem ploym ent problem . As shall be seen, the adm inistration was neither interested in nor p repared to discuss such an option. W herry and other R epublicans also brought up the hom osexual issue in Senate debate over the Tydings Com m ittee hearings. From the Senate floor, W herry pointed to a full-scale investigation of hom osexuals as a potential source of "a great deal o f inform ation along the line of disloyalty on the part of certain persons who have been em ployed by the State D epartm ent." M cCarthy continued his attacks on A sia specialist Owen Lattim ore, who called the senator's charges "hogwash" and coining a new phrase by w arning that "the shadow of M cCarthyism " hung over A m erica as a threat to academ ic fre e d o m . U ndaunted, M cC arthy shifted attention to W herry's anti-hom osexual investigation in a speech to the A m erican Society o f 211 �N ew spaper Editors (A .S.N .E.), follow ing an appearance by P resident T rum an and preceding one by Dean Acheson. M cCarthy cited the case o f a current D epartm ent of State em ployee with a "record of convictions," calling him a "pervert and degenerate." One w eek later on the Senate floor, he referred to a Voice of Am erica em ployee as "dangerous" due to his "sex perversion." A fter A cheson spoke at the editors' conference, M cC arthy m ocked him for im plying that "the real crim inals are those who try to expose and get rid of Com m unists and perverts in the State D epartm ent."58 Republican N ational C hairm an Guy George G abrielson also attacked the T rum an adm inistration for lax security on the hom osexual issue, in his first new sletter of 1950, entitled "This Is the News from W ashington," and sent out to over 7,000 party w orkers nation-w ide. A part from coverage in the New Y ork Tim es and W ashington P o s t, this was the first discussion of the "hom osexual angle" at the national level. "Perhaps as dangerous as the actual Com m unists are the sexual perverts who have infiltrated our G overnm ent in recent years," G abrielson warned. "The State D epartm ent has confessed that it has had to fire ninety-one of these. It is the talk of W ashington and o f the W ashington correspondents corps." The G.O.P. chairm an betrayed some regret that the "pervert" scandal could not be bigger than it was. "The country would be more aroused over this tragic angle o f the situation," he bem oaned with crocodile tears, "if it w ere 212 �not for the difficulties o f the new spapers and radio com m entators in adequately presenting the facts, w hile respecting the decency of th eir A m erican audiences."59 O ther R epublicans joined the fray. New Y ork G overnor and form er R epublican presidential candidate, T hom as Dew ey, lobbed a Parthian shot against his opponent from two years before, accusing the D em ocrats of "tolerating spies, traitors, and sex offenders in the G overnm ent service." New Y ork's K atharine St. George, a m em ber of the H ouse Com m ittee on Post Office and Civil Service which had proposed the original sum m ary-dism issal bill back in 1947 and which had recently reintroduced the bill in M arch 1950, also com plained that the adm inistration had allow ed the hom osexual scandal to occur. N ebraskan A rthur L. M iller defended the anti-hom osexual inquiry w ith stereotypical im ages of perverts as a m edical plague descending upon the nation's capital. The author of the 1948 sex-crim es law s apologized to his House colleagues for having to discuss a "very delicate subject" by "strip[ping] the fetid, stinking flesh o ff of this skeleton of hom osexuality." M iller repeated the "putrid facts" that "several thousand" perverts w ere now em ployed by the Federal G overnm ent. The form er country doctor repeatedly declared that hom osexuals w ere "like birds o f a feather, they flock together." Laxity in reem ploym ent vigilance, to him , cam e as no surprise.60 213 �M iller assum ed, as well, that State D epartm ent em ployees were p art o f the 4,000 hom osexuals he claim ed he had learned about in 1948. "Sex perverts," to M iller, were m en who engaged in such sex practices as "necrophalia, fettichism , pygm alionism , fellatios, cunnilinguist, sodom atic, pederasty, saphism , sadism , and m asochist" [sic] at "rug and fairy parties" and elaborate "sex orgies" w here they "w o rshipped] at the cesspool and flesh pots of iniquity." The N ebraskan displayed his extrem e anxiety w hen he claim ed that W ashington's "pathologic" perverts even had "signs used on streetcars and in public places to call attention to others of like mind." He concocted the idea that "the Russians [we]re strong believers in hom osexuality" and "the O rientals" (C hinese Com m unists, assum edly) "still look[ed] upon the practice w ith favor."61 A few days later, a pointed debate occurred on the H ouse floor over the hom osexual issue during a discussion of w hether the 1946 M cC arran R ider was needed once again in the C om m erce D epartm ent appropriations bill. Clare E. H offm an [R-MI] com plained that D em ocrats had defended "these unm entionable individuals in the departm ents" for over a decade . H offm an lam ented that "for the last ten years practically everybody in W ashington knew about all this disreputable, dirty, nasty bunch on the Federal pay roll w hich is now, at last, being exposed." W hen a colleague com plained about "free advertising" in Congress for hom osexuals and asked H offm an to 214 �define one, the seventy-three-year old indignantly replied, "The term needs no definition -- I will not dirty my m outh by defining it." A rthur M iller chim ed in again, claim ing he heard from a "taxicab driver" that "the hom osexuals had quite a celebration" the night after the sum m ary-dism issal bill was voted down on M arch 3 1.62 A nother row occurred w hen the dism issal bill was reconsidered fo r resubm ission on April 19th. C liff Clevenger [R-OH] claim ed that he had brought up the reem ploym ent question over a year before, after A ssistant Secretary of State Peurifoy had told him unofficially th at em ployees had found their way back into the system . Clevenger also claim ed that a Com m erce D epartm ent security officer had recently inform ed him that the wording of Trum an's loyalty order forbade the flagging o f files of suspected hom osexuals. C levenger com m ended the State D epartm ent for its firing of the infam ous 91, b u t asked "have they gone far enough?" He feared "a cell o f perverts hid in g around G overnm ent" and com plained that hom osexuals w ould be protected by "the sob sisters and thum b-sucking liberals" who insisted on keeping the focus on proving disloyalty.63 C levenger then surrendered the rem ainder of his tim e to A rthur L. M iller, who could not resist adding m ore comm ents on his previous w ork in weeding out "sex crimes" in W ashington. M iller had recently heard from "a gentlem an" in the C.I.A. who had told him "that Mr. G oering of Germany and others had a com plete list of all the 215 �hom osexuals" in the U.S. governm ent and that the Russians "undoubtedly" now had the same list. He repeated his m antra, "They are like birds of a feather, they flock together" in urging inclusion of a sum m ary-dism issal rider on the next appropriations bill. concluded with a note of m ock sym pathy. M iller "As a physician I recognize that som e of these people are m ore to be pitied than censored. They are pathological cases, like the kleptom aniac or the pyrom aniac, but certainly they have no business being in sensitive positions o f the G overnm ent w here foreign agents seeking out our secrets can contact them and use them as a w eapon to destroy our form o f Governm ent." M iller's colleagues finally forced him to end his tirade, defended the patriotism of Peurifoy and the State D e p a r tm e n t.64 Senate Republicans took over w here M iller left off. As if the T ydings C om m ittee hearings into M cC arthy's charges of com m unists in the State D epartm ent were not com plicated enough, several senators dem anded that the T ydings inquiry "be expanded to encom pass the subject o f sexual perversion w ithin the G o v e rn m e n t." 65 Senator M undt also kept up the savage attacks on D ean Acheson, recalling the H iss case and the "recent disclosure by the State D epartm ent th at ninety-one em ployees had been discharged as hom osexuals" as proof that A cheson was incom petent at best, and liar at w orst.66 Senator W herry kept up his own attacks 216 �from his vantage point as m inority floor leader. D uring the w eek o f W illiam R em ington's testim ony in the explosive new A m erasia investigation, W herry dropped the tantalizing hint that "he had ju st been advised by 'the head of a G overnm ent agency' that a m an accused by Senator M cCarthy of being a pervert, though not a C om m unist, had resig n ed ."67 W herry's rem ark led subcom m ittee chairm an T ydings to object to the m isplaced focus o f the proceedings. He pleaded w ith his R epublican colleagues, "W on't you stop this continued heckling about hom osexuals and let us get on with the m ain work o f finding Com m unists?" D eclaring that Tydings was running a "pantom im e of an investigation," W herry claim ed he was "proud to be associated" w ith M cC arth y .68 The aristocratic M aryland D em ocrat thus suffered the sam e fate as A ssistant Secretary of State Peurifoy had on February 28th. Any attem pt to deflect attention away from hom osexuals onto the "m ain work" of Red-hunting w ould be doom ed as long as K enneth W herry was around. The few liberal defenders of the adm inistration kept their doubts to them selves regarding the hom osexual issue. One C ongressm an, W ayne N. Aspinall [D-CO], earned Dr. Alfred C. Kinsey's com m endation as a "friend in governm ent" after w riting K insey in April, 1950, to request statistics on "sex perversion" in order to better evaluate the attacks on the State D epartm ent.69 217 Aspinall �never had (or took) the chance to m ake anything o f the statistics K insey sent him, however. Given the daunting coalition of forces condem ning hom osexuals, the congressm an’s h esitation was u n d e r s ta n d a b le . PURGE ALREADY UNDERWAY IN APRIL The "pervert purge" in governm ent em ploym ent began even before the H ill-W herry prelim inary inquiry was com plete, and news of the issue spread across the country. Foreign service officer Francis W hite heard early on of the toll on the State D epartm ent, all the way from Salt Lake City. He disclosed this in a confidential letter to his friend and colleague, J. R euben Clark, who nevertheless contended that a "grow ing resentm ent" there "against A cheson and the State D epartm ent among people who never used to take any interest at all in our foreign affairs." C lark also found "m ore aw areness am ong the p eo ple about the 'fairies.1 A pparently there is a grow ing inclination to feel that it is an awfully nasty m ess back there [in W ashington]."70 Lt. B lick also heard about the purge. In a note to Senator W herry o f on T hursday, May 11th, he boasted that "nearly every one of the agencies of the G overnm ent have had their m en dow n here to see me since your investigation began." B lick claim ed that "betw een 90 and 100 m oral perverts" from different branches o f the governm ent had resigned in A pril.71 W herry had m isread B lick's statem ent, 218 �how ever. The N ebraskan assum ed that the new resignations since M arch 23rd had com e "by request of G overnm ent departm ent officials" w hile B lick had inferred that the resignees had jum ped ship o n their own accord, once they realized they were under investigation. W herry could not help but tw ist the evidence to fit his ow n p reju d ices. The growing purge of hom osexuals took its toll on those caught up in the security panic. The foreign service, as a whole, suffered from the attacks on its reputation, in the m idst o f grow ing international crisis w here personnel concerns did not need to haunt the ranks. D ean A cheson's special assistant, L ucius B attle, later recalled that "everyone was very nervous about the rum ors of that sort o f thing" even if they never knew any specific cases.72 One form er governm ent w orker recalled the effectiveness of the p o lice’s action, w hich raises questions as to why so m any hom osexuals w ere reported to have slipped through the reem ploym ent loophole. Thom as "Dusty" Keyes (b. 1926) recalled how he and his partner w ent to a gay bar and left ju st before the police raided it. m ade the front page of the W ash in g to n The event P o s t with chilling results. "W hen that happened the police w ould take you in, and you'd get fined. The paper w ould print your name, your address, and w here you worked. get fired. If you worked for the governm ent like I did, you could They w ouldn't even let you come in; 219 they'd ju st pack up �your stu ff and send it to you." Further testifying to the effectiveness o f Lt. Blick's tactics, Keyes recalled how "the D.C. police used to send out their m ost handsom e cop to Lafayette Park across from the W hite H ouse. He was arresting guys right and left."73 Given this report, along w ith B lick's claim of 65 arrests in one night, why Senator W herry was so w orried about increasing D.C. police efficiency? His dem ands only m ake sense if a political w itchhunt were his goal, no m atter how it traum atized governm ent w orkers. REPORTS ISSUED SEPARATELY Once M itchell's dam aging statistics were in, Senators W herry and H ill com pleted their reports and subm itted them to the full D.C. appropriations subcom m ittee. H ill's report "was the m ore m oderate, W herry's the m ore excited," one reporter noted, though both Senators "agreed that a full-scale investigation was needed."74 W herry's report is notable for two features: its focus on the threat of having hom osexuals in governm ent employ, and also its criticism of the C ivil Service Com m ission and State D epartm ent for their delays in disclosing the extent o f the "pervert" problem .75 Since W herry had obtained "inform ation additional to that presented before [the] subcom m ittee," L ister H ill subm itted his own report to diplom atically address their areas o f disagreem ent, including u nsubstantiated 220 �rum ors w hich W herry insisted on p u b licizin g .76 W herry, in turn, claim ed that he had issued a separate rep o rt since "differences" had arisen over "what m atters should be included" and "regarding recom m endations." He adm itted that he had acquired additional inform ation, but claim ed that he and H ill had kept each other "fully inform ed of all p ertinent inform ation" they received.77 T heir differences, how ever, were not alw ays spelled out clearly. W herry, for instance, obviously had a m ore personal stake in trum peting the need for an investigation. He had been com plaining about the lack of security in the State D epartm ent for som e time, and his R eport show cased the m ost dam ning details. Indulging in his typical bravado, he took credit for trying to rid the D epartm ent of its "pro-C om m unists, subversives, and other alien-m inded radicals w ith low standards of m orality" since his first day of office in 1943! He rem inded the nation that he had been a signer o f the Senate subcom m ittee letter of June 10, 1947 reporting the nam es of "adm itted hom osexuals and suspected perverts" to then-S ecretary o f State M arshall; due to this action, W herry claim ed, "these law breakers" w ere "separated from the D epartm ent of S tate."78 N evertheless, the problem rem ained substantial because governm ent agencies had not been consistently m onitoring their own em ployees. H ill countered W herry, firstly, by stressing the unrem arkable nature of hom osexuality, seeking to balance W herry's paranoia in 221 �regards to the num bers game. H ill's report included a recent letter of Dr. R obert H. Felix, D irector of the N ational Institute of M ental H e a lth .79 The physician inform ed the subcom m ittee that the p ercentage of hom osexuals estim ated in W ashington did not exceed the national average o f four percent of w hite m ales (according to "several studies" but m ost notably Dr. K insey's). Felix reiterated the p olitical significance o f the statistic, declaring that he was "unable to fin d any evidence w hatsoever w hich indicates that hom osexuality [wa]s m ore prevalent in the D istrict of Colum bia than in other sections of the country."80 Coming on the first page o f H ill's report, the inference was clearly juxtaposed against recent h eadline-grabbing, R epublican w arnings about "nests" of hom osexuals "infesting" the capital and the State D epartm ent. W herry, how ever, insisted that the governm ent should no m ore know ingly em ploy hom osexuals than it should com m unists or crim inals. If the group were dangerous, the national incidence was unim portant. W herry even dism issed Felix's letter as having "no relevancy to the investigation," though he used the fo u r percent figure by claim ing that it m ade Lt. Blick's "estim ates on m oral decay" seem "ultra conservative."81 W h erry 's H ill's pragm atism , here, was m uted by strid en t m oralism . W herry repeated, for the press, the figure of 300-400 State D epartm ent hom osexuals among the "5,000" "sex deviants" B lick had 222 �estim ated w ere in W ash in g to n .82 W herry ensured that these p o ten tially inflated and p olitically dam aging num bers (already leaked in late M arch) w ere repeated to the press as "official." W herry also reiterated C ivil Service C om m issioner M itchell's finding that 13 of the 91 hom osexuals cited by Peurifoy had w orked their w ay back into governm ent service, plus Lt. B lick's testim ony o f 65 hom osexual arrests in one night w ith all adm itting g u ilt.83 Thanks to W herry's recklessness, therefore, B lick's guesstim ate becam e the foundation of nearly every future m edia report on the hom osexual investigation. M onths later, even the sm allest story on the "pervert probe" w ould state, w ithout question as to accuracy, the fact that "a W ashington police official" had testified "that 300 to 400 persons" arrested in sex-crim es case "were in the State D epartm ent."84 In all, over a dozen w itnessed had testified before the H ill-W herry s u b c o m m itte e .85 A fter hearing the police testim ony, the Senators had conferred with the m an whose revelation had officially started it all, D eputy U nder Secretary of State for A dm inistration, John E. P e u r if o y .86 Peurifoy stated that since January 1, 1947, the D epartm ent of State had "accum ulated a list o f about 3,000 nam es o f persons" in the U.S. and abroad who were "hom osexuals or alleged hom osexuals," against w hich job applicants w ere checked.87 N eedless to say, the State D epartm ent was not w illing to turn over its list — and if the senators asked for it, they did not adm it it in their 223 �reports. T heir dozen D efense D epartm ent contacts all claim ed that "constant and vigilant precautions" w ere being taken "against the problem " of hom osexuals; when an em ployee left the A rm ed Forces "under a charge of hom osexualism , a 'flag1 was placed in the file of the individual to give notice to any other departm ent or agency of the G overnm ent in w hich the individual m ight seek r e e m p lo y m e n t." 88 In his report, Senator W herry called attention to the "deep hum iliation" of the 1919 N ew port scandal. He concurred w ith his R epublican predecessors who had "severely condem ned" the N avy's enlistm ent of "men, som e in their teens, [who] w ere directed to fraternize with sex perverts for the purpose of trapping them into arrest." The current m ilitary, W herry was relieved to say, was less invasive, m erely labeling "m oral perverts" as "undesirable em ployees in any governm ental departm ent concerned w ith the N ation's security." serv ice L ater W herry w ould w ant to see them declared un fit for w h a tso e v e r.89 B oth Reports noted the testim ony of O ffice of N aval Intelligence (ONI) agents who inform ed the Senators that over the past nine years, ON I had accum ulated "a file o f 7,859 known or alleged hom osexuals," both "uniform ed and civilian" and all of w hom had been "separated" from the service.90 W herry's report, alone, m entioned that Arm y intelligence had com piled a sim ilar list o f 224 �5,000 "known or alleged hom osexuals" in the W ashington area. The Arm y also declared it was "weeding m oral perverts out of the service at the rate of one every six days."91 W herry m ust have been thinking along the lines of the 1921 Navy report, or reflecting on his own, youthful vulnerability, when he indulged in some scare tactics in his Report. He sum m arized the m ilitary’s three-point rationale in refusing hom osexual troops. First, "a youngster going into the service . . . very often a farm boy from the M idwest" was "told w ith whom he is to eat and next to w hom he is to sleep." The new recruit "has to be protected," W herry noted. Secondly, hom osexuals w ere security risks because they form ed "em otionally close attachm ents" w ith their partners, m aking them vulnerable to m anipulation of an "old friend." Lastly, hom osexuals had to lead double lives, their every waking hour spent "carrying out an act against detection," leaving them "high strung" and alert "alm ost to a point of neuroticism ."92 In this way, W herry insinuated that the hom osexual was not only vulnerable to blackm ail but was psychologically designed for anti-detection, a subversive personality in the m aking. G iven this m ilitary-inspired m indset, W herry reached the ju d gm ent that there could be no difference betw een sensitive and non-sensitive governm ent jobs. W hat the A rm ed Forces had concluded, "based upon years of observation and experience," 225 �W herry thought, should apply "with equal force" to other governm ent agencies. In other words, he firm ly rejected the argum ent that separation from sensitive positions was enough. "M oral perverts are a security risk," he warned, "because o f their proxim ity to persons having security secrets and docum ents containing such in fo rm atio n ."93 The m ost sensational p a rt of W herry's report, how ever, was his supposed proof that hom osexuals and com m unists w ere actually linked. This grew out o f a statem ent by Lt. Blick's assistant, Sergeant "Jimmy" Hunter, "acting head of the special investigations squad . . . assigned to keep track o f subversive activities," who estim ated there were "1,000 bad security risks now w alking the streets of W ashington, D .C.," though he could not say how m any were em ployed in governm ent. W herry overlooked the fact that the estim ate was only one-fifth that of B lick's, m erely com m enting that the 1,000 figure w as "described as conservative by intelligence officers of the arm ed services." H unter confirm ed that there was a "tie-in" betw een "degenerates . . . and com m unism " since perverts w ere "very susceptible. You find quite a few perverts attending these m eetings (o f C om m unist-front o rg an izatio n s)."94 W herry then built upon the testim ony o f H unter and other "secret-service officials" who had "em phasized that blackm ailing o f m oral perverts to obtain G overnm ent defense secrets [wa]s a long- 226 �established w eapon am ong nations plotting aggression." W herry inserted the inflam m atory claim that H itler had "am assed the names o f hom osexuals around the world," com piling a list "rum ored to have been acquired by Russia" so that "the Com m unists' fifth colum n in the U nited States" could "use hom osexuals to gain their treacherous ends" in Am erica. The N ebraskan hinted that testim ony included "a fleeting reference to a trail of hom osexuals leading to a foreign em bassy in W ashington, D .C ."95 FINAL RECOMMENDATIONS Senators W herry and H ill concurred on some of their recom m endations. B oth sought a full-scale investigation into the hom osexual issue, pushed for m ore adequate m easures to p revent reem ploym ent o f dism issed hom osexuals, advocated strengthening D istrict of C olum bia law enforcem ent efforts, and hoped for closer liaison betw een the D.C. police and federal agencies' security staffs.96 The Senators' reports differed, how ever, on seem ingly m inor yet key m atters. W herry proposed that the m ore widely publicized Judiciary C om m ittee should conduct the broader inquiry, w hile H ill recom m ended that it be run by the (safer) Executive E xpenditures C o m m itte e .97 Hill sought a full-scale investigation into "whether" — not if — there w ere any hom osexuals in positions w here they m ight "aid or abet or be a party to subversive activity," w hereas Senator 227 �W herry dem anded that the inquiry cover "the problem of elim inating m oral perverts from em ploym ent by the G overnm ent" in any capacity. Sim ilarly, Senator H ill sought closer police-agency liaison only "in detecting hom osexuals" w hile W herry specified closer cooperation "in detecting and elim inating m oral perverts." H ill clearly reserved judgm ent on the level of threat posed by hom osexuals, but, in the end, he did not stress the point beyond his report, w hich constituted his final, official statem ent on the subject. U nlike his Alabam a colleague, Senator W herry added a serm on-like conclusion to his recom m endations. Since "m oral perversion, like other crim es against society, is cause by abnorm al m inds, w hich may be broadly classified as diseased," the N ebraskan declared, society m ust recognize its obligation to "eradicate this m enace and to lift the minds of m oral perverts from the extrem e depth of depravity to w hich they have sunk." N evertheless, W herry dem anded that such a "wholesom e and necessary process" m ust not prevent "expeditious action" to ensure that governm ent agencies w ere "cleansed of m oral perverts, especially to guard and p rotect security secrets upon w hich the life of our beloved country m ay d e p e n d ." 98 W herry ended his report by offering a text for w hat later becam e Senate R esolution 280. In his proposal's pream ble (later dropped), he linked the issues of loyalty and security, the form er being the 228 �"incum bent" duty of all Am ericans and the latter,he said a m atter "of param ount im portance" to be "diligently safeguarded." His caveat im plied, therefore, that the rem oval of hom osexuals w as a patriotic duty. H e again rem inded his audience that "perverts . . . constituted a bad security risk" not because they could be blackm ailed but also because agencies had shown "laxity of effort" in allow ing arrested persons to "escape ju st punishm ent."99 The im plication was that all hom osexuals w ere threats (not ju st those in security-related p o sitions) and that the federal governm ent had m ortally sinned by n o t having kept out those who fell through the reem ploym ent loophole. As shall be seen, these ideas endured throughout the entire in vestigation by the larger Senate investigation to com e. The subtle battle H ill waged against such thinking can be seen in the titles of the two prelim inary investigation reports o f M ay 1950. W herry's read "Investigation ... on the Infiltration o f Subversives and M oral Perverts into the Executive Branch o f the U nited States G overnm ent" w hile H ill's dealt w ith "the Infiltration of Subversive A ctivity and H om osexuals in G overnm ent Service." Thus, W herry clearly aim ed his report at the executive departm ents w hile H ill sought to broaden the focus to the entire governm ent. This m ay seem a sem antic difference, since m ost of the official "officers and em ployees" of the governm ent (including the m ilitary) are in som e type of executive branch agency. The point H ill seem ed to be trying 229 �to m ake, how ever, is that the problem o f "subversives and hom osexuals" existed all through the system — potentially even in C ongress. This is not to say he was insinuating that Joseph M cCarthy m ay have been a closet hom osexual; start circulating for another year or so. rum ors to that effect would not As a critical yet stalw art D em ocrat, H ill was m erely insisting on a fair inquiry. If one branch o f governm ent were vulnerable to "infiltration," than all could be and all should be investigated. W hy H ill did not push his understated opposition further rem ains unknow n. Perhaps the reason was that he did not have to continue participating in the hom osexual investigation. H e had w on reelection on May 2nd, and had recom m ended that a com m ittee on which he did not serve take over the broader inquiry. By bow ing out quietly, H ill thus may have been an early victim of battle fatigue in the w ar ag ain st M cC arthyism . CONCLUSION Playing on fears of hom osexual em ployees in the Com m erce D epartm ent, the W herry-H ill prelim inary investigation focused chiefly on the reputed "sins" of the State D epartm ent and of the governm ent as a whole. Police figures were eagerly m anipulated by adm inistration foes (Senators W herry and Ferguson, GO P chair G abrielson and form er presidential candidate Tom D ew ey) to 230 �heighten the M cC arthyite w itch-hunting atm osphere w hich had sw ept the nation's capital since m id-February. Civil Service C om m issioner M itchell's adm ission of hom osexual re-hires proved to be the nail in the coffin for W herry and others. The reem ploym ent issue also furthered the longstanding dispute betw een the legislative and executive branches over adm inistrative policy-m aking pow ers and use o f em ployee files. Besides proving the point that the governm ent had not done its best to cleanse itself o f security risks, the potential fo r reem ploym ent gave the A dm inistration's foes additional am m unition in their grow ing efforts to discredit the President, Secretary o f State D ean A cheson, and other "liberal" leaders who had held collective pow er in W ashington for too long by 1950. W ith a little help from friends Ferguson and B ridges, W herry succeeded in leaking Lt. B lick's guesstim ate on the supposed extent o f the "pervert problem " in the nation's capital. The three R epublicans thus kept the hom osexual issue on the front burner of Senate business, rivaling at tim es the M cCarthy attacks on the State D epartm ent. P olitical m otivations proved the dom inant force in the prelim inary inquiry — note the subtle shift in attention from the original focus on the Com m erce D epartm ent to the m ore influential and easily targeted State D epartm ent. The dogged determ ination o f K enneth W herry w ould turned the reem ploym ent loophole into a full-scale Senate investigation in less than two m onths. 231 �W herry was also successful due to the relative com pliance of L ister H ill. H ill's lesser enthusiasm for an investigation of hom osexuals reflected both his prim ary desire to be a balance against his ultra-conservative fellow senator, and his m ore dignified, Southern preference for dealing w ith crises. friend of hom osexuals, however. H ill was certainly no He still saw them as "sick" individuals and fully agreed w ith labeling them security risks. W hatever sym pathy he m ay have had was overcom e by his re lie f at being able to pass on the task of further inquiry to another subcom m ittee. His balancing effort, therefore, can be judged as u n su c c e ss fu l. A fter the release of the W herry and H ill reports in m id-M ay, 1950, the Senate w ould m ove tow ard a full-scale inquiry into the "problem " of hom osexuals in governm ent em ploym ent. the W hite H ouse act to forestall such a step? B ut w ould How w ould the general public react to their legislators trying to "eradicate the m enace" of hom osexuals? The follow ing chapter exam ines these issues and charts the course o f the Senate's decisions to proceed w ith the "p ervert probe." 23 2 �1 Reported in "Sen. Hill's Unit Waging Drive On Perverts in Key U.S. Jobs," W ashington Post (Mar. 25, 1950): 1:2-3, 11:6; unpaginated clipping also in HSTL, Spingarn Papers, Box 35, folder "Internal Security File, Loyalty Program (3 of 4)," and in Wherry Papers, Box 18, folder "Press Releases, First H alf 1950." The leak was most likely either Senator W herry or his subcommittee ally, Homer Ferguson [R-MI]. Ferguson and W herry had combined their isolationist and anti-New Deal energies for years in the Senate; see Drury, A Senate J o u rn a l. 251-52. 2 Unless otherwise noted, biographic details taken from V irginia Van der V eer H am ilton, Lister Hill: Statesman from the South (Durham: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1987). See also materials in Papers of J. Lister Hill, Hoole Special Collections Library, Univ. of Alabama, Tuscaloosa [hereafter cited as "Lister Hill Papers"]; and Lister Hill Papers [unindexed, miscellaneous clippings and reference files], A labam a D epartm ent o f Archives and H istory, M ontgomery, AL. [hereafter "Lister Hill Files"]. Hill may have been influenced in his views toward homosexuality by his father, an ardent student of Dr. Lister, who is known to have advised early British sex researcher John Addington Symonds (1840-1892) to attem pt marriage as a cure for homosexuality. See Schueller & Peters, The Letters of John Addington Sym onds. I, 36-39; and Grosskurth, M em o irs. 13-14, 18. 3 Hill co-sponsored the hospital bill (S. 191) with Philip Burton in January, 1945; President Truman signed it on August 13, 1946 to become P.L. 725 (79th Cong.); in 1949, Congress extended the program's duration and doubled funding to $150 million (P.L. 380, 81st Cong.). 4 Hill co-authored the G.I. Bill of Rights (signed in Jan. 1945) providing educational/occupational training to returning veterans, and helped enact the Veterans Amputee B ill providing automobiles for amputees. He later amended the G.I. Bill to increase subsistence allowance for veterans attending school and o n -th e-jo b /farm train in g program s. 5 See Robert C. Byrd, ed., The Senate. 1789-1989: Addresses on the History of the United States Senate. Vol. 1 fBicentennial Editionl (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1988), 514. 6 Quote from Drury, A Senate Journal. 296; see also 116-17, 120-21. See also Max Lerner, "Mr. Roosevelt: Ringmaster," N atio n 146 (Jan. 15, 1938), 63-64; J.B. Shannon, "Presidential Politics in the South," Journal of Politics 1 (Aug. 1939), 278-300; V.O. Key, Jr., ed., Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York: Vintage, 1949), 82-105; and James T. Patterson, Congressional C onservatism and the New Deal: The Growth of the Conservative Coalition in Congress. 1933-1939 (Lexington: Univ. of Kentucky Press, 1967), 265-67, 285. 7 See, for example, Hill's Mar. 10, 1950 letter to Mr. R.L. Broadhead (Fairfield, AL.); in Lister Hill Papers, Box 536, Folder 71. 8 "America Prepare: Address by Hon. Lister Hill of Alabama at Confederate M emorial Exercises" (June 2, 1940), 6 [Reprinted in Cong. Rec. (June 4, 1940)]; copy in Lister Hill Papers, unnumbered carton following Box 679. 233 �9 W herry, fo r him self and 32 other Republicans, had first introduced a constitutional amendment to abolish the poll tax in May of 1944; see Drury, A S enate Jo u rn al. 174. Southern Democrats successfully blocked such bills by filibustering against invocation of cloture; in 1948, W herry brokered a com prom ise in the cloture procedure ("the Wherry rule"); see M arvin E. Strom er, The M aking of a Political Leader: Kenneth S. Wherry and the United States Senate (Lincoln: Univ. of Nebraska Press, 1969), 97-102. On the May 1950 annual consideration o f the FEPC bill in which the new procedure failed, see Evening Star (May 8 & 19, 1950), and New York Times (May 9 & 20, 1950). 10 Quote from Hill letter of June 19, 1950 to Mr. E.W. Patterson (Decatur, AL.); Lister Hill Papers, Box 536, Folder 76. in 11 The New Orleans Item (June 4, 1950), 8, praised Hill & Sparkman of Alabama as one of 43 regular Democrats vs. 28 Dixiecrats; see comment on the article in Hill's letter to U.S. Circuit Judge, Montgomery McCord of June 12, 1950; in Lister Hill Papers, Box 625, Folder 280. On Hill's partisanship, see also his letter o f June 8, 1950 to Lewis Clark [an old Alabama friend and long-time foreign service officer currently serving as U.S. Representative on the U nited N ations Advisory Council for Libya], in Lister Hill Papers, Box 619, Folder 85; and M cC ullough, T ru m an . 592. 12 As a young congressman in the 1920s, Hill was a pioneer with his friend, G eneral B illy M itchell, in demanding an autonomous air force; see P rogressive A labam a 2. 6 (Nov. 1936). "B2H2" (Sens. Joseph H. Ball [R-MN], Harold H. Burton [R-OH], Carl A. Hatch [D-NM] and Lister Hill [D-AL]) met regularly with Secretary of State Cordell Hull on preparations for the new, global organization. Hill was the only one of the four who was not a member o f the Trum an Committee [on national defense]; see Drury, A Senate Journal. 206, 334; and Jerry N. Hess, Dr. W alter H. Judd Oral History Interview (Independence, MO.: HSTL, Apr. 13, 1970), 2-20. Hill served on the Senate Foreign R elations Committee until he was removed (due to low seniority) in the Com m ittee's reduction from 23 to 13 members following the Legislative Reorganization Act of 1946; see Farnsworth, Senate Foreign Relations C o m m itte e . 21-23. The Unification Bill was signed by President Truman, creating the "Department of Defense" in July, 1947. 13 D efense quotes from press release, marked "Biographical - Veteran, 10-1149," in Lister Hill Files, Box 3, Folder "Reference - Biographical - General." Economy quote from Hill letter of Feb. 22, 1951 to Alex Hancock (Mobile, AL.), who had urged a $9 billion cut; in Lister Hill Papers, Box 487, Folder 36 "Defense, 1950-51." 14 See "Un-American and Subversive Activities — M inority Views on S.2311 (M undt-Ferguson-Johnson Bill). Remarks of Hon. W illiam Langer," Cong. Rec. (March 10, 1950); unpaginated copy in Lister Hill Papers, Box 536, Folder 73. N.B. — Langer [D-ND] opposed the bill to the bitter end, collapsing from exhaustion on the Senate floor during final deliberations in Septem ber. 234 �15 From H ill letters of Mar. 17, 1950 to Eugene Feldman (Birmingham, AL.) and of Mar. 18, 1950 to Miss M arianna Snow (Montgomery, AL.); in Lister Hill Papers, Box 536, Folder 72. Hill would end up supporting the restrictive "Communist Control Bill" (which the Senate passed over Trum an's veto on Sept. 23, 1950), since he felt that objectionable parts of the bill could be amended once Congress reconvened after the midterm elections; see his letters o f Sept. 22, 1950 to George Huddleston, Jr. (D ep't Cmdr., American Legion, Birmingham, AL.), and of Sept. 25, 1950 to Robert W. Osborn (Birmingham, AL.); in Lister Hill Papers, Box 527, Folder 160. 16 Truman quote from Hill letter of Jan. 15, 1953 to President Truman; in Lister Hill Papers, Box 167, Folder 7. FBI quote from Hill letter of Mar. 29, 1950 to Enoch C. Fly and sixteen co-signators, in Lister Hill Papers, Box 536, Folder 73; Fly had sent a clipping of W alter Trohan's Dec. 19, 1949 C hicago Tribune article, "Reds Open Drive To Oust Hoover And Destroy FBI." See also Hill's numerous letters to constituents in Lister Hill Papers, Box 527, Folder 160. Smear quote from Hill letter of Apr. 26, 1950 to Mr. S.C. Stuckey, Jr. (University, AL.); in Lister Hill Papers, Box 527, Folder 160. 17 From Hill letter of Mar. 20, 1950 to the West End School Sixth Grade (Opelika, AL.); in Lister Hill Papers, Box 380, Folder 14. Hill succeeded J. Howard M cGrath [D-RI] as chairman of the D istrict of Columbia subcom m ittee after M cGrath became Attorney General in 1949. 18 On the Senate "inner circle," see Dean G. Acheson, Present at the Creation: My Years in the State Department (New York; Norton, 1969), 98; and id e m , Sketches From Life of Men 1 Have Known (1959; New York: Harper & Row, 1961), 132. Parody comment from Drury, A Senate Journal. 116-17. "Tall and drawling" quote from "Senate Delay in Vote on Wallace," N e w sw e e k (Feb. 12, 1945), 44; Hill, then Democratic Senate Whip, also spoke in Congress in favor o f Wallace as Secretary o f Commerce (see Cong. Rec.. Mar. 1, 1945). Wallace was ultim ately confirm ed but resigned after 18 months after criticizing Trum an's policy toward the Soviet Union. In a state and era where no Republican stood a chance o f election against a Democrat, challenges came only in the primary. On H ill’s 1950 primary campaign, see materials in Lister Hill Papers, Box 357. 19 "Sen. Hill's Unit Waging Drive On Perverts in Key U.S. Jobs," W ashington P ost (Mar. 25, 1950), 1:2. 20 L ister Hill interview with Marvin Stromer (June 4, 1965, W ashington, D.C.), cited in Stromer, The Making of a Political Leader. 157. 2 1 Max Lerner, "'Scandal' in the State Dept. York Post (July 13, 1950), 2. IV - Kinsey in Washington," New 22 B lick was accompanied by Sergeant James K. "Jimmy" Hunter, whose brief testim ony is described below. 23 Inform ation in this and the next paragraph, from Jean R. B ailey's obituary of Blick, W ashington Post (June 19, 1972), C 4:l-4. 235 �24 From U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Appropriations, Subcommittee on Appropriations for the D istrict of Columbia (81st Cong., 2d sess.), "Report, of the Investigations of the Junior Senator of Nebraska ... on the Infiltration of Subversives and M oral Perverts into the Executive Branch of the United States Government," unnumbered (Washington, DC: U.S. G.P.O, May 17, 1950 [hereafter "Wherry Report"]), 5. New York Times (May 20, 1950), 8:2, reported that B lick had four police officers who did "nothing but check on hom osexuals," though W herry deemed this num ber woefully inadequate. 25 From "Memorandum o f Conversation, Participants: Mr. John Finlator - PER, Mr. Fred Traband - SI, Lieutenant Roy Blick, M etropolitan Police Dept." (Mar. 29, 1950); copy in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF [hereafter, "Finlator/Traband M emo"]; the memo was circulated as part of the White House central files, available to Cabinet members, White House Assistants, and the President. The fact of Blick's subpoena and testimony under oath was reiterated in the W herry Report, 5. Another officer gave sim ilar figures to State D epartm ent security officer Travis L. Fletcher on May 2nd; see Fletcher's May 3, 1950 memo to Donald L. Nicholson, in "Sex Perversion File, 1950." Finlator was an investigator in the Department of State's Office of Personnel, and became its Assistant Executive Officer in May, 1951; Traband was from the security investigations division of the State Department; see Official Register. 1950. copy in HSTL. Finlator was later noted as having "been working on this [homosexual] problem" for some time; see Arch K. Jean "Confidential" memo of June 20, 1950 to (Asst. Sec. of State for Personnel) Peurifoy; in "Sex Perversion File, 1950." 26 "Finlator/Traband Memo." Blick was pleased that Finlator had kept in "close liaison" with him over the past year, and Traband over the past six months. 27 Quoted in "Sen. Hill's Unit Waging Drive On Perverts in Key U.S. Jobs," W ashington Post (Mar. 25, 1950), 11:6. The Park Police kept monthly reports on Lafayette Park (a popular homosexual cruising ground, right across from the White House); see, for example, the undated memo from Hillary A. Tolson [Acting D irector of the National Park Service] to the Secretary o f the Interior, with attached Feb. 1, 1950 "Monthly Report - Pervert Elim ination Campaign" detailing hom osexual-related arrests for January, 1950; in N ational Archives II, R.G. 48, Records of the Office of the Secretary of the Interior, Office Files of Secretary Oscar Chapman 1933-1953, Central Classified Files 1937-1953 [Entry 768], Box 3838, Files "12-41 Administrative (Part 7, Jan. 20-Dec. 18, 1950)." The report noted that the "vagaries of weather" had not decreased homosexual arrests that winter, and that "perverts" were "becoming increasingly wary in their nefarious activities" around L afayette Park. 28 "Pervert Expose May Go to Senate Floor," W ashington Daily News (Mar. 28, 1950), 5. 29 Ibid. , quoting "sources close to the Senate D istrict Appropriations s u b c o m m itte e ." 236 �30 Wherry Report, 7-8; and Hill Report, 2-3. Sodomy was difficult to prosecute because a witness to the act was necessary. Usually, undercover police officers could only catch homosexuals kissing or embracing, not actually com m itting the sex act; hence the catch-all "disorderly conduct" charge, which was also used in bar raids. Arthur L. M iller's 1948 law (P.L. 615, 80th Congress), applicable only within the D istrict of Columbia, criminalized all oral and anal sex (human and animal) as sodomy, how ever slight the penetration and without need of proof o f emission; it increased the penalty up to a $1,000 fine and 10 years in prison. 31 W herry Report, 5. Lafayette Park had long served as the central, nocturnal "cruising ground" for homosexuals since gay bars and other less-prom iscuous institutions were tightly proscribed in the homophobic culture of the day; see David K. Johnson, "Homosexual Citizens: W ashington's Gay Community Confronts the Civil Service,” W ashington H istory (Fall/W inter 1994-95), 45-63, 93-96. See also previous note on Park Police reports on Lafayette Park. 32 Wherry Report, 6; and Hill Report, 2. 33 Finlator/Traband Memo; and Max Lerner, “ ‘Scandal’ in the State Dept, VIH: Blick o f the Vice Squad,” New York Post (July 18, 1950), 2. For more on the Lerner interview , see Chapter 4. 34 See W ashington Post (June 19, 1972), C 4:l-4; interview with Franklin Kameny, Jan. 17, 1998. 35 Wherry Report, 6; 1950), 8:2. and Hill Report, 2. and author's telephone See also New York Times (May 20, 36 Max Lerner, “ ‘Scandal’ in the State Dept, VIII: Blick of the Vice Squad,” New York Post (July 18, 1950), 2, 26, The actual sequence of Blick's confession to Lerner took up several paragraphs, leaving Lerner "exhausted" in his attem pt to discern either Blick’s logic or mathematics. Lerner described Blick's tremendous dis-ease at having to admit the vagueness of his statistics. 37 Quotes from Lerner, "'Scandal' in the State Dept, VIII: Blick of the Vice Squad," New York Post (July 18, 1950), 26. Wherry recommendation confirmed in telephone interview with Dr. Franklin Kameny (Jan. 17, 1998), though I have found no direct link to W herry and the establishment of a separate anti­ homosexual section of the Morals Division; Kameny may have assumed a connection, based on the tim efram e involved. On the Morals Division's new tri-part organization, see also W ashington P ost (Mar. 31, 1972), A13:5. 33 M ax Lerner, "'Scandal' in the State Dept, VII: Senator W herry’s Crusade," New York Post (July 17, 1950), 2; reprinted in Lerner, The Unfinished Country: A Book of American Symbols (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1959), 313-16. 237 �40 See, for example, texts from New York Times. Kansas City Star. Omaha H erald. and Sacram ento B ee (Mar. 28, 1950); quotes from the latter. Another paper listed H om er Ferguson [R-MI], not Bridges, as the senator who had "previously announced he wants to find out how many" of the 91 were still employed in other agencies; see "Sen. Hill's U nit Waging Drive On Perverts in Key U.S. Jobs," W ashington Post (Mar. 25. 1950), 11:6. 41 "Senators Studying if Agencies Should Get Sex Arrest Reports," Sunday Star (Mar. 26, 1950), 3:1; unpaginated clipping also in Wherry Papers, Box 18, folder "Press Releases: First H alf of 1950." 42 Quotes from Chapman memo to President Truman, [undated; stamped received in White House, Apr. 12, 1950], 1; in HSTL, Official File 6-P (National Capital Park Service); copy [stamped Apr. 6, 1950] also in National Archives II, R.G. 48, Records of the Office of the Secretary of the Interior, Office Files of Secretary Oscar Chapman 1933-1953, Central Classified Files 1937-1953 [Entry 768], Box 3838, Files "12-41 Administrative (Part 7, Jan. 20-Dec. 18, 1950)." 43 Ibid., 2. 44 Ibid., 1. 45 Truman's defense on the loyalty files' release can be found in C ongressional Q uarterly A lm anac VI (1951), 451; they had been reviewed by the House Comm ittees on A ppropriations and Executive Expenditures, before the President's March 15, 1948 executive order forbade their release to Congress [see Chapter 2]. See also Evening Star (May 5, 1950, A l:l, A6:2 and (May 21, 1950), A 1:3. W herry comments from press release (never issued) using unpaginated clippings from "Senators Consider Law To Get Sex Offenders' Names for Agencies," and "District Awaits Ruling On Senator's Demand For Sex Records," Evening Star (Mar. 25 & Apr. 1, 1950), and "Senators Studying if Agencies Should G et Sex Arrest Reports," Sunday Star (Mar. 26, 1950); plus "Sen. Hill's Unit Waging Drive On Perverts in Key U.S. Jobs," W ashington Post (Mar. 25, 1950), 1:2, 11:6. W ashington Daily News (March 28, 1950), 5 uses phrase "homosexual hunt" for W herry's inquiry. On HUAC's 1947-'50s witchhunts in the entertainm ent industry, see the classic work by Victor S. Navasky, N am ing N am es (1980; New York: Penguin Books, 1981). 46 Quotes in this and next paragraph from Hill Report, 4-5, including text of M itchell's April 5, 1950 letter (also reprinted in Wherry Report, 9-10.M itchell did not specify at whose office the conference took place. 47 See materials on appointments with constituents in Lister Hill Papers, Box 357, for Hill's hectic schedule throughout the month of April. In any case, W herry discounted the possibility that Hill had withheld the response, announcing later that Hill had "kept him fully advised of his actions in this investigation." W herry claimed he had also told Mitchell, "I took Hill at one hundred cents. I still think Hill and I are trying to do the same thing." See Wherry Report, 2, 5. 238 �48 "Press release, April 27, 1950," in Wherry Papers, Box 18, Folder "Press Releases: First H alf of 1950." Report, 3. Wherry's April 25, 1950 letter text in Wherry 49 See "Personal & Confidential" memo of Lawson A. Moyer (Executive Director of the Civil Service Commission) to Donald S. Dawson (Administrative Assistant to the President), May 8, 1950 [date possibly May 6; "8" written over "6" on original]; in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. The memo summarized the same cases M itchell would cover in his May 16 letter to W herry [see below], except for the claim that the 91 names "have been flagged in the Commission's M aster Index in order that they may be identified if they seek re-entry into the Federal service." Why the existence of this M aster Index was not disclosed to W herry was not explained. The Hoey Committee's chief counsel later suggested the creation of such a list; see Chapter 5. 50 W herry Report, 3-4, including the purported text of Wherry's May 15 telephone conversation with M itchell. 51 W herry Report, 3-4. Wherry finally saw M itchell's April 5 letter on Monday, May 15th, when Hill showed him a copy. 52 Full text of M itchell's May 16, 1950 letter to Wherry (with note for carbon copy to Hill) can be found in W herry Report, 4-5, and Hill Report, 5; original in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. The statistics check was reportedly made "this m onth” (early May 1950) as reported by Bert W issman, "Federal Agency Spots Perverts By Lie-Detector," Baltim ore Sun (May 21, 1950); unpaginated copy in "Sex Perversion File, 1950." 52 W herry Report, 4. Senator Ferguson still contended that M itchell's inform ation was "incomplete" and demanded that a further check be made "to determ ine whether any more of the 91 got other federal jobs after losing their State department jobs." Ferguson letter o f May 16, 1950 to M itchell in Cong. R ec. (July 24, 1950), 11006-07 [submitted by Karl Mundt]. M itchell had learned from his experience with W herry to prom ptly acknowledge requests, and sent a "proposed" reply for review to White House Assistant Donald Dawson on May 18 and the final letter to Ferguson the following day; both in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF; May 19th letter also in Cong. R ec.. loc. cit. 54 Wherry Report, 5, 8-9. 55 Wherry Report, 5, 9. The man was later identified as Carmel Offie; see Chapters 2 & 3. By June, 1950, Offie was reemployed by the Europe-based but CIA-funded Free Trade Union Committee, where he worked for many years; he died in London in a plane crash in 1972. 56 Wherry Report, 5. The Civil Service Commission later reiterated its request that agencies report the exact cause; see U.S. Civil Service Commission Departmental Circular 626 [1], undated; copy attached to memo of U.S. Army, Office of the Adjutant General, "AGAO-S 230.741 (16 June 1950) SACPD-D-M. Subject: Procedure for Handling Cases of Alleged Perversion (Civilian Employees), in Adjutant General’s Office, Report of Homosexual Cases - Civilian Employees, June 14 to December 4, 1950, AG 230.741," National Archives, R.G. 407, Box 3593, Classified Decimal File 1948-50. 239 �57 W herry Report, 12. Wherry referred to Civil Service Regulation 2104, which denied em ploym ent to those guilty o f "immoral" conduct." 58 W herry remarks in Cong. Rec. 96, 4 (Apr. 24, 1950), 5581. For coverage of Lattim ore's invention of the phrase "McCarthyism," see Evening S tar (May 2 & 3, 1950), A l. McCarthy's remarks in Cong. Rec. 96. 4 (April 27, 1950), 5974; also cited in "H.O.A.C.S.," 10C, in Tydings Papers, Series V, Box 3, folder "HOACS, June-A ugust 1950." M cCarthy's criticism of Acheson quoted in Evening Star (Apr. 25, 1950), A l:2, 3:1. 59 Quoted in New York Times (Apr. 19, 1950), 25:3. Gabrielson had been elected to the Republican chairm anship in 1949, following criticism of the Party's lackluster perform ance in the 1948 elections. For a critique o f Gabrielson's leadership of the G.O.P., see "Scare Words: A Compilation of Republican Attacks on Progressive Legislation Since 1882" (Washington, D.C.: Research Division, Democratic National Committee, [c.mid-1950]); copy in Lister Hill Files, Box 12, F older "Politics." 60 Dewey's comments cited in New York Times (May 5, 1950), 15:3. St. George's remarks in House Hearings on H.R. 7439 (March 1950), 33, 41, 90; and U.S. Congress, House Committee on Post Office and Civil Service (80th Congress, 1st sess.), "Federal Employees' Loyalty Act," Hearings on H.R. 3588 (W ashington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., June 3-10, 1947), 13, 20, 22. M iller quoted in Cong. Rec. 96 (Mar. 31, 1950), 4527-28. He used similar wording in a May 3, 1950 speech before the N ebraska State M edical Association in Lincoln, entitled "How Safe Is America?" See Cong. Rec. 96 (May 15, 1950), A3660-61. 61 Cong. Rec. 96 (Mar. 31, 1950), 4528. Miller would soon spearheaded an increase in the penalty for sex-related crimes on N ational Park Service territory to $500 or six months in jail or both; see Sec. 3.25, Rules and Regulations of the National Park Service [Federal Register, June 7, 1950]. 62 See Cong. Rec. 96 (Apr. 4, 1950), 4669-70. 63 Op. cit. (Apr. 19, 1950), 5401-02. 64 Op. cit. (Apr. 19, 1950), 5403-05. 65 New York Times (Apr. 25, 1950), 5:1. 66 Quoted in William S. White, "State Department Hit On 'Intimidation'," New York Times CApr. 25, 1950), 5:2. 67 Quoted in William S. White, "M'Carthy Asserts Budenz Named Red In Acheson Office," New York Times (Apr. 26, 1950), 3:2; the reference, again, to Carmel Offie [see earlier footnote]. On Remington, a 32-year-old Commerce D epartm ent economist, see Evening Star (May 4, 1950), A l, and New York Times (May 5, 1950), 1; the Secretary of Commerce ultimately had to ask for R e m in g to n 's re sig n a tio n . 68 Quoted in White, "M'Carthy Asserts Budenz Named Red In A-heson Office," 3:4. 240 �69 Aspinall letters of Apr. 5 & 24, 1950, to Kinsey; cited in James H. Jones, Alfred C. Kinsev: A Public/Private Life (New York: W.W. Norton, 1997), 634. 70 See Clark's letter (marked "Confidential") of May 10, 1950 to White [in Francis W hite Papers, Special Collections, M ilton S. Eisenhower Library, Johns Hopkins Univ., Baltimore] also cited in Gellman, Secret A ffairs. 392. White [1892-1961] had served with Clark for many years on the Foreign Bondholders' P rotective Council (founded 1933), a private non-profit agency organized at the request of the U.S. governm ent to negotiate settlem ent of (prim arily Latin American) debts to U.S. investors. White succeeded Clark as F.E.P.C. president in 1938; under Eisenhower, he was U.S. Ambassador to Mexico and to Sweden. 7 1 Quotes in this paragraph from W herry Report, 13-14. 72 Telephone interview with Lucius D. Battle, Jan. 16, 1999. Battle [b. 1918] had been a member o f the W ar Department staff in 1942-43 before returning to the University of Florida to com plete his law degree in 1946. Thereafter, he served in the State Departm ent from 1946-68, including almost four years as Special A ssistant to Secretary Acheson. Battle remembered Senator W herry was "a mess" to deal with and "awful" in his style. 73 Keyes quoted in Tim Bergling, "Prime Time: We Always H ad Each Other," Hero: The Magazine For The R est O f Us 2 ([Fall] 1998), 73. Keyes has lived in the D.C. area since October 1946 (from 1947 to 1993 with his partner, the late Jim Busby); Keyes' remark of the fine-only penalty dates his account to before August 1950, when the penalty increased as per Senator W herry's recom m endations. 74 Max Lerner, "'Scandal' in the State Dept. York Post fJulv 13, 1950), 2. IV - Kinsey in W ashington," New 75 Copy of W herry Report in Wherry Papers, Box 10, Folder "Homosexuals in State Departm ent." Senate Subcomm ittee chairman Lister Hill released his own, separate report of the hearings — see following note. 76 U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Appropriations, Subcomm ittee on Appropriations for the D istrict of Columbia (81st Cong., 2d sess.), "Report, made by the Chairman, the Senior Senator from Alabama, of the Investigations of the Subcom m ittee A ppointed by the Subcom m ittee on A ppropriations for the D istrict of Columbia, on the Infiltration of Subversive A ctivity and Homosexuals in Government Service," Rep't No. — [unnumbered], May —, 1950 [exact date not given], (Washington, DC: U.S. G.P.O, May 1950). Hereafter "Hill R e p o rt." 77 Hill Report, 2; Wherry Report, 2. 78 W herry Report, 1. For the 1947 letter, see Chapter I. 79 W herry Report, 12, states that Senator Hill "showed to Senator Wherry a copy" o f the letter, dated May I I , 1950. The National Institute o f Mental Health had been established through Hill's 1946 hospital facilities bill, as part o f the Federal Security Agency (FSA; currently the Department of Health and Human S e r v ic e s ) . 241 �80 Hill Report, 1. Felix's letter is included as Exhibit A, pp. 6-7. 81 Wherry Report, 12. Wherry also belittled Felix's reasoning, sarcastically claim ing he could thus "argue, but not very intelligently, that because there are an estimated 55,000 Communists in the United States, the Federal Government, including the State D epartm ent and the D epartm ent of Defense, should have their pro rata share; and because there are about a million crim inals in the country, none should com plain if the Government has its share." Loc. cit. 82 For Blick's figures (in Wherry Report, 6), see New York Times (May 20, 1950), 8:2; and "Reds Plot D.C. Disaster?" W ashington Daily News (Mav 20, 1950). The figures would also be repeated in the December 1950 Hoey Committee Report [see Chapter 7]. 88 Blick admitted his guess to Max Lerner, "'Scandal' in the State Dept, VIII: Blick of the Vice Squad," New York Post (July 18, 1950), 2, 26. Blick repeated the admission, without his previous hesitation, in the mid-1960s to the first man to challenge the governm ent's anti-hom osexual hiring practices; see author's telephone interview with Franklin Kameny, Jan. 17, 1998. 84 Sample quotes from W illard Edwards, "Perverts Fleeing State Dept. Under Probe Pressure," W ashington T im es-H erald (July 27, 1950); unpaginated clipping in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. 85 W hether the testimonies were formal or informal is a m atter of interpretation. Hill listed people with whom the subcommittee had "conferred," indicating probable personal meetings (like with M itchell on M arch 29th) or telephone calls, instead of form al testimony. W herry, however, claimed the subcomm ittee "had before it" the various officials; since his Report lists more witnesses that H ill's, W herry may have also included people with whom he conferred inform ally. 88 There is evidence that Hill probably also talked to Peurifoy outside of the official hearings, later (April or May) about the homosexual issue. In a June 8, 1950 letter to Lewis Clark [an old Alabama friend and long-time foreign service officer currently serving as U.S. Representative on the United Nations Advisory Council for Libya], the Senator wrote, "I do want you to know that I have had a nice talk with Jack Peurifoy" about Clark's foreign service advancem ent. "I am having considerable contact with Jack on another matter these days," he added, most likely in oblique reference to the homosexual inquiry. In Lister Hill Papers, Box 619, Folder 85. The Senators conferred together with Peurifoy's associate, Samuel D. Boykin, State D epartm ent Consular Affairs Director; see Hill Report, 3; and Wherry Report, 6. 37 Hill Report, 3 (citing 24,000 employees); and Wherry Report, 6 (citing 23,000). In reply to an Aug. 10, 1950 telegram inquiry from [Birmingham lawyer and friend] Luther Patrick, Senator H ill replied that the State D epartm ent had about 23,000 employees (8,291 continental, 15,000 overseas), compared to the FBI's 9,873 (4,278 agents and 5,595 other staff); in Lister Hill Papers, Box 626, Folder 331. 24 2 �88 Listed in Hill Report, 3, and Wherry Report, 8.The ten included only one who would testify before the full-scale (Hoey Committee) inquiry later that summer, Lt, Col. Francis M cGarraghy of the Air Force Office o f Inspector G eneral's Special Investigation D ivision. 89 Quotes from W herry Report, 10-11. Wherry cited the Republican-led 1921 hearings before the Senate Committee on Naval Affairs (76th Cong., 1st sess.); see Chapter 1. 90 Hill Report, 4, and Wherry Report, 11.Approximately 95 percent of the 7,859 resided within the continental U.S., with a total of 1,450in the W ashington, D.C. a re a . 91 Wherry Report, 11. 92 Loc. cit. Of these three standpoints, the first is still used to this day as a reason for keeping homosexuals out of the U.S. military. 93 W herry Report, 11-12. 94 ”1000" quote from New York Times (May 20, 1950), 8:2. Wherry's comment in Wherry Report, 13; shortened exchange repeated in Hill Report, 3. Hunter's later quotes from Hill Report, 3; shorted exchange repeated in W herry Report, 13. W herry Report (12-13) listed Hunter as "in charge of" the "14 regular full­ time employees" in the "Missing Persons and Special Investigations Squad, M etropolitan Police D epartm ent." Hunter testified, however, that "vigilance against subversives in the Nation's Capital" was "merely one of [the squad's] many duties" and even "a sideline to other duties." I have waited to describe Hunter's testimony since news of it did not appear until the release of the Hill and W herry Reports (unlike B lick’s details, which were leaked on M arch 25th). 98 Wherry Report, 10. 96 Wherry Report, 14; and Hill Report, 6. 97 Wherry Report, 16; and Hill Report, 6. 98 Quotes from Wherry Report, 15; and Hill Report, 6. Wherry later repeated a variation o f the phrase "eradicate this menace" to Max Lerner, who included it in his article, "'Scandal' in the State Dept, VII: Senator W herry’s Crusade," New York Post (July 17, 1950), 2. The phrase also appeared in the summary of W herry's conclusion which appeared in his press release of May 17, 1950, in Wherry Papers; also quoted in Richard Kollodge, "Back to the fifties: A littleknown investigation," W ashington B lade (Dec. 11, 1987): 1, 7. 243 �CHAPTER 4 W hite House and Public Reaction Wherry's demand for a broader inquiry placed the Truman administration in an awkward position. Public attention grew, and the security-risk issue would not go away. to how this problem could be resolved. channels or an executive order? The question remained as Privately, through back Or publicly, in order to inflict more political damage on the administration and the State Department? As shall be seen, the latter method won out, partially due to the White House's lack of a sense of urgency and Republicans' dogged determination. Wherry's preliminary investigation not only set the stage for the larger Senate inquiry, but it also set the tone of debate — "perverts" whose very presence was considered a threat must be "eradicated" from employment in even "non-sensitive" jobs. The new inquiry m ight have even included Senator McCarthy, but after he recused himself to avoid a conflict of interest (judging charges he had indirectly initiated), there could at least be a level of dignity and public trust above that of the anti-communist witchhunts being conducted in other senate subcommittees. Moreover, the W hite House appeared to stand aside, allowing a full-scale inquiry without opposition. Through confidential channels, J. Edgar Hoover had informed the President that there had been little 244 �damage, if any, done by the fired homosexuals whose files the F.B.I. reviewed after having received them from the D.C. police. Any attempt to circumvent a larger Senate inquiry would have seemed like an administration-led "whitewash" of homosexual charges, too. Public attention to the homosexual issue grew as the Senate approved the expanded investigation into governm ent-employed homosexuals. Press reports accurately and even skeptically summarized the debates over the new inquiry. Constituents were generally less balanced, reacting in letters to the various senators out of fear and shock about the situation. More balanced — and even diplomatically critical — accounts were offered by CBS radio newscaster Eric Sevareid and New York Post columnist Max Lerner. The latter's twelve-part series on the "Pervert Probe" was even accompanied by a Herblock cartoon which also gently poked fun at the inquiring Senators. With Joseph McCarthy continuing his attacks on subversives in government and Kenneth Wherry bragging about "homosexual hunting" being his "specialty," tension was mounting . . . LARGER INQUIRY FORMALLY REQUESTED Once Senators Wherry and Hill issued their reports, the District of Columbia Appropriations Subcommittee unanimously authorized a formal resolution requesting a broader inquiry by the full Senate, on Friday, May 19, 1950. This proposal, which would become Senate 245 �Resolution 280, "authorized and directed" an unspecified Senate body to "make a full and complete study and investigation" of and report "results of the study" and remedial "recommendations for legislation" on two issues.1 The first was "the alleged employment" of "homosexuals and other moral perverts" by federal agencies. Given the Civil Service's admission that thirteen rehired homosexuals had been found, the original Resolution could have omitted the seemingly diplomatic "alleged." The use of the term thus left open the question in favor of a larger witchhunt. To have limited the inquiry to finding and proving actual cases would have flawed the spirit of the "pervert probe." The second issue to be investigated was "the preparedness of authorities of the District of Columbia, as well as appropriate authorities of the Federal Government within the District" to protect "life and property against the threat to security, inherent in the employm ent of such perverts."2 The probe desired to strengthen the efforts of the Metropolitan Police Force, National Parks Police, F.B.I., and various Departments' security divisions. The fact that the senators had decided that the "employment of such perverts" was, indeed, an "inherent" security threat is also shown in their lack of differentiation between "sensitive" and "non-sensitive" positions. Future discussion of whether homosexuals could be retained in non-sensitive jobs, therefore, was really a moot issue from the start. 246 �Reactions to the unanimous vote were predicable. D istrict of Columbia appropriations subcommittee member Homer Ferguson [R-MI] told his fellow Senators that the evidence was so shocking that action should be taken immediately.3 Senator McCarthy crowed with delight after the Senate agreed to complement his investigations of communism with one of "perversion." "I think it is an excellent idea to extend at least this phase of the investigation to all branches of the Government," he told reporters. "A surprisingly large number of those who are Communists or fellow travelers are either perverts or closely associated with those who are."4 His explicit and implicit linkage of "Reds" and "lavenders" further strengthened the myth of conflated threats. Vice President Alben Barkley, as President of the Senate, then had to decide which investigations subcommittee would hold the new inquiry. He had three possibilities — Judiciary, Civil Service, and Executive Expenditures — and if he selected the third, Senator McCarthy could get to play a role, since he was the ranking minority member. The press noted that such a choice "would put McCarthy in the favorable position of participating in a collateral investigation to his own charges against the State Department."5 Nevertheless, the Executive Expenditures Committee proved to be the lead candidate, and an auspicious choice. This committee had been founded in 1921 to reform the national government's 247 �accounting and budgeting system and make it more efficient. It had remained fairly quiet and inactive, however, until after 1946, when Congress reduced the number of standing committees and enlarged the powers of those that were retained.6 The revamped Executive Expenditures Committee had oversight for non-appropriation budget and accounting measures, proposals to reorganize the executive and legislative branches of the government, and inquiries into the economy and efficiency of agencies' activities. The Expenditures Committee had taken on a politicized role since the 80th Congress. Republicans led a drive for the implementation of the numerous Reorganization Plans prepared by a commission chaired by former President Herbert Hoover.7 At the same time, the Committee’s Investigations Subcommittee, chaired by Clyde Hoey [D-NC], initiated 140 inquiries, many without public hearings.8 Most dealt with accusations of inefficiency, but a summer-1949 inquiry into influence peddling by Truman's advisor, Major General Harry Vaughan, turned into a major event.9 By 1950, therefore, it was widely known that Hoey's fair-minded subcommittee would be all the more desirable a choice for the homosexual inquiry, despite McCarthy's possible presence.10 After spending the weekend "lying on the table" (the term for waiting for committee chairs to decide on referral), the "modified" Resolution was officially referred on Monday, May 22nd, to the 248 �Executive Expenditures Com m ittee.11 Wherry had won out, it seemed, in keeping the investigation targeted on only executive branch agencies -- i.e., sparing Congress. On May 25th, Expenditures Committee chairman John L. McClellan [D-AR] reported that the committee had voted unanimously to send the resolution to the Subcommittee on Rules and Administration, with four minor but important changes.12 Instead of a "full and complete" study and investigation, these were now to be "thorough and comprehensive" — as if to emphasize that the job was not meant to be a 'white-wash' (as many Republicans claimed the Tydings Committee inquiry into McCarthy's charges against the State Department had become). Similarly, the study would not just look into the "preparedness" of District and federal authorities in dealing with the threat of perverts but it would inquire into the "preparedness and diligence" of these authorities. This change was clearly as a slap at the Metropolitan Police Force for letting arrested homosexuals off with a $25 bond. It also implicitly criticized the Civil Service Commission and departmental security divisions for having allowed the loophole situation to exist, leaving the "protection of life and property" exposed to the threat to security inherent in the (continued) employment of homosexuals. Adding "diligence," therefore, ensured that the inquiry would not ju st examine existing 249 �security regulations, but would encompass how effective agencies had been in enforcing their own rules. The broadened scope of the amended Resolution was also clear in terms of what was required. The probers would not only report their results with "recommendations for legislation" but were now expected to add "other remedial action" to their suggestions. The inquiry thus intended to provide the widest possible view of how to solve the problem of homosexual employees. The final amendment specified that $25,000 would be set aside for the inquiry; no date for completion was as yet included.13 In its accompanying Report to explain these changes, the Expenditures Committee claimed that the adopted amendments were "limited in large measure to clarification of language" in the original resolution. The committee also disclosed that after hearing from both Senators Hill and Wherry in executive session on May 24th, it had voted unanimously to report the resolution since "there was an urgent and compelling need" for the investigation.14 Based on what we know about Wherry's personality and M cCarthyite worldview, we can guess that it was his voice was the committee heard when it clarified the language and emphasized the "urgent and compelling need" for the inquiry. McCarthy, however, bowed out at this point. With mock graciousness, he voluntarily excused him self from the new inquiry, 250 �from a role which Democrats would surely have condemned. He looked back on his work and public statements "on the matter of Communists and perverts in the State Department" and felt "that it would be well" if he "did not participate as a member of the Subcommittee" during the probe. He publicly offered, nonetheless, "any potential evidence" from his files — an offer on which he or his Senate colleagues never followed through.15 McCarthy kept up his demands that the White House quit shielding the State Department employees, however. The President responded by announcing he was ready to appoint a special, civilian panel to investigate McCarthy’s charges, admitting that in the month since he had re-released the 108 files that the 1948 House committee had reviewed, no progress had been made on the files fro n t.16 The Commerce Department was also under attack for employing a suspected Communist, and the Secretary of State faced Republicans' continuing opposition to Marshall Plan aid.17 The relative calm before war broke out in Korea thus obscured rising tensions which would only worsen during the months ahead. These discussions and the normal press of Senate business kept Acting President pro-tempore and Rules Committee Chairman Carl Hayden [D-AZ] from reporting the final version of the homosexual inquiry — Resolution 280 — to the full Senate until Wednesday, June 7, 1950. Hayden's committee had made only two changes. 251 First, the �inquiry's costs were not to exceed $10,000 — lowered from the $25,000 originally requested. The toned-down amount would prove sufficient to staff the investigations subcommittee's personnel and pay for operating costs, though it earned some nasty letters from tax-hating constituents. Second, the completion date was specified as "not later than January 31, 1951" — within a "practicable" time (but after the m idterm elections).18 The inquiry was officially authorized after Senator Hoey agreed to let the investigation come before his subcommittee. The full Senate unanimously authorized Senate Resolution 280 on June 8, 1950.19 Indeed, any dissent at this stage would have been considered dangerously subversive. Besides, Hoey pledged that his group's "paramount objective" would be "to protect the government and the public interest" not to "transgress individual rights." He emphasized that he did not want a "public spectacle" and stressed that the "complex" problem would deal with employees "who present possible security risks as well as medical, sociological, and legal problems." Most importantly to Democrats reeling from McCarthy's witchhunting, Hoey stated unequivocally that he intended to conduct the inquiry in executive session.20 He was determined to spearhead the investigation himself, pushing aside attempts for an inquiry in both the Senate and House.21 252 �Like McCarthy, Senator Wherry could look with pride on his efforts of the past three months. Given the success of his "preliminary investigation," Wherry even bragged about how "hunting homosexuals was his 'specialty.'"22 Apparently satisfied with playing second fiddle to Joe McCarthy, Kenneth Wherry had found his niche in history after all. ADMINISTRATION RESPONSE Where was the White House in all this? Wherry seemed to encounter little opposition to his anti-homosexual crusade, an antecedent which would have made Joseph McCarthy green with envy. Congressional vehemence to investigate the executive branch contrasts with the absence, throughout the entire course of the 1950 investigations, of any counter-charges by the White House or State Department that any homosexuals or communists might be found in Congressional employment. Truman loathed McCarthy and his fellow anti-administration Republicans but did not have to make the same kind of charges to fight back against the attacks.23 The President had tried attacking Senators McCarthy, Styles Bridges and Wherry by name for their irresponsible accusations, describing them as guilty of "sabotage" of U.S. foreign policy and as the "greatest asset of Kremlin." The maneouver had backfired, however. 253 Wherry had �sprung to the Wisconsin Republican's defense, saying, "I am proud to be associated with a man who is doing his level best to clear this country of Communists and moral perverts in the Government."24 Privately, Truman wrote to his cousin that McCarthy was a "pathological liar" and Wherry a "block headed undertaker" who, together, were "going along with the Kremlin to break up our bipartisan foreign policy."25 Try as he might, the President could not escape the constant criticism emanating from the right wing of the Republican Party. The President did not believe there were Communists in the State Departm ent despite his grudging, 1948 admission to Peurifoy that Alger Hiss may have given secrets to Russian agents. McCarthy’s slander was "a bunch of hooey and it never was proved [sic]," he later recalled, while McCarthy was just "some demagogue" out to "stir people up for his own welfare and aggrandizement." Truman thought that "some of our witch-hunters in the U.S. Senate have been charging people with things that simply did not exist." As for the House, H.U.A.C. was "the most anti-American thing in America."26 Truman's public stance in the spring of 1950 was not so militant, however. It took some time before the President realized that he had to deal with McCarthyism head on. He hesitated to speak out publicly against McCarthy during the early months of the witchhunts, though he was not reticent about expressing himself in private. 254 His �attitudes on the homosexuality issue are more difficult for the researcher to discern, though there is some relevant evidence av ailab le. Truman would have been aware that the homosexual problem was not as damaging as critics maintained. Through his Special Consultant on Military Affairs, Rear Admiral Sidney W. Souers, Truman was able to review an F.B.I. list of persons who "claimed, at the time of their arrest" on charges of "sexual irregularities," to hold "highly rated positions" in government. F.B.I. Director J. Edgar Hoover had had the list culled from the D.C. police records sequestered the previous week (Apr. 2). Arrestees in the top category included only two State Department employees, a reserve officer and an administrative assistant — hardly a representative sample of the "300-400" figure from Lt. Blick's guesstimate. Other "highly rated positions" included an instructor and an auditor from the C.I.A., a White House porter, and a secretary to Senator M c C a rth y .27 Truman thus would have known that homosexuals in government had seemingly posed little danger to national security. The F.B.I. list also explains why little comment emerged out of the administration regarding the anti-homosexual inquiry, which would have been seen as a politically motivated attack. The White House did urge federal agencies to comply with the Senators' requests up to the point of compromising personnel files. 255 Secretary of State �Acheson was aware of the "sexual deviance charges" but, as with the more publicized by McCarthy, he felt that his assistants "seemed to have the matter in hand."28 could stay above the fray. For the most part, Acheson and Truman In the case of McCarthy, ignoring the issue was not a possibility, but the homosexual problem could be downplayed as an administrative matter for Assistant Secretary Peurifoy and the Civil Service Commission to handle. A rare glimpse of Truman's opinion on the homosexual problem occurred when novelist John Hersey was sitting in a policy discussion with Truman and his advisors, doing an article on Truman's presidency for the New Y orker magazine. On February 28, 1951, Hersey was allowed to observe, but not take notes for, a meeting at Blair House between Truman and various members of his staff and Congress. Hersey recalled in 1973 that Truman bemoaned the poison of McCarthy — "specifically, his [McCarthy's] slander of what he kept calling 'the Democrat party' and his indiscriminate charges of Communism and homosexuality in the State Department. All this was tearing the Government apart and undermining the moral fiber of the nation," he said.29 Truman’s mention of the homosexual and communist slanders, together, reveals he linked the two smear campaigns as a purely political ploy by his enemies. Since Truman had raised the issue of homosexuality, one of his advisors (seconded by another) proposed "that McCarthyism might 256 �be done in, once and for all, by a stroke of McCarthyism." The idea was that they reveal the contents of a "thick and devastating" W hite House dossier, compiled over many years. Insinuating that McCarthy was homosexual, Murphy said the file detailed the dates and even "the hotel rooms in which Joseph McCarthy had stayed and the names of the Senator's bedmates. The list was practically guaranteed to blow Senator McCarthy's whole show sky high." The President listened for a while and then responded with a firm refusal to lower himself to the level of mudslinging. "The flat of his hand came sharply down on the table . . . in outrage," Hersey recalled. Truman "wanted no more such talk."30 Hersey further recalled the gist of three "pungent comments" with which Truman condemned the smear-tactic proposal. "You must not ask the President of the United States to get down in the gutter with a guttersnipe. Nobody, even the President of the United States, can approach too close to a skunk in skunk territory and expect to get anything out of it but a bad smell. If you think somebody is telling a big lie about you, the only way to answer is with the whole truth." The last comment, especially, reveals that Truman could not believe rumors of McCarthy's homosexuality. Otherwise, his reference to the "whole truth" would have indicated a desire to expose McCarthy for what some thought he was. 257 �In all three comments, the whole business of mudslinging and sexual politics was clearly anathema to a president who had built his public image upon the rock of straight-forward honesty and the integrity of high ideals. Homosexual smears, even if used by McCarthy against liberals in general and officials in the State Department, were simply beneath the dignity of the W hite House to discuss, much less consider as an acceptable forward-defense strategy. To defend against anti-homosexual attacks in the spring of 1950, Truman preferred a policy of honesty to cover-up. His position was ethically admirable, but perhaps politically ill-advised. ADVISERS REDIRECT CONCERN Others besides Admiral Souers provided the President with information and policy advice ~ who were they and what were their views on homosexuals in government, if known? White House Administrative Assistants: There were six Fellow Missourian Donald S. Dawson, the longest serving of these advisors, had served as the President's advance man during the 1948 campaign and chiefly handled administrative matters and personnel issues among the W hite House staff.31 Along with Matthew Connelly, the President’s secretary, Dawson had been implicated in the 1949 "Five-Percenters" scandal which centered on Truman's military advisor, Harry Vaughan. Nothing solid could be pinned on Dawson and Connelly, 25 8 �however. Like Vaughan, they retained the loyal backing of the President, and for them the scandal soon blew over. Dawson was on a first-name basis with many of the leading members of Congress, including Senator Lister H ill.32 As personnel coordinator for the White House, Dawson also kept track of the homosexual-statistics summaries which the Civil Service Commission had prepared at the insistence of Senators W herry and Ferguson.33 Four of the other five advisors — including "Charlie" Murphy, George Elsey, "Charlie" Ross and "Dick" Neustadt — did not have specific assignments. Normally, unlike the vastly larger staffs of succeeding administrations, they fielded tasks on a generalist basis. As crises or congressional liaison matters arose, they would divide up the assignments as their time allowed.34 The sixth assistant, and the person most deeply involved in coping with the anti-homosexual investigation, was Stephen J. "Steve" Spingarn, who had been with Truman only since February 1949. acted as sort of a White House damage-control man. He Trained in law, he had served on the Treasury Department Un-Ameriean Activities Committee before becoming a U.S. Army counter-espionage sp e cia list.35 He took part in the North African and Italian campaigns (earning the Legion of Merit and a Bronze Star), then commanded the Fifth Army's Counter Intelligence Corps (CIC) for two years in Italy, learning first-hand both fascist and communist spy methods. 259 �Returning to Washington, he was appointed Assistant General Counsel to the Treasury, where he set up the Department's Loyalty Board and served as the alternate Treasury representative (along with Jack Peurifoy representing State).36 Spingarn maintained a focus on loyalty matters at the W hite House, where he moved in February 1949 to serve as assistant to special counsel Clark Clifford. One year later, he advanced to White House Assistant, where he was vice-chairman of the loyalty board for executive-office employees. Though white, he was also the nephew of a founder and previous president of the NAACP. His inclination toward matters involving legal rights made him the logical candidate to promote Truman's civil rights bills and to act as congressional liaison on matters relating to infringements of individual rights. He alone of the six assistants focused solely on anti-communist, civil rights and internal security matters (including the various communist-control bills, McCarthy's charges, and the Hoey Committee inquiry) in an effort to free up the others for work on other activities.37 A skeptic regarding the anti-communism scare, Spingarn remained incredulous overall. bigger," he later recalled. "The reports kept getting bigger and "And they even took an old tired-out, ass- end-of-history picture involving Alger Hiss and made a national sensation out of it." One of many ironies he saw was that Hoover & 260 �F.B.I. did such "a piss-poor job on counterespionage" that the nation could never really judge effectiveness of Soviet efforts. In any case, the internal security bills offered by the conservative Republicans in the spring of 1950 were a glaring violation of democratic rights, according to Spingarn. He kept in close touch (mostly by telephone) with the various members of Congress who were concerned with defending these proposal.38 Spingarn's papers indicate that he first mentioned the homosexual investigation in Truman's daily staff meeting on the morning of May 17, 1950 — the day Senators Hill and Wherry issued their reports. In his notes, Spingarn listed ten matters he wished to review with the President, ranging from foreign aid to rent control. Item seven was the Tydings Committee, including a note on Wherry's dispute with Civil Service Commissioner Harry Mitchell.39 The only recorded Cabinet-level mention of the W herry-Hill investigation occurred somewhat later, during a combined Cabinetstaff meeting on May 24, 1950. Spingarn and Murphy included a reference to the W herry-Hill investigation of "homosexualism among Government employees" near the end of a joint, three-page memo to Truman about the Tydings subcommittee's access to loyalty files. However, as with the staff meeting of the previous week, the discussion may not have focused in detail on the homosexual inquiry. 261 �All we know is that Truman usually read staff memos very thoroughly before these hour-long staff meetings.40 At this particular meeting, Murphy and Spingarn were concerned that a proposal they had been pushing for a "Presidential Commission on Internal Security and Individual Rights" might be upstaged by a new suggestion from Senator Tydings. The Maryland Democrat had recently achieved his goal of reviewing the infamous 81 files involved in McCarthy's anti-communist charges, but he now proposed that the President "appoint a group of distinguished citizens of national reputation" to study the files, since a new group could give a greater sense of non-partisanship. Murphy and Spingarn recommended that Truman turn down Tydings' proposal and keep the files review within the bailiwick of the Loyalty Board, which had been reviewing the 81 files for two months and did not need any outside help. They urged the President to ask the Board to expedite its review and explain its findings in detail to the Tydings C om m ittee.41 The commission sought by Murphy and Spingarn would relate, to the homosexual investigation, among other things. Since both W hite House staffers handled Congressional liaisons on legislative matters, with Spingarn, in particular, covering civil rights issues, their concern not surprisingly focused on the violations of individual rights inherent in many of the internal security bills winding their way 262 �through Congress that spring. Their hope was that the new commission would review the soundness of federal programs for employee loyalty and security, as well as reexamine existing internal security legislation and any changes proposed.42 Most importantly, the Commission could head off Congress' internal security bills and negate the need for any further employee loyalty investigations (such as the Tydings Committee, and another inquiry then forming to investigate the Commerce Department) and security investigations like the W herry-Hill inquiry. Given the concern of Murphy and Spingarn to tie together all the aspects of the disparate loyalty and security investigations, it is understandable that they chose to include the anti-homosexual probe among the responsibilities of the larger, executive-branch structure they were seeking to create. Another presidential commission, in their minds, would cover the need for further investigations of employee security concerns. If the President announced such a group soon, the Senate might defer or limit its investigation, which could still prove embarrassing for some officials (and indirectly to administration), but the matter might blow over as quickly as had the 1949 "Five Percenter" inquiry, which produced few indictments. This alternative framework, however, would prove hard to achieve. Republicans were determined to keep the various investigations 263 �separate and at the congressional level as part of their longstanding effort to reduce the power of the executive branch. Spingarn's strategic problem was that the President did not warm to the idea until well after the Tydings Subcommittee had proceeded to work with the Loyalty Review Board on the files of McCarthy's 81 cases. Truman would not approve of the new "Internal Security and Individual Rights Commission" for another month, until late June. Even then, it kept getting postponed on the excuse that it would be seen as another administration attempt to "whitewash" its record deflect attention from loyalty issues.43 and Any attempt to subsume the communist and homosexual investigations within a larger, less damaging investigative board, therefore, was lost in the legislative shuffle and timing game facing the President. Why did the administration not attempt to head off the Hoey Committee inquiry? Why was there no consideration given to Senator W herry's suggestion of a "forthright order by President Truman to department heads to enforce [existing] regulations v ig o ro u sly "? 44 Since Wherry's argument was based on the Civil Service Commission's admission that some of the previously dismissed homosexuals had, in fact, been rehired and were still on the federal payroll as of May 1950, an executive order could have solved the whole problem and short-circuited the Senate action from the start. An order requiring that the true nature of an employee's 264 �reason for leaving an agency be stated ("separated after arrest for sex perversion," instead of "resigned for personal reasons") would theoretically have satisfied Wherry and other anti-adm inistration watchdogs, covering the reentry loophole problem at least on paper. It could have taken a great deal of heat off the administration. Y et at the same time it would have implicitly rebuked Civil Service Commissioner for dereliction of duty; it would have been seen an admission of guilt. Such decisive presidential action, however, apparently was not explored seriously, if considered at all. Any new executive order on loyalty-security issues would have infuriated a Congress that had been obsessed for four years with fighting the President over which branch would control employee files, personnel inquiries, and cross­ checks in problem cases. Truman would have been seen as trying to 'whitewash' the security (homosexual) issue, just as he and Acheson already stood accused of whitewashing the communist issue with the old files demanded by the Tydings Committee and Senator McCarthy. Aside from the references to the Wherry investigation at the two May staff meetings, the White House staff does not appear to have focused on the matter. This lack of concern is surprising, since each threat should have been taken as equal if the Republicans' rhetoric were to be taken seriously. After all, they had emphasized that homosexuals were "perhaps as dangerous as the actual Communists." 4 265 �PRESS REAC TIO N Meanwhile, the public image of the State Department was suffering as a result of the Wherry-Hill investigations. The 'scandal' was now taken seriously throughout Washington and in many major cities throughout the country. While not quite daily conversation in the nation's households, the "pervert probe" did reach the ears of most listeners in the capital and filtered back to the home states of Senators Wherry, Hill, Tydings and Hoey. The issues' subtleties were aptly captured by New Yorker magazine's Alan Dunn.45 [See Figure 6] At the time of the Senate's deliberations on a full-scale investigation of homosexual government employees, the W ashington P o st editorialized on the bad name the State Department was getting, even as it decried the latest hysteria. society than the sex criminal. a proper antidote; civilization. "Nothing is more loathsome to Yet we have not adopted lynch law as for we know that vigilantism threatens all our It is as foolish to reckon the witch-hunters the true foes of communism as to reckon lynch mobs the true foes of sex maniacs." The editorial lamented that purges "weaken[ed] our front-line soldiers in the cold war. Revilement of our diplomats has come to such a pass that in a recent line-up for tickets for a symphony concert in Washington a man who admitted to a reporter that he was from the State Department was publicly laughed at."46 266 �267 f7 / ’j sir, that the State Department let me go, hut that was solely because of incompetence Figure 6. Alan Dunn obliquely referred to the image problem faced by former State Department personnel, as the Senate progressed beyond mere investigations of alleged communist subversion (illustrated in Figure 5) and approved the "pervert purge." Only the need to prove one's loyalty or heterosexuality would lead an aspirant job applicant to brag about having been "incompetent." In New Yorker 26.17 (June 17,1950), 21. Reprinted with permission; © The New Yorker Collection 1950 Alan Dunn from cartoonbank.com; all rights reserved. �In responding to the Wherry Report, the press showed itself willing to indulge in anti-communist hype, A United Press story highlighted the Report's claim that Sgt. Hunter had showed Hill and Wherry a copy of a "genuine" Communist blueprint for destroying W ashington. Hunter had refused to comment on the purported inch-thick dossier of instructions for bombing key buildings, knocking out utilities and poisoning water supplies, but Wherry showed no such hesitation. He appointed himself an expert and volunteered to vouch for the mystery document's authenticity, claiming that the police were convinced it was real and adding, "It looks genuine," himself.47 W herry also embroidered for reporters the comm ie-pervert conspiracy theory trumpeted in his report. Police had supposedly "traced a 'nest' of homosexuals to a foreign embassy" which Wherry now said was definitely the Soviet Union's.48 He never specified whether this 'nest' was of Russians or Americans, but the rhetoric made good copy, paralleling, as it did, the widely circulating warnings of 'nests' or 'cells' of underground Communists in America. Some newspapers questioned Wherry's report, however, since no specific cases of homosexual blackmail had been cited. They pointed out not only that the State Department had denied that it had any homosexuals still on its payroll, but that Lt. Blick had furnished "no names" when State requested his list.49 268 Still, to Wherry, the Russian �disaster plan proved the need to declare an "emergency condition" in Washington. He presumed it also proved the existence of a Communist fifth column which was working to "propagate and use" homosexuals to obtain Government secrets via blackmail. Wherry demanded a "sweeping investigation, tighter police controls and new legislation" to combat the threat.50 Occasional doubts about the wisdom of an anti-homosexual purge could be found in some of the media coverage. After the Senate had announced that a full-scale inquiry would take place, the Baltim ore Sun reminded readers, in its feature article's headline, that "There Are Special Obligations Of Sobriety In This Investigation." But the article sounded a note of resignation in declaring that the probe "was probably inevitable" for examining "one of the unpleasant situations which Senator McCarthy's accusations have emphasized." W hile not questioning the "obvious" unsuitability of homosexuals "for work in sensitive Government places," the writer observed that the objection did not "apply so much to homosexuals in nonsensitive posts" and warned that "general public aversion, as much emotional as rational" m ight intensify the purge. He went on to propose executive-session hearings for the investigation to avoid "the vulgar and even neurotic sensationalism to which the business may lend itself." He even reminded readers that "homosexualism" had its roots "in physiological and psychiatric abnormalities, and it does not usually 269 �involve a free-will choice by the individual afflicted." The piece ended with a plea that the Senate committee, "in pressing for a purge of all Government offices," recall its "special obligations to proceed decently and quietly."51 The writer was thus able to promote a more progressive, yet double-edged view toward homosexuality, while also expressing his weariness at having to cover yet another w itch h u n t. Interestingly, even before the Hoey Committee formally began its investigation, newspapers reported an increased effort by government agencies to successfully "ferret out homosexuals on their pay rolls." Kenneth Wherry was very likely the "source close to the Senate District appropriations subcommittee" who disclosed to a reporter on May 17, 1950 that the C.I.A. had found "at least one" former government employee who failed to pass a lie-detector test "when queried on his sexual practices." According to this source, the man later admitted he was a "sexual deviate" and was "let out of his job." Moreover, "a CIA source" claimed that the lie-detector tests were "voluntary" while admitting that employees who refused to take them would "open themselves to further suspicion."52 This type of interrogation posed similar dilemmas those of witnesses before HUAC who incriminated themselves, indirectly, by refusing to answer questions about their supposedly subversive behavior. The fact that the government advertised its use of lie-detector tests, as 270 �well, shows how serious it was in intimidating homosexual employees. No wonder that observers remarked that homosexuals, when accused, would "never protest" and immediately resign. With such a "fool-proof" battery of methods at its disposal, the governm ent must have seemed omnipotent to these difficult-to-find "perverts." There were additional indications that the purge was underway even before the Hoey Committee got started. Since Peurifoy's revelation of the now-infamous 91 homosexuals fired from 1947 to early 1950, "scores and perhaps hundreds" of government employees had been "dismissed or forced to resign as a result" of the "current drive on sex perverts." More names seemed to be popping up than had been expected (or claimed by agencies in preemptive attempts at damage control). One "major agency" was reported to have received, at first, only three "perversion cases" from the F.B.I. and Civil Service. Further examination turned up nineteen, much to the dismay of those responsible.53 The "scientific" testimony of Lt. Blick and Dr. Felix was the centerpiece of the one comment on the W herry-Hill investigation in a national-audience magazine. On May 29th, T im e noted in its "National Affairs" section that the Senate had received a report featuring Blick's estimate of 3,750 "perverts" holding Government jobs and Felix's statement that "perhaps 4% of the white U.S. male 271 �population were 'confirmed homosexuals.'" The article noted that Felix felt the Washington, D.C. population was not any "worse" than anywhere else in the country, but claimed that the "appalled subcommittee thought an investigation should be made anyhow."54 The coverage gave a fairly accurate representation of the inquiries, therefore, but one which still played upon the fears of the day. Other national figures made note of the homosexual issue in a more negative light. Billy Graham, rising star of the evangelical Christian movement and future confidant of several presidents, sanctified the subversion-perversion conflation when he applauded congressional investigators who went "loyally on in their work of exposing the pinks, the lavenders, and the reds who have sought refuge beneath the wings of the American eagle."55 Liberals ("fellow-travellers," "pinks" or "pinkos"), homosexuals ("lavenders") and communists were thus demonized as a single, subversive mass. One person who challenged the demonization of homosexuals was CBS radio broadcaster Eric Sevareid. The veteran news commentator reported on the new Senate probe in his evening radio spot on Friday, June 16, 1950. Congressman Wayne L. Hays [D-OH] was so impressed with Sevareid's analysis — "one of the most clarifying and intelligent commentaries on this question" — that he had it read into the Congressional R ecord. In his text, Sevareid had admitted that "no commentator very willingly assigns himself to discuss" subjects as 272 �"delicate" and "surrounded by as much primitive fear and general ignorance" as homosexuality. He felt compelled, however, to "explain a few of the basic facts" about homosexuality because there was "so much misunderstanding." He summarized the views of "doctors, lawyers, and administrators in Washington" in stating that homosexuality was "a universal problem," one which had "nothing to do with loyalty or disloyalty," and — contradicting the assumptions of most of the members of the Hoey Committee — which did "not involve government security, save in a marginal manner." He accurately predicted that Senate inquirers would find "no specific, clinical test" for identifying homosexuals, whom statistics had shown were no more prevalent "among Federal workers than among office workers elsewhere." He defended the State Department as having successfully "weeded out" the 91 homosexuals which "McCarthy and some others" continued to "make much of," and he even suggested that "a frank and open homosexual may be far more blackmailproof than, for example, a normal person engaged in extramarital affairs." He hoped that, given Senator Hoey's lack of "sensationalism" and the committee presence of "a highminded woman," Senator Smith, the inquiry would not "brutalize" information, and indeed, would "conclude, in the end, that this is purely an administrative matter for each agency."56 The newsman's tone, therefore, indicates not only his willingness to bring a taboo subject before a national audience 273 �but also his sense of duty to challenge lawmakers to not start another w itchhunt. TWELVE-PART SERIES AND HUMOROUS CARTOON Just before the Hoey Committee began its hearings, the issue of homosexuals in government received unprecedented news coverage, through the New York Post columns of political commentator Max L e rn e r.57 His twelve-part series entitled "Panic on the Potomac: Pervert Probe Scandal in the State Department" ran for three weeks in July, 1950. The opening article of Lerner's P o st series even featured a cartoon from the man who had coined the phrase "McCarthyism." Herbert Block ("Herblock") poignantly yet lightheartedly spoofed the rarely discussed, potentially laughable aspects of the anti-homosexual investigation. Set in an office with the blinds drawn and single light focusing on a desk, his cartoon depicted a man who looked strangely like Senator Hoey hunched over his desk with eyes bulging, a slight smile, and his nose buried in a book. Draped over the edge of the desk was a document that read "Vote to ’Investigate Perversion.'" The drawing's caption, "Abnormal Psychology," insinuated that the investigators, not the ostensible subjects of inquiry, were perhaps the people who were truly "abnormal."58 274 �In the accompanying articles, Max Lerner interviewed m ost of the major players in the "Washington Sex Story" drama.59 As the chief initiator of the investigations, Senator Wherry received a whole article by himself, as did the District's Vice Squad leader, Lt. Roy Blick. Senator Hill and D.C. Police Lt. Hunter were also given their due, as were Dr. Robert Felix and other psychologists. Lerner even questioned (but in the end, agreed to) the validity of the claim that homosexuals were particularly vulnerable to blackmail and, like W hite House Assistant Steve Spingarn, he supported the protection of employees' rights. In the end, the columnist agreed, however, that homosexuals should be removed from government — if only for their own good, due to society's inordinate fears. Paralleling the mood of the Herblock cartoon, Lerner set a mildly critical tone for the series right from the start with human-interest focus which was rare for coverage of the "scandal." He told the story, familiar to government insiders, of an employee receiving a call to report to his agency's Security Office, where he was informed of homosexual charges against him, though never told who informed on him. The employee's embarrassed refusal to protest the charges were taken as proof of guilt, and no legal recourse was offered to those "separated" or "pink-slipped" — the latter apparently a civilian twist to the military's "blue discharge." Lerner foresaw potential disaster if the current Senate vagueness continued over what types 275 �of homosexuality constituted a security risk. If Kinsey's figures for casual homosexual behavior were applied, Lerner calculated, over 1.4 m illion individuals would be affected, including approximately 56,000 "exclusively homosexual" government employees who would have to be fired. He warned that "it might be well for Congress, before waiving its purge sword wildly, to ask how deep it will cut, and whether it may not cut both ways."60 Lerner noted the abstractness of the story since those "separated" rem ained nameless as the "homosexual panic train race[d] through W ashington." Yet he "couldn't find anyone in W ashington who would admit" to knowing who and how many had been dismissed for homosexuality. He stated his ambivalence regarding this new M cCarthyism, noting (in bold-face type) that "what is weirdest about the whole story is that the process of 'separation' — if carried on hit-and-miss, without definition or standards of judging 'guilt' -- is bound to prove endless."61 Lerner even questioned whether or not the "blackmail risk" argument was valid. Without naming the person, he broached the issue of form er Assistant Secretary of State Sumner W elles' ouster in 1943, recalling the story that "everyone in W ashington knew," and hinting that the firing was the result of a combination of puritanism and politics on the part of Secretary of State Cordell Hull. By contrast with the 1943 case, the 1950 scare broke the taboo against admitting 276 �sexual details due to the wild rumors that Hitler's "world list" was in Stalin's hands and that there was a "interlinked homosexual group" in the government. He noted that Peurifoy's defense of Acheson, when Senator Bridges had quizzed him about Communist firees in February, had been either a "brilliant strategic move ~ a sort of Fabian retreat that gave Republicans a victory they will not be able to afford," or a "bad blunder," since Peurifoy's "eager-beaver" admission of 91 homosexuals fired only worsened the anti­ adm inistration attacks.62 Lerner questioned the motives of the investigators. "A few Senators have, either out of a passion for patriotism or the limelight, set the whole panic-train in motion." While admitting Senator Hill's interest in "getting the facts," Lerner focused on "Wherry and other Congressional guardians of public morals and security," observing that Wherry's report made "no distinction between casual and confirmed homosexuals, harmless and dangerous ones; or between the sensitive posts in the Government services and the relatively unim portant ones."63 Despite Lerner's claim that he did not condone "immoral or anti-social behavior," the very objectivity of his series was a rarity for its day. He subtly framed his criticism by juxtaposing the two sides of the issue. "Security officers must do their job of looking after security," he admitted, "but in its larger frame the problem of 277 �homosexuality is primarily one for doctors, psychiatrists, psychoanalysts, social statisticians" who had heretofore been "conspicuously absent from the whole Washington sex story." Like Senator Hill, he was glad that the "tabu on the discussion of sexual deviations" had been broken.64 The fact that he questioned so much of the process showed his basic empathy for these new victims of h y ste ria . Lerner was aware that he was presenting Senator Wherry in a negative light. The liberal professor sent the conservative Nebraskan copies of only the first six articles, a convenient means of thanking him for his "valuable" aid but obscuring the criticism which would follow in. Wherry may have suspected this, but he did not publicly press the issue. Lerner did, however, feel confident enough to send copies of the last six articles to Senator Hill, whom he had treated in a more positive m anner.65 Lerner's later articles did, in fact, attack those most eager to use the homosexual investigations for partisan political ends. He felt strongly that McCarthyism had become tinged with sexual politics to the detriment of the national debate. He even criticized Lister Hill for having treated Wherry so "gingerly" when he "was uttering wild Indian scalping yells." Yet he noted that Wherry had calmed down "by the end of June." Lerner also credited the Senate for its decision to assign the inquiry to the "courtly, old-fashioned" Senator Hoey.66 278 �The series ended with a plea for a "permanent Clearance and Appeals Board" and scientists to deal "responsibly" with the homosexual issue and truly establish whether or not there was any danger to national security. If the matter was not removed from the hands of "ignorant politicians or vice squad cops or frightened intelligence and security officers," Lerner warned, the nation would suffer from "the irresponsible program of the McCarthys and W herrys and Blicks."67 Lerner’s coverage received favorable attention from members o f the White House staff. Steve Spingarn sent a copy of the first article to Ken Iiechler, who replied with a note, "a balanced discussion."68 Indeed, Lerner's series, like Eric Sevareid's June 16th radio broadcast, earned a unique place in journalistic history — reporting all sides of a very difficult subject, one that many Americans probably had never discussed or thought about rationally. Lerner exposed the official confusion on numbers game. Noting that "almost every agency in Washington" had "a list," he recited the previously reported figures of 5,000 homosexuals from Army intelligence, 7,859 suspects from the Office of Naval Intelligence, and the now-universally quoted "classic estimate" of 5,000 in Washington (including 300-400 in the State Department) of "star witness" Lt. Blick. Lerner even reported that the State Department had a separate "list of 3,000 suspected homosexuals, scattered over the 279 �country and abroad."69 He profiled Blick and discovered the dubious nature of the officer's estimates — origins of which neither Senators Wherry and Hill nor the Hoey Committee would ever ask.70 Lerner used his expose on the lists of homosexuals to show how vague they all were. After reciting Kinsey's figures and juxtaposing them against the vehement religious attitudes of the day, he warned that "social quarantining" of homosexuals, "either in prisons or hospitals or by being dismissed from government jobs . . . would mean the isolation of anywhere from four to thirty-seven per cent of the adult male population." He suggested that an alternate, "sensible and moral way to approach the problem" might be to study each individual case and thus "use the method of reason rather than the method of hysteria."71 Lerner came as close as anyone in his day of fully challenging the homophobic paranoia that had swept the nation's capital on the coattails of anti-communism. Lerner reviewed the current theories on homosexual development, relying on Drs. Alfred Kinsey and others to counter the worst of the psychopath-oriented theories. Still, he could only present the most "progressive" analyses of his day, which ultimately maintained a negative view of homosexual "unfortunates." Since "active" homosexuals could either live "privately" or seek each other in risky, public places, he accepted the circular reasoning that the public-oriented type was "the criminal element," an "obligatory 280 �group" with which government security "should chiefly concern itself," No homosexuals were acceptable, ultimately, unless they remained hidden. Lerner thus found himself at the same conclusion as the very Wherry Report he had purported to question over its lack of distinction between "compulsive," "casual and confirmed homosexuals," and "harmless and dangerous ones."72 Like Sigmund Freud, Lerner thus proved unable or unwilling to go as far as Havelock Ellis (and, by implication, Alfred Kinsey) did in advocating a complete reevaluation of the social, moral and legal attitudes toward hom osexuals. Lerner thus sought to educate the public about the complexity of the homosexual condition. The well-read professor confessed his frustration that the on-going debates about homosexuals in government service suffered from a lack of concrete definitions, laboring in a world of "sex offenders," "child abusers," "perverts" and "inverts." Reflecting the recent attention given to the collapse of the South Korean forces, he observed that the term "homosexual" was being "used so loosely you could drive several tanks through it."73 For his efforts, Lerner was publicly thanked the following year by D.W. Cory, the first self-proclaimed homosexual author. Cory complimented Lerner on being "a very astute observer (though he was "not himself a psychiatrist"), especially for having pointing out that "homosexuals often were a good distance ahead" of 281 �heterosexuals in the armed forces in education and intelligence during the Second World War. Cory further credited Lerner for having "given expression to sympathy'1 without having supported the patronizing "concept of ‘deviant yet norm al’."74 CONSTITUENTS RESPOND The various senators involved in the spring 1950 homosexual investigation knew they were in the public spotlight. Mail from their constituents reminded them of their duties as tLe nation’s guardians of law and morality. Letters from the home district also revealed the extent to which local newspapers and radio reported on their involvement in the "pervert" issue. Lister Hill and Millard Tydings received the most mail on the homosexual inquiry. Correspondents usually supported the idea of a purge, and a few dared to raise questions as to the efficacy and even morality of the investigation. Though he would have no future role in the inquiry after mid-May, Lister Hill received a number of interesting letters. The first two letters he received on May 22, 1950, and he apparently answered neither. Their anti-communist and anti-homosexual concerns, as well as their masculinist rhetoric, however, give a revealing glimpse of the views of certain Alabamians of the day. One, from "Worried Veterans" who bemoaned the global advances of 282 �the "Red Russians," agreed that homosexuals were "bad security risks and should not be in sensitive positions or in any positions in the government where they might in any way aid or abet or be a party to subversive activity," in language copying almost word for word the text of Hill's report. The writers asked why "the solid strong characters and minds do not want to come to W ashington to mingle with the class that work for the Federal government?" They suggested "it is high time some courageous men got together and cleaned out" Communists and "unholy" persons from W ashington.75 The second letter also warned Hill to do his duty to "clean up" the government of "free A m erica." It seemed to the writer that some leaders were "trying to exert the principles of C o m m u n ism , or d ictato rsh ip , thus destroying the basic principles upon which our country were founded." The writer did not mention the homosexual inquiry directly, but somehow linked it to the anti-communist efforts as he attached a newspaper article entitled "Probe Into Employment of Homosexuals Asked By H ill."76 One of the few people to write any senator in criticism of the "pervert purge" was a San Francisco social worker who was both aware of and not threatened by homosexuals in her city. Joan Bathrick wrote Senator Hill that she was "appalled" to read that "representatives to our federal government, in whose hands has been placed the responsibility for steering the country through the cold 283 �war years" had endorsed "an investigation into the sexual practices of some 3750 government employees alleged to be homosexuals."77 This rare supporter of gay rights berated the Senate for "snooping through the sex lives of the citizenry" in times of "grave" international politics. She mockingly apologized for "hat[ing] to be this bald," before attacking the "ignorance of human personality development" reflected in those who believed "new statutes" could "control the situation. It is not possible to legislate homosexuality out of existence any more than or any other of the many social problems which are rampant in our society. illegitimacy, drunkeness [sic],divorce The only solution to the above problems must come from helpful counselling and understanding guidance based on widespread knowledge of what is involved." Bathrick likened Hill to Joseph McCarthy. "Please arm yourself with some information before rushing into an investigation in the manner of Senator Don Quixote from Wisconsin. some committee work on these Properly handled, problems might result in establishment of good behavior and habit clinics. However, a negative approach of punishing the offender could not be expected to achieve anything but a debasement of Congress." She concluded, "I would like very much to hear from you about your proposed program and the goals you hope to achieve." Hill passed the buck in his reply. 284 "Permit me to say that the �question of homosexuals in the government service is entirely out of my hands and in the hands of the Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments. I am taking the liberty of bringing your letter to the attention of Senator John McClellan, Chairman of that Committee." Hill conceded a good deal, in his conclusion: "I might add that I recognize that there is much in all that you write."78 Another woman also expressed her doubts to Hill as to whether homosexuals should be investigated at all. Her letter reached the senator through Elmer Davis, a friend from A.B.C. radio who wrote to express his dismay that Hill "seem[ed] to have been pushed — perhaps reluctantly — into being the spearhead of the drive against perverts." Davis enclosed an anonymous letter "from a lady in Texas" who raised "a new and equally appalling question." She had heard Davis' radio spot on "Homo-sexuals in Washington" and saw "no harm in allowing homo-sexuals to work for the government. Marriage, which allows or should allow normal sexual relations is often denied many people for various reasons. substitute." These people resort to a A potential victim of sexual abuse, she was more concerned about "men in important positions" who used rape to "abuse the power of their positions in imposing their sexual advances where they please." She therefore believed that "the homo-sexual is less dangerous than this type. Why not probe where the most danger exists [?]" 285 �Davis indulged in some fun with Hill. "I thought of sending this to Kenneth Wherry," he wrote his Alabama friend, "and then figured he might use it for a whole afternoon's uproar on the floor and really demand an investigation. So I pass it on to you, for any action of inaction which may seem wise." Davis concluded with a poke which reveals the thoughts some may have had throughout the whole inquiry. "I assume of course that in any proposed investigation of irregularities, whether normal or abnormal, members of the Senate would be exempt." Hill replied to his "favorite commentator" by declaring his apparent relief that the m atter was "now entirely out of [his] hands" and in those of Senator Hoey, to whom he promised to send the Texas woman's letter "in connection with the problem of perverts." Hill added that he "had a good laugh over" his friend's tongue-in-cheek remark; he thought "the proposed investigation of irregularities should take in everybody."79 Although Maryland Senator Millard Tydings was not directly involved with the anti-homosexual inquiries, he also heard from constituents who linked the "red" and "lavender" threats, while he was still struggling to manage the investigation into McCarthy's charges regarding Communists in the State Department. His unexpected role as defender of the administration made him a target of many who were disgusted with the scandals rocking the capital. 286 �O f Tydings' many constituents who sent penny postcards, mostly criticizing his anti-communist inquiry, three out of twenty-five people commented on both the communist and homosexual issues. One man told Tydings to support the witchhunts: "Now that Senator McCarthy has blown the lid off the vile and foul situation in the State Department, get in there and fight FOR — not against — his patriotic efforts to get rid of traitors, subversives and degenerates in the d e p a rtm e n t." 80 One "W.W. Veteran" similarly urged Tydings to "quit stalling and using the white wash brush and really get down to an all-out investigation of the commies and perverts in the government, regardless of whether it shows up the Roosevelts, Truman or anyone else." This writer's inclusion of Roosevelt indicates that he may have heard about the Sumner Welles debacle. He ended with the warning "Don't try to brush off McCarthy — it can't be done."81 Another writer included a printed copy of a poem, "A Lay of Modern Sodom," a sarcastic commendation of Tydings' defense of Truman and the New Deal against a satanic McCarthy. The poem referred to the homosexual issue only in its title, while the text accused Tydings of being in denial about "pinkos" in "Harry's crew." The card concluded with the handwritten comment, "I believe in this poem, and so I believe in you, Senator. me for a job as a Census Counter."82 28 7 Thanks. Please recommend Thus the author's motives were �ambiguous, although her endorsement of the poet’s likening the Truman administration and the Tydings investigation to a "Modern Sodom" underlines her negative and sordid perception. M ore than Tydings, Kenneth Wherry did not escape public and private notice for his role in "eradicating the menace" of moral perverts in government. for months. Requests for copies of his report continued One constituent called the tax-conscious W herry a hypocrite over what she saw as "unnecessary spending" in the m a tte r.83 Wherry also received a slap from the dynamic duo of liberal political commentators, the Alsop brothers. The pair wrote an extensive piece in the Saturday Evening Post describing W ashington's "miasma of fear" where "good men" were regularly "quitting the Government." They condemned "talk of liberals bashing DC conservatives-as-fascists" as "just as much twaddle as that other notion, equally loudly proclaimed in Chicago and points West, that the Government is now in the hands of perverts and traitors."84 The Alsops expressed sympathy for the government victims of McCarthyism, especially those in the foreign service. "It goes without saying that the poisonous cloud of mutual distrust has settled most thickly over the State Department. Indeed, it requires considerable moral courage to work for the Department of State these days. This is so particularly since the revelation that ninety-one employees — out of more than 20,000 — have been discharged from the 288 �department as sexual perverts. not very funny fun." This has given rise to a good deal of The Alsops repeated the tale of the ticket purchaser who was laughed at when bystanders heard he was employed by the Department, and they added another story regarding a taxi driver who, when asked to take a rider to the State Department, "turned round in his seat and grinned. ’the whole place is fulla fruits. 'Fruits,' he said, Fruits and treachers [sic]."’85 The Alsops noted that W ashington's political atmosphere had worsened since Senator Vandenberg had fallen ill, leaving bipartisan foreign policy a casualty in his absence.86 In their view, Senator McCarthy's "outrageous performance" was only rivaled in absurdity by "the spectacle of the Minority Leader of the Senate, Kenneth Wherry, attempting to elevate the subject of homosexuality to the level of a serious political issue, on the ground that sexual perversion presents a clear and present danger to the security of the United S tates."87 Wherry did earn praise for his patriotic vigilance. He received a letter from a Los Angeles man who thanked him for saving the country from "Sodomites" and "sissies" in the "Red State Dept."88 Months later, war veteran Granville Rice recalled W herry's opposition to "that dispicable [sic] and treacherous son-of-a-bitch Acheson" and demanded that "this man and his whole rotten gang, including his Russian loving pansies, should be rapidly elim inated."89 289 �Wherry also received kudos in the Saturday Evening Post only one week after the Alsops' scathing article. A photo-laden expose on "The Big Noise From Nebraska" cited Wherry for his strong family ties, "old-fashioned Republicanism," and suspicion of the State Department and of Dean Acheson especially. It did not mention his attacks on hom osexuals in government.90 In private, Wherry gloried in his pervert-hunting role. One can see this in his relationship with his favorite political cartoonist, Pulitzer Prize-w inner Jim Berrym an.91 Berryman shared Wherry's views on homosexuals in the State Department, though he never expressed these views in his cartoons. [See Figure 7] The Star reporter was the guest of honor in early August, 1950, at a private lunch where W herry presented him with a fictitious commission as "Nebraska Admiral" — a humorous and longstanding M idwest tradition — issued at W herry's request by Nebraska Governor Val P e te rso n .92 The rhetoric found in the Berryman-Wherry correspondence reveals much of the images the men possessed of homosexuals, homosexual sex (chiefly anal) and the public relations problem besetting the State Department. Here, Berryman pledged to continue heckling the State Department, which he had "good reason to believe has caused the M issouri Artillery [the administration] considerable embarrassment." The cartoonist feigned that "due to the high moral 290 �LETS STOP CALLING IT COLD i ° sr4r “ vstmL ) [™ \ .j 291 COMPLAIN* m XlUA Figure 7. Secretary of State Dean Acheson, lace handkerchief and Homburg hat in hand, feels the Cold War heat up in Jim Berryman's cartoon, (Washington] Sunday Star (June 11,1950), Al. Mention of "Attacks on State Department" warmed the heart of Senator Kenneth Wherry, leading to his exchange of letters with Berryman regarding the homosexual issue. Reprinted with permission of Washington Post [successor to the Star! �standards" of his newspaper, he was "rather hesitant to open fire on the Pansy Beds around the State Department." In order not to have his heterosexuality questioned, he noted that he would "be glad to accept any flanking assignments, Sir, particularly if they [we]re Betty Grable's or Lana Turner's flanks!" He closed by "wholeheartedly" concurring with Wherry's "great fighting slogan: 'A Bird in the Bush is More Patriotic than Playing the Piccolo!"'93 Wherry continued the erotic imagery in a second letter. He rejected the cartoonist's request for "flanking assignments" and notified him that "the top-flight admirals" (himself, and possibly McCarthy and others) felt that "now is the time for the Rear Admirals to go into action." The "morning headlines" had convinced him, he said, that this was Berryman's "golden opportunity to go around the ends, cut back, and attack from the rear!!!"94 Wherry thus repeated the anal-sex imagery but used it as an offensive weapon in his wars against the government. Berryman thanked Wherry for the "high honor" of the commission in additional sexual word-plays. He referred to him self as "Bringing- Up-the-Rear-Admiral," a mock-Navy title which W herry also used in his second letter. Berryman likened him to Lt. Blick and others of the special police squad, calling him "VICE-Admiral Kenneth S. Wherry, Chief of Anti-Below-Navel Operations — (for members of the same sex)."95 292 �These references to anal sex, masturbation and effeminacy give glimpses into views of homosexuals as individuals given over to cravings which would override normal morals, — as weaklings at best and true "perverts" at worst. Ostensibly playful, the remarks go beyond the officially expressed concern about security risks. They reveal an underlying fear of sexuality as well as some of the worst (yet common) homophobic stereotypes of the day. CONCURRENT DEBATES The members of the Hoey Committee were not the only people discussing homosexuals in government during the summer of 1950. McCarthy, Wherry, and senators debating a new suspension bill continued the debate through the summer, adding to the crisis atmosphere following the outbreak of the Korean conflict. Though he would recuse himself from the "pervert probe," Senator Joseph McCarthy continued his homophobic attacks on the State Department, Democrats and everyone he judged to be a threat to the nation. Unbeknownst to the nation, McCarthy had also enlisted an African-American homosexual (Charles Davis) as an agent to seek out subversives in the foreign service. The case later came back to haunt McCarthy, who would stand accused of employing a person "fired out of the U.S. Navy for being a pervert and propagandist."96 293 McCarthy �also increased his attacks on Senator Tydings over the State Departm ent personnel files (from 1948), which the Adm inistration had re-released for review in May.97 He railed against the "men of little minds and less morals" who had "raped, denuded and rifled" the files, and he claimed that the Tydings Committee Report was an adm inistration "w hitew ash."98 Moreover, he wrote off the entire State Department as a harbor for "Communists or worse" — an indirect reference to homosexuals — and he inserted in the Congressional Record an editorial by Walter Winchell about the "dirty diplomatic linen of 91 pansies" in the government,99 W herry's efforts as a self-proclaimed homosexual hunter also continued to grow. In early June he met with Assistant Secretary of the Navy Bendetzen, who had requested an appointment with Wherry "regarding a Major Sorenson," labeled "one of the Homo c a s e s ." 100 Wherry continued his anti-administration attacks in public speeches. "The government must be cleansed of alien-minded plotters and moral perverts," he reminded Virginia Republicans in late June. He and other Republican stalwarts seem to have joined forces with McCarthy, in part, because their anti-interventionism appeared to be so naive after the invasion of South Korea; those who had most opposed U.S. entry into N.A.T.O. were now forced to support budget increases for American troops sent to Europe and Korea. in Wherry’s eyes, Truman was "blind to the devious paths" down 294 But �which Acheson had taken him, resulting in a "long series of tragic blunders" due to the "treasonable handling of our foreign policy by subversive aides and advisors in the Department of State."501 The worsening situation in Korea dissolved effective opposition to Republican-sponsored legislation on internal security. When the issue of the suspension of "suspect" employees was taken up again by Congress in early July, earlier fears of assigning "sweeping powers" to government agency heads had faded. On July 12th, the House passed by a wide margin (327 to 14) a variation of the bill it had failed to pass three months earlier. The measure gave federal agency heads the right to fire employees "in the interest of national security" if they were deemed "bad security risks because they dr[a]nk too much, talk[ed) too much, [we]re perverts or ha[d] similar failings." Since this power was not needed as the agencies had been given such authority through the 1946 McCarran Rider, the House bill's redundancy only promoted a spirit of urgency. The bill's inclusion of drunkards ~.nd gossipers in the 'security risk' category was merely perfunctory, since, in practice, the term referred exclusively to homosexuals. The bill was assigned to the Senate Armed Services Committee, chaired by McCarthy nemesis Millard Tydings. Intent on making sure the rights of employees were not ignored by overzealous agency heads, the M aryland Democrat questioned the provisions of the 295 �House bill during hearings which he held in late July.102 Defense Department counsel Felix Larkin countered Tydings objections by insisting that the bill already contained a hearings process for suspended employees. In addition, he defended the government's right to fire any suspected individual on security grounds.103 Larkin's response only served to reinforce a tirade about the high numbers of "perverts" fired from Senator Styles Bridges. A brief participant in Wherry's "preliminary investigation" of late March, Bridges led this new offensive against homosexuals after Leverett Saltonstall [R-MA] brought up a provision allowing post-dismissal reemployment following an appeal — the old bogey of W herry's loophole in a different form. Bridges asked Larkin if security risks included "people like a drunkard or a sexual pervert" and then demanded "how many sexual perverts have you got rid of, for example?" Larkin replied that he would be glad to make known that information available since he was already preparing it for Hoey Committee. Bridges thought the reemployment provision should be eliminated, since it allowed a discharged person "to wiggle his way into some other department if he can possibly do it." He then asked why one agency should be able to "[unjload sexual perverts on some other agency? . . . If they are too bad for your Department, let's not open the doors and give them an avenue to get in some of the other d e p a rtm e n ts ." 104 296 �Bridges next claimed insider knowledge of the "pervert" reemployment problem. When Senator Harry Byrd [D-YA] forced Larkin to admit that the Civil Service Commission could approve reinstatement if no permanent blot existed on one's record, Bridges raved, "I know, and I can give you names of people who have been fired or released from service or resigned on account of sexual perversion that are now employed in other agencies. That is going on all over Washington today, and I could give you names." Byrd agreed, declaring that a man permitted to resign could be "just as dangerous as a man who has been fired for cause." Bridges then complained when Larkin could not provide a breakdown of the num ber of "perverts" separated.105 Following these heated debates, the suspension bill was reported to the full Senate, where it soon passed; indeed, President Truman signed the bill into law on August 26, 1950, as Public Law 733. President had little to lose by blessing the legislation. The P.L. 733 granted agency heads "absolute discretion" to suspend employees "in the interest of national security," an extension of executive-branch powers which ran counter to Congress's usual stinginess.106 It also corrected the reemployment problem, allowing reappointm ent only afte r the new, perspective employing agency received written notification from the previous agency that the person in question was eligible for employment — ensuring the effective blacklisting of 297 �persons labeled subversive and/or morally undesirable. The new law should have gone a long way to mollify the Hoey Committee. That the committee would still feel obligated (in its December report) to criticize the administration for muc’ of the areas covered by P.L. 733, belies the supposedly non-political nature of its efforts. Meanwhile, the Senate's spotlight on homosexuals led to the end of certain police procedures within the District of Columbia, Previously, those arrested in parks, bars, and entrapm ent schemes on sex-related charges had to put up a $25 "bond" which was usually forfeited. The penalty for getting arrested, therefore, contained only a mild penalty and financial inconvenience. Now this was to change. The new directives were agreed upon in a closed-door, mid-August session involving judges of the Washington Municipal Court, members of the Attorney General's and Metropolitan Police, and Hoey Committee Chief Counsel Frip Flanagan. An official court directive to Chief Barrett raised the level of bond to $300 cash collateral or a $500 posted bond. court appearance. Arrestees would face a mandatory The group also asked Congress to raise the maximum penalty for disorderly conduct from 20 days in jail or a $30 fine, to 40 days in jail and a $100 fine.107 298 �KOREA LOSSES LEAD TO INTERNAL SECURITY ACT BATTLE At the same time as the enactment of P.L. 733 and the changes in D.C. law, the Administration was gearing up for the final battle over the many internal security bills before Congress. American losses in Korea throughout the summer added a new intensity to Congress's feeling of helplessness in the face of sobering Communist gains; "fall" of China now seemed all the more threatening.108 the Such fears led to the fierce debates over what would become the Internal Security Act of 1950 (the McCarran Act), further internalizing the nation's wariness of Communist victory abroad and alienating the executive and legislative branches of government even more than M cCarthyite attacks had earlier in the summer. Hoey Committee member Karl Mundt had been a key proponent of internal-security legislation for over two years. In fact, he had combined forces with Nevada's conservative Democrat, Pat McCarran, to cobble together a set of bills which the administration had condemned as an extraordinary affront to civil liberties. Senator Wherry also helped McCarran draft a provision for the deportation of "the subversive, criminal, or immoral classes."109 By early September, the bills had been joined together with an emergency detention provision for the internment of suspected saboteurs in concentration camps. The combined "Omnibus Bill" ultimately became the "McCarran Internal Security A ct."110 299 �The administration vehemently opposed Congress' version but could offer few meaningful alternatives. Stung by the ever-mounting attacks (now from both sides of the aisle), Truman enlisted the help of his staff to fire back his first major salvo at the paranoia-mongers, an historical review of "witch hunting and hysteria" which he circulated to leaders in Congress. The President also used the report as boiler-plate material for his speeches starting on September 8, 1950, speeches which became more and more caustic through the remainder of his term .111 Though his implicit comparison of Salem witchhunts and McCarthyism may have placated Democratic Party stalwarts, the President lost the battle over the McCarran bill, which was passed over his veto on Sept. 23rd by an overwhelming vote (236-48 House, 57-10 Senate). Every member of the Hoey Committee voted for the bill and override.112 The fight over the various internal security bills also led to the demise of the chief White House staffer detailed to the Hoey Committee inquiry, Stephen Spingarn. He speculated that he was "kicked upstairs" following tense meetings he had had with both Hoey Committee member Herbert O'Conor and with Vice President Alben Barkley. Spingarn apparently acted in too high-handed a manner in pushing Barkley to rally the needed votes; at one meeting he also criticized the bill's stringent provisions on immigration, causing O'Conor (who had supported anti-im m igrant provisions) to 300 �storm out of the room, "purple in the face" and saying "I'm not going to sit here and listed to twaddle like that." White House Assistant Ken Hechler, however, placed most of the blame on Barkley, who as president of the Senate had been trying to rally enough Democratic votes to sustain Truman's promised veto of the McCarran Internal Security A ct.113 In either case, word came down in mid-September that Spingarn had been nominated for the Federal Trade Commission. the decision personally to Truman, but to no avail. He appealed Hechler knew the President would not have been so cold unless the he "had been backed into something he would not have normally wanted to do." Spingarn had tackled many difficult issues at the W hite House, but now he had to pay for it while others escaped. He would prove to be a proficient Trade Commissioner, however, and continued to work from his new office with his old colleagues at the White House. In fact, he outlasted them by surviving the change of administration in 1 9 5 3 .114 CONCLUSION The Truman administration faced a multifaceted attack during the spring and summer of 1950. Battles ranged from McCarthy's slander of the State Department to internal-security bills to the homosexual 301 �investigation. Even the President's assistants were divided over how to subsume the homosexual problem into concerns for employee rights -- Spingarn's desire for an independent commission to address both communist and homosexual charges would fall victim to power maneouvers between the White House and Congress. Like Senator Hill, Truman was unable to effectively counter the rising tide of Congressional homophobia. Even the adoption of Public Law 733 (raising the fines for sex-related crimes) came too late to stop the full-scale Senate inquiry. The White House could be quietly confident of the small damage truly caused by homosexuals in government service, however, due to the F.B.I.'s confidential report to Truman's special assistant, an assessment drawn from the very files which would be available to the Hoey Committee. The adm inistration’s seeming unwillingness to counter the inquiry with an executive order is thus understandable. The "homo-hunting" Wherry was also clearly pursuing a larger inquiry as another battle front on the files war. To give in to his demands, however, would have negated the White House's three-year effort to protect employee rights and executive power. The concurrent (Tydings Committee) investigations into McCarthy's charges added to the potential for a "lose-lose" situation should the W hite House actively oppose a full-Senate inquiry. Wherry and other Republicans could thus continue to push a partisan agenda to 302 �discredit, if not humiliate, the liberal-Democratic administration and State Department. Ethically, Truman was determined to stay above the fray. Allowing a full-scale Senate investigation of homosexuals in Federal employment, however damaging politically it was in the short run, may have appeared to Truman as the only way to avoid having to "get down in the gutter" himself with a "guttersnipe" like McCarthy. The White House was thus boxed into a damage-control situation amidst naive hopes that the storm would pass once the Tydings Committee proved McCarthy's accusations false and irresponsible. The homosexual inquiry promised to be far-ranging in scope though potentially less dramatic than the open-session Tydings hearings. The approval of an expanded Senate inquiry contributed to the sense that the federal government was inadequately policing itself against threats to national security and the American body politic — a crisis mentality exacerbated by the Korean conflict which would erupt before the Hoey Committee could begin its hearings, and concurrent debates over the new summary-suspension and internal-security bills. Despite the urging of CBS news radioman Eric Sevareid and New York Post columnist Max Lerner, the Hoey Committee would soon reach near-complete agreement with the views expressed in the conclusion of Senator Wherry's report: no employment whatsoever was acceptable for a homosexual, be it a "sensitive" or 30 3 �"non-sensitive" one. The plea for tolerance of the San Francisco social worker who wrote Senator Hill would likewise fall on deaf ears, while Senators Hoey, Tydings and Wherry were goaded by constituents to pursue the "pervert probe" with vigor. The bombastic Nebraska Senator may have completed his official role in the matter, but his influence would be felt long after his official effort to start "eradicating the menace" of "moral perversion" in government. By mid-June, 1950, Wherry's desire for a "thorough and comprehensive investigation" became reality. The drama would then shift to the bailiwick of seven senators, a subcommittee chief counsel, and members of the W hite House and State Department assigned to assist them in the new inquiry. Who these people were, their backgrounds and their views on homosexuality is the subject of the follow ing chapter. 304 �1 Resolution approval noted in New York Times (Mav 22, 1950), 8:6, 19:1. Quotes from original draft of S. Res. 280 (May 19, 1950), first paragraph, section (a), and second paragraph; in Wherry Papers, Box 11, Folder "S. Res. 280 — Hill, Wherry and others — homosexuals and other moral perverts." A budget for the inquiry was not yet included. 2 S. Res. 280 (May 19, 1950), first paragraph, section (b); copy in loc. cit. 3 Cited from clipping of an unspecified, local newspaper article, "Probe Into Employment of Homosexuals Asked By Hill" (May 20, 1950) attached to letter of Rufus Smith [presumed Alabama], dated May 21, 1950; in Lister Hill Papers, Box 437, Folder 277. 4 "N.T. (May 19, 1950)," possibly Mew York Times: cited in "H.O.A.C.S.," 10C, in Tydings Papers, Series V, Box 3, folder "HOACS, June - August 1950." Similar phrasing also cited in Evening Star (May 21, 1950), Al:3. 5 Quote from Bert Wissman, "Federal Agency Spots Perverts By Lie-Detector," Washington Times-Herald (May 21, 1950); unpaginated clipping in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," WHCF/CF, HSTL. Also cited in Evening Star (May 21, 1950), Al:3. While each committee had the power to establish its own investigations subcommittee (if one did not already exist), there would be no permanent subcommittee until December 1950, when the McCarran Subcommittee was established within the Judiciary Committee. Even this body, however would be limited to investigating actual crimes (such as subversion) and to bringing charges against individuals, while the Executive Expenditures (Hoey) subcommittee focused on government policy. 6 U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Government Operations (92d Cong., 1st sess.), ' Committee on Government Operations, United States Senate: 50th Anniversary History, 1921-1971," Senate Document 31 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1971), 4-6; Public Law 79-601 (Aug. 2, 1946), Section 102 (g), subsections 1 & 2 detail the committee's functions. The Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments (Executive Expenditures Committee) was renamed the Committee on Governmental Affairs on Mar. 3, 1952. 7 The Republican-led 80th Congress established the (Hoover) Commission on Organization of the Executive Branch of the Government in 1947. The Commission’s 18 reports led the Senate ultimately to introduce 144 proposals, 67 of which were referred to the Expenditures Committee, which fulfilled part of its original (1920s) mandate by helping secure passage of the Reorganization Act of 1949 [P.L. 81-109, June 20, 1949]. Ibid. , 13-14. 8 The new Investigations Subcommittee was officially organized on Mar. 1, 1948, following the Senate's Jan. 28, 1948 resolution to upgrade the status of the Senate Special Committee to Investigate the National Defense Program, which had been organized under the chairmanship of then-Senator Harry Truman in 1941. The new group took over the responsibilities of both the Truman Committee (which fought waste in defense spending) and the short-lived Subcommittee to Investigate Surplus Property Disposal (formed Feb. 6, 1947 under Senator Ferguson, and which made but a single inquiry, into inadequate compensation from Maritime Commission sales). 305 �9 The Hoey Committee found several instances of misconduct by White House military advisor Vaughan and other Truman assistants, in the much-publicized "Five-Percenters" or "Deep-Freeze" scandal of July-August, 1949; see U.S. Senate, Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments (81st Congress, 2d session), "The Five Percenter Investigation," Interim Report, pursuant to S. Res. 52 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., Jan. 1950). Truman defended Vaughan, however, at the cost of some public trust. On the inquiry and its effects, see also Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., and Roger Bruns, eds., Congress Investigates. 1792-1974 (New York: Chelsea House/R.R. Bowker, 1975), 355; and Jules Abels, The Truman Scandals (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1956), 42-52, 264-277. For a critical appraisal of Chief Counsel Rogers' role, and Hoey's naivete, during the 1949 "Five-Percenters" inquiry, seeJerry N. Hess, Cornelius J. Mara Oral History (Independence: HSTL, June 1971), 58-60. 10 Over the weekend, Expenditures Committee Chairman John McClellan verified to reporters that if the inquiry were assigned to his jurisdiction, he would most likely turn it over to Hoey; see Evening Star (May 21, 1950), A4:l. Hoey's 1949 inquiry was fresh on the minds of the Senate in May of 1950. John Maragon, friend of Gen. Harry Vaughan, was tried for perjury in April, 1950, for having lied to the Hoey Committee during his July 28, 1949 testimony. Maragon was convicted on April 26, 1950, on two counts, and later received an eight-m onth sentence. 11 The revised S. Res. 280 (May 22, 1950) thus inserted "on Expenditures in the Executive Departments" in the previously bracketed, blank line on the May 19 original; see copy in Wherry Papers, loc. cit. 12 s. Res. 280 [Report No. 1746], (May 25, 1950); copy in Wherry Papers, loc. cit. Reporting a bill to the rules subcommitteewas the Senate's way of double­ checking the legalities of a bill before reporting it to the full Senate. 1 3 S . Res. 280 [Report No. 1746], (May 25, 1950); copy in Wherry Papers, loc. cit. 14 U.S. Congress, Senate (81st Congress, 2d session), Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments, "Employment of Moral Perverts by Government Agencies," Report 1746 [To accompany S. Res. 280], (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O. May 25, 1950); reprinted as U.S. Serial Set, Superintendent of Documents vol. no. 11369 [copy also in Wherry Papers, loc. cit.]. 15 "N.T. (May 22, 1950),” cited in "H.O.A.C.S.," 10C, in Tydings Papers, Series V, Box 3, folder "HOACS, June - August 1950.” As late as May 21st, reporters noted "some talk" that McCarthy should to give up his spot; see Evening Star (May 21, 1950), A4:2. 306 �16 McCarthy inserted a 4,000-word speech into the Congressional Record on June 3 (though he only summarized it before a near-empty Senate chamber), insisting he would "not stop regardless of what any individual or group in this Senate, or in the administration may say or do." He even claimed he would repeat his charges of Communism against Owen Lattimore without immunity (never fulfilled) — if Truman would open all the files to him. See Evening Star (June 2 & 3, 1950), A l. To reporters, the idea of a new panel seemed to indicate Truman's lack of confidence in the stalled Tydings Committee inquiry [see tone in Evening Star (June 6, 1950), A l], when in fact, the proposal had come from Tydings, himself; see Keith, "For Hell And A Brown Mule". 58. The announcement led one veteran Washington columnist, Ray Tucker, to confuse the missions of the Tydings and Hoey Committees; he noted "President Truman's belated willingness" to naming an outside jury "to pass final judgment on the question of Communists and perverts within the government." Tdcker concluded that, "Rightly or wrongly, the belief seems to be growing that high officials at Washington are trying to do a cover-up job with respect to communism, perversion and nation-wide crime in general." See "National Whirligig" column, [Charlotte] O bserver (June 9, 1950), 20-A. 17 Commerce had been Under fire since April for employing a suspected Communist, William Remington, who testified on May 25 that he had never been a member of the Communist Party; he was indicted on June 8 when another's testimony seemed to contradict his claim. By then, however, Commerce Secretary Sawyer requested Remington's resignation. A grand jury cleared him on June 15. See Evening Star (May 29, June 8 & 15, 1950), A l. Acheson had called on Congress to back NATO structure with an American lead role, a plan rebuffed by Republicans as too costly and interventionist; in support, Truman asked Congress for S I.2 billion in foreign aid to fight the "aggressive" policy of communism. See Evening Star (June 1, 1950), Al. 18 s. Res. 280 (June 7, 1950); copy in Wherry Papers, Box 11, Folder "S. Res. 280 . . ." For newspaper coverage, see Evening Star (June 7, 1950), Al:5; and New York Times (June 8, 1950), 8:5. 19 See Cong. Rec. 96 (June 8, 1950), 8209. Richard Rovere, Senator Joe M cC arthy. 153, mistook the Hoey Committee for "a subcommittee of the District of Columbia Committee." Rovere was obviously thinking of the D.C. appropriations subcommittee (that of Hill & Wherry's preliminary investigation). Rovere also assumed that the "ugly phrase" of "sexual deviates" was invented at the time of the 1950 investigations; the term, however, had existed long before that, as described in Chapter 1. 20 Quotes from U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments, Subcommittee on Investigations, "Press Release, For Immediate Release, June 14, 1950" (copies in Hoey Papers, Box 211, Folder 3). The same was extensively cited in "Senate Selects Hoey To Handle Perverts Probe," [Charlotte] O bserver (June 15, 1950), 3-A; similar details were reported in New York Times (June 15, 1950), 6:4, which called the Hoey Committee the Senate's "'super' investigating subcommittee" since it addressed all levels of executive branch operations [after December, 1950, however, the Judiciary Committee's new Permanent Investigations Subcommittee was also given responsibility to examine the executive branch]. 307 �21 The proposal of Congressman Davenport [D-PA] for a bipartisan House subcommittee to investigate sex crimes and their causes was reported in local Nebraska papers, as seen in the June 23, 1950 letter of Elayne Rankin [Omaha, NE.] to Wherry. Wherry thanked her (June 28, 1950) and agreed to the need for a House probe, yet defended the Senate action as adequate, given its security-oriented focus. Both in Wherry Papers, Box 11, Folder "S. Res. 280 . . 22 Quote from Emmanuel S. Larsen, cited in article by Alfred W. Friendly, "McCarthy Says Peurifoy Made 'Payoff Deal to Help Service," Washington Post (June 16, 1950); unpaginated clipping also in HSTL, Spingarn Papers, Box 33, folder "Internal Security File National Defense and Individual Rights, Vol. IV (3 of 3), Enforcement." Senators Wherry and Ferguson had summoned Larsen to their offices and quizzed him about possible homosexuals in the State Department after having found out that McCarthy had questioned him about a fellow suspect in the 1945 Amerasia case, State Department member John S, Service (1909-1999), whom McCarthy was retrying before the Tydings Committee; see Robert P. Newman, Owen Lattimore and the ‘Loss’ of China (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1992), 141; and Harvey Klehr and Ronald Radosh, The Amerasia Spy Case: Prelude to McCarthvism (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1996), 164-68. Klehr and Radosh claim, without supportive evidence, that Wherry was furious on July 20 when he found out that the Democrats' discussion of the Tydings Committee Report included midJune Larsen's account of how Wherry had bragged of being an "expert on homosexualism" in the State Department. 23 Truman had written, but never sent, a response to McCarthy's Feb. 11, 1950 telegram from Reno, Nevada, disparaging the Senator's "insolent approach" in "trying to discredit his own Government before the world." Truman concluded McCarthy "not even fit to have a hand in the operation of the Government of the United States." In Robert H. Ferrell, ed., Off The Record: The Private Papers of Harrv S. Truman (New York: Harper & Row, 1980), 172. 24 Cong. Rec. 96 (Mar. 31, 1950), 5712; also reported in Evening Star (Mar. 31, 1950), and New York Times (Apr. 1, 1950). Truman made his remark from his "working vacation" in Key West, Florida. Senator Bridges soon began an oftrepeated claim that traitors in the government were being run by a "master spy" from the Soviet Union. 25 Truman letter to Nellie Noland, March 31, 1950; in Ferrell, Off The Record, 176-77, The President also bemoaned the fact that since "the Republicrats (Dixiecrats)" and the GOP had been "whipped" by the Democrats on 'Statism,' 'Welfare State,' 'Socialism' and the budget," they were all "trying to dig up a very dead and very malodorous hoss called 'Isolationism.'" 26 Truman, "Witch-Hunting and Hysteria," William Radner Lecture (New York: Columbia University, April 29, 1959), lecture text, and Question and Answer [Q&A] period [recording by WKCR (Columbia University), cassette from HSTL]. Truman also claimed that he hadn't thought Hiss guilty until he was found guilty by a jury, and then claimed Hiss might have been "brainwashed to get a co n fessio n ." 308 �27 See Hoover-Souers memo of Apr. 10, 1950 and attached list of 66 persons [culled from original list of 393 arrestees]; in HSTL, Subject File, President's Secretary's Files, Federal Bureau of Investigation, Folder "S." I am grateful to Robert Dean for knowledge of this document. The former McCarthy assistant, Edward C. Babcock, has refused researchers' requests for interviews (1998). Born and educated in Ohio, Souers [1892-1973] was a securities trader who earned a reputation for revitalizing ailing firms and pioneering new ones. As president of Piggly Wiggly stores, he built up the chain in less than two years and sold it for $20 million in 1927; he was one of the founders of American Airlines, and was an executive at General American Life Insurance from 1933 to 1969. Commissioned a Navy reserve officer in 1929, he saw active duty in WWII and was made deputy chief of naval intelligence in 1946. He headed the Central Intelligence Group (precursor to the CIA) before becoming the first Executive Secretary of the National Security Council in 1947. An unassuming figure, he gave the President daily briefings on national-security issues (including the development of the hydrogen bomb). He had only recently retired as NSC Secretary in early 1950 but would continue as Special Consultant until 1953; it is highly probable (though not recorded) that he reviewed the material with the President. See McCullough, Trum an. 762; New York Times (Jan. 16, 1973), 42:4; and W ashington Post (Jan. 16, 1973), C5:3. 28 "Deviance" quote from Lucius D. Battle, telephone interview with author (Jan. 16, 1999); Battle [b. 1918] was a special assistant to Acheson from 1949-53. "In hand" quote from W.J. McWilliams, "Memorandum of Conversation. Subject: Summary of Daily Meeting With The Secretary" (April 10, 1950), 2; in National Archives II, R.G. 59, General Records of the Office of the Executive Secretariat, Summaries of the Secretary's Daily Meetings, 1949-1952, Box 1. 29 Quotes in this and next paragraph from John Hersey [1914-1992], "The Truman Way," New York Times (Aug. 3, 1973), 31. The other members of the meeting were Attorney General J. Howard McGrath; Sens. Clinton Anderson, Mike Monroney [on the Executive Expenditures Committee], Thomas C. Hennings, Jr., and John J. Sparkman; Rep. Brent Spence; Solicitor General Philip B. Perlman; Democratic National Chairman William M. Boyle, Jr.; Clark Clifford (previous counsel) and Charlie Murphy (present counsel). Blair House was the temporary executive office during White House renovation. 30 Hersey would not reveal the names of the two staffers who proposed the anti-McCarthy smear to Truman, other than to give the clue that they were not from the Justice Department (ruling out McGrath and Perlman). Most likely, the suspect was White House counsel Charlie Murphy [1908-1985], who was still living in 1973 when Hersey published his recollection of the 1951 meeting. 31 Dawson [b. 1908] had come to Washington to work for the Reconstruction Finance Corporation (R.F.C.) personnel department in 1935, and had caught Truman's eye while handling the R.F.C.’s post-war downsizing. Dawson was appointed one of six Administrative Assistants on August 6, 1947, and served for remainder of Truman's tenure (to Jan. 20, 1953). From Gen. Donald S. Dawson, (Washington, D.C.), telephone interview with author, July 25, 1997. 309 �32 For the Dawson and Connelly ties to the 1949 scandal, see Abels, The Truman Scandals. 40, 83-109. For Dawson's role in the 1948 campaign, see McCullough, T ru m an . 666; for his closeness with Hill, see various letters to Dawson (Oct.Nov. 1950) in Lister Hill Papers, Box 625, Folder 290 [re Gadsden, AL., mayor J. Herbert Meighan]. Matthew J. Connelly had been recommended to Truman by Lister Hill in 1941, and served as the Missouri Senator's chief investigator for the Senate Special Committee to Investigate the National Defense. From July 1944 to April 1945, Connelly was Executive Assistant to the Senator (and later Vice President), then served as Appointments Secretary during the entire Truman Administration. See Jerry N. Hess, Matthew J. Connelly Oral History (Independence, MO.: HSTL, Nov. 28, 1967), 1-9. 33 See Moyer-Dawson memo of May 8, 1950; and Dawson letter to Moyer of June 5, 1950, returning "Memoranda dated 5/23 and 5/24 [1950] from Dr. Verne K. Harvey relative to homosexuals in Government positions" [copies not retained in Dawson's files]; both in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. Dawson’s office was the repository of file copies of letters and memos relating to the homosexual inquiry, material saved in his "Sex Perversion, 1950" file which remains the main executive-office record in the matter. He could recall few details of the issue in 1997, since he had merely retained the files but was not personally involved in policymaking in this issue; see Dawson interview. 34 George Elsey (Washington, D.C.), telephone interview with author, Nov. 10, 1998; and Dawson interview. On Murphy and Ross, see also McCullough, T ru m an . 559. 35 Bom in Amenia, N.Y., Spingarn [1908-84] attended high school at the prestigious Phillips Exeter Academy, then studied at Yale University, the University of Grenoble (France), Rollins College (Florida), and Stanford University, before completing his bachelor's and law degrees at the University of Arizona and passing both the Arizona and DC bars by 1935; see Democratic National Committee, Publicity Division, Press Release B-1399 (Washington, D.C.: D.N.C., Oct. 30, 1956); copy in Spingarn Papers/HSTL, APLWHDM File, Box 29, Folder "Misc. Material in the White House Manual." Spingarn believed there were subversive forces in the U.S. but firmly opposed McCarthyism as a method. He had known and liked Alger Hiss, for example, but after reading F.B.I. documents, became convinced Hiss had passed secrets — the same conclusion Truman made. See author's telephone interview with [Stephen’s brother] Edward D.W. Spingarn, Apr. 17, 1999. 36 Jerry N. Hess, Stephen J. Spingarn Oral History (Independence, MO.: HSTL, Mar. 1967), 617, 679, 701-05, 928-36, 9. References to Italy and CIC also reiterated in Spingarn's "Memorandum for the Hoey Subcommittee Sex Pervert Investigation File" (July 10, 1950), 2; in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. Spingarn later authored a monograph on intelligence work, "A Basic Program for the Vitalization of the National Defense Establishment Organization (and its lower echelons) relating to Overseas Counter Intelligence in Time of War, and for the Correction of Serious Deficiencies in this Organization as Demonstrated by World War II" (copies in Spingarn Papers, HSTL). 310 �37 Assistants Ken Hechler and George Elsey confirmed that Spingarn handled internal security (I.S.) matters. Hechler said I.S. was "Steve's cup of tea" and "right in his ball park," with Elsey recalling that Spingarn "was the lead man" in that area; see Ken Hechler, telephone interview with author, Nov. 5, 1998; and Elsey interview. Officially, Spingarn was on loan from the Treasury Department until Feb. 15, 1950; see Spingarn Oral History/HSTL, 1061-62. 3® Spingarn quoted in Ovid Demaris, The Director (New York: Harper's Magazine Press, 1975), 115-16. See also Spingam's "Memorandum for: Chairman [William L.] DaWson, House Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Depts" of May 25, 1950: "In line with our telephone conversation this morning, I send you herewith a memorandum and attachment about the matter we discussed." HSTL, Spingarn Papers, Box 13, folder "Assistant to the President File, Chronological file, May - June 1950." Spingarn kept a copy of his July 10, 1950 memo to Flanagan in his White House Desk Manual file (for active items), showing the importance of the homosexual investigation to him. 39 What Spingarn told the President about the Mitchell-Wherry spat was not recorded. The notation read: "Tydings Subcommittee (McMahon talks) - Homo S.T. (cuhot [?] McMahons dep — Mitchell letter to Wherry (get from Maletz on Cong. Rec.Q]." See Spingarn, "Agenda For Murphy & President," May 17, 1950; HSTL, Spingarn Papers, folder "Assistant to the President Letters, White House Desk Manual - SJS Miscellaneous Longhand Notes.” The other points were: FEPC (2), ECA, Small Business, anti-monopoly, rent control, the Tydings subcommittee, the Kem nomination, "Legislative Control Idea," and "Internal Security legislation." 40 A man who needed little sleep, Truman was renowned for his midnight capacity to wade through the dozens of memos submitted to him over the course of each day, and he certainly would have read the Murphy-Spingarn memo on the files since the issue had been a nagging yet symbolic issue of importance to his administration. Often, White House staff members would go over their memos point by point at the end of Cabinet meetings. See Spingarn Oral History/HSTL, passim. 41 Murphy-Spingarn, "Memorandum for the President. Subject: Reply to Senator Tydings' request that you appoint a panel of distinguished citizens to assist his Subcommittee in the consideration of loyalty files" (May 24, 1950); in HSTL, Spingarn Papers, Box 31, folder "Internal Security File National Defense and Individual Rights, Vol. I (folder 2 of 2)." Located at the White House, the Confidential Files had safeguards against unauthorized access, due to its focus on sensitive matters, often those pertaining to national security and personnel issues. Truman had continuous access to them, though no record was kept of if and when the President referred to materials therein; see electronic letter to author of Dec. 17, 1998, from Randy Sowell, Archivist, Truman Library, 311 �42 The proposal for a non-partisan commission of eminent citizens to review the cases had originally come from Tydings himself, along with Senator Brien McMahon (D-CT), in mid-May. See Tydings' memos to Truman (May 18 & June 5, 1950), in O.F. 419-K, HSTL; Murphy-Spingarn memo to President, "Subject: Reply to Senator Tydings' request..." (May 24, 1950), loc. cit. ; Spingam-Nash memos to Murphy (May 22, June 1 & 2, 1950), and Spingarn "Memorandum For The Files: Subject: Proposed Commission on Internal Security and Individual Rights" (June 23, 1950), both in Spingarn Papers/HSTL, Chronological File (1950), Correspondence with the President, Box 13, Folder "Assistant to the President File Chronological file, May - June 1950." 43 in fact, due to the internal-security bill battle (which Truman would lose in September), the new group (known as the "Nimitz Commission") would not appear until January, 1951 — and even then, Congress kept it inactive by not funding it. See Spingarn Oral History/HSTL, 705; and Truman's "Remarks of the President at the Swearing-In Ceremonies of the Presidents Commission on Internal Security and Individual Rights, Cabinet Room, February 12, 1951," in Spingarn Papers, Box 28, White House Manual May 8, 1950 - Aug. 16, 1950, Folder "Assistant to the President File White House Desk Manual - Internal Security legislation." 44 Quote from Wherry Report, 12, referring to Civil Service Regulation 2104 denying employment for "criminal, infamous, dishonest, immoral, or notoriously disgraceful conduct." 45 Text of cartoon also quoted in Max Lerner, "'Scandal' in the State Dept. IV Kinsey in Washington," New York Post fJulv 13, 1950), 26. This particular cartoon was not included among 16 reprints from 1950 in Dunn's Should It Gurgle? A Cartoon Portfolio. 1946-1956 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1956). Alan Dunn [1900-1971] was born and raised in New York City, where he graduated from the Barnard School for Boys, Columbia University and the National Academy of Design, in addition to training at the Fontainebleau Ecole des Arts, the Tiffany Foundation, and the American Academy in Rome. Along with his wife (a fellow cartoonist), he served as a staff contributor to the New Y o rk er for over forty years, starting in 1926. See his collection of cartoons, Who's Paving For This Cab? (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1945), and his cartoon-prose novella, East of Fifth (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1948). 46 "The Road Back To America," Washington Post (May 22, 1950); copy in HSTL, Spingarn Papers, Box 31, folder "Internal Security File National Defense Internal Security (folder 1 of 2)." The editorial and story were also noted in Max Lerner, "'Scandal' in the State Dept. IV - Kinsey in Washington," New York Post CJulv 13, 1950), 26; and in Joseph and Stuart Alsop, "Has Washington Gone Crazy?" Saturday Evening Post (July 29, 1950), 60. 47 "Reds Plot D.C. Disaster?" Washington Daily News (May 20, 1950); unpaginated clipping in Internal Security File, Box 31, Spingarn Papers, HSTL. 312 �49 The Nebraska Senator may have known about the 1919 Newport entrapment scandal, but he was apparently unaware of a "proof" case which would appear in the December 1950 report of the full-scale Senate inquiry, that of a 1912 Austrian case [see Chapter 6, below]. 50 "Reds Plot D.C. Disaster?" Washington Daily News (May 20, 1950). 51 Bert Wissman, "Federal Agency Spots Perverts By Lie-Detector," Baltimore Sun (May 21, 1950); copy in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. Wissman would write a more disparaging article about homosexual employees, however, when the Hoey Committee submitted its December report [see Chapter 7, below]. 52 Op. cit. The government would continue using "lie detectors" for both security and loyalty interrogations; see New York Times (Dec. 20, 1951), 20:4. 53 Quotes from John Cramer, "Files on Aberrants Closed to Hill," Washington Daily News (June 20, 1950); unpaginated copy in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. 54 "Tyranny or Blasphemy," Time 50. 22 (May 29, 1950), 16. 55 Quoted in Whitfield, The Culture of the Cold War. 45. 56 See Cong. Rec. 96 (July 7, 1950), A4960-61. This remains the only record of Sevareid's broadcast, since transcripts of NBC radio broadcasts were not retained until after 1953; see letter to author from Neil Waldman, CBS News Archives, Oct. 15, 1997. Hays [1911-1989] would later be involved in a [hetero]sexual scandal, himself, ending his 27-year tenure in the House in 1976; see Current Biography 50, 4 (April 1989), 63, and New York Times (Feb. 11, 1989), I, 33:1. On Sevareid's early career as a wartime correspondent, see his Not So Wild A Dream (New York: Atheneum, 1976); he later became one of the first news "anchors" before retiring in 1973. 313 �57 Professor of government at Yale since 1949, Lerner [1902-1992] had been political editor of The Nation from 1936 to 1938, a frequent contributor to The New Republic and N ew sw eek, professor of political science at Williams College, and editorial director of the liberal PM newspaper from its inception in 1943. By 1950, he had written several books on Western civilization, government, and influential Americans from Adams to Veblen; he had only recently switched to the New York Post, a liberal daily whose editor, James Wechsler, would later earn the ire of McCarthy and his allies like Walter Winchell. From Max Lerner, Wounded Titans: American Presidents and the Perils of Power, ed. Robert Schmuhl (New York: Arcade, 1996), x. A moderate liberal, Lerner voiced support for McCarthy target Owen Lattimore and advocated a new trial for Alger Hiss on the grounds that his trial was morally unsound; see his columns in New York Post (Jan. 30, Apr. 5 & 10, 1950), 2, and (June 5, 1952), 2; plus William S. White, "State Department Hit On 'Intimidation'," New York Times CApr. 25, 1950), 5:3. He had sought to do a series on the homosexual scandal for several weeks before Wherry and Blick gave him the necessary copy. During the wait, he had met the Dr. Alfred C. Kinsey in New York City in late May, beginning a friendly correspondence that would continue for the remaining six years of Kinsey's life. 58 Herblock, "Abnormal Psychology," New York Post (July 10, 1950), 4:3. The office of Herb Block [b. 1909] refused to grant permission to reprint this (or any "Herblock") cartoon on the grounds that it was not for "educational purposes" (i.e. classroom use)! Block kept responses to each cartoon, but they remain unprocessed and warehoused as of 1999. 59 See New York Post fJulv 10-14, July 16-21 & July 23,1950); excerpts reprinted with permission. Copies of the first six (July 10-16) articles which Lerner sent to Senator Kenneth Wherry can be found in Wherry Papers, Box 11, Folder "Gen. Nebr. — Jim Berryman letter re Nebr. admiral." Wherry requested copies of the second set of six, but apparently never received them. 60 New York Post (July 13, 1950), 26. Luckily for Congress, no homosexual scandal arose within its ranks until the 1970s. 61 Lerner, "The Washington Sex Story: York Post (July 10, 1950), 4. No. 1 — Panic on the Potomac," New 82 Op. cit. , 24. 63 Lerner, "The Washington Sex Story: No. 1," 4, 24; and "The Washington Sex Story: IV — Kinsey in Washington," New York Post (July 13, 1950), 2. As for his own motives, Lerner claimed that he "tried to tell the facts without snigger or smirk and without sensationalism. I do not write to condone immoral or anti-social behavior of any kind," he wrote. "Nor do I write to defend or attack either the Administration or its Republican critics." 314 �64 Lerner, "The Washington Sex Story: No. 1," 24. He was somewhat disingenuous in bemoaning the fact that "no one" had called upon medical professionals "thus far" and that there were "no plans to use their technical knowledge in the future." In fact, his next three articles detailed how the Wherry-Hill investigation and Hoey Committee had touched upon the expertise of numerous psychologists to ascertain the nature of homosexuality. The Hoey Committee may not have reached the level of disinterested understanding Lerner arrived at, but it had attempted to gain a modicum of comprehension. 65 Lerner mentioned, in his July 17, 1950 thank-you letter to Wherry, that " a more detailed account of our interview" would appear in a later article. Wherry thanked him, in his reply of July 21, 1950, for the copies of the first six and "welcomed" the "chance to see and to keep for reference use" of the remaining articles (which Lerner never sent). See Wherry Papers, Box 11, Folder "S. Res. 280 . . . " Later, Wherry was curious about the supposedly "disparaging" tone of the final articles, which he apparently never read; see Wherry's letters of Aug. 2 & 17, 1950 to Ted Hook [Wayne, NE.]; loc. cit. See also Lemer's letters to Hill of July 17 & Aug. 1, 1950, and Hill's replies of July 20 & Aug. 7, 1950; in Lister Hill Papers, Box 437, Folder 278 (July 1950 - Feb. 1951). 66 Lemer, "'Scandal' in the State Dept, XI: (July 21, 1950), 2. Sex and Politics," New York Post 67 Lerner, "'Scandal' in the State Dept, XII: What Can We Do About It?" New Y ork P ost f.Tnlv 23, 1950), 6. 68 Spingarn-Hechler notes (July 11, 1950) in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," WHCF/CF, HSTL. 68 Lemer, "'Scandal' in the State Dept: York Post CJulv 12, 1950), 5. III — How Many Homosexuals?," New 70 Compare the figures [discussed in Chapter 3] in Wherry Report, 6, and Hill Report, 2, with Max Lerner, “‘Scandal’ in the State Dept, VIII: Blick of the Vice Squad,” New York Post (July 18, 1950), 2, 26, and "Memorandum of Conversation, Participants: Mr. John Finlator - PER, Mr. Fred Traband - SI, Lieutenant Roy Blick, Metropolitan Police Dept." (Mar. 29, 1950); copy in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. 71 Lemer, "'Scandal' in the State Dept: III," 34. 72 Lemer, "'Scandal' in the State Dept: II — The Scientists Speak," New York Post (July 11, 1950), 28; and "'Scandal' in the State Dept: III," 34. 73 Lerner, "'Scandal' in the State Dept: II — The Post (July 11, 1950), 5. 74 Scientists Speak," New York Cory, The Homosexual in America, xxv, 148, citing Lemer's July 20th article. 75 Worried Veterans [with Hill's staff's penciled note above date: Centerville, IL.] letter of May 22, 1950 to Hill; in Lister Hill Papers, Box 437, Folder 277. 315 �76 Rufus Smith, letter of May 21, 1950 to Hill [underlining in original] with attached clipping [source unspecified] of May 20; in loc. cit. 77 Joan Bathrick letter of May 25, 1950 to Hill (with note of copies to Senators Kenneth Wherry, William Knowland and Sheridan Downey [the latter two, her local California Senators]); in Lister Hill Papers, Box 536, Folder 76. Bathrick cited an unspecified article in the San Francisco Chronicle (May 22, 1950). 78 Hill letter of June 12, 1950 to Bathrick; 79Hill reply of June 9, 1950 to Davis; loc. cit. in Lister Hill Papers, Box 536, Folder 76. 80 Wm. Jones (Havre de Grace, MD.), to Millard Tydings (Apr. 29, 1950); in Series V, Box 2, folder "Correspondence — Reports & Pamphlets, 1950-1951," M illard Tydings Papers, Archives and Manuscripts Department, McKeldin Library, University of Maryland at College Park [hereafter Tydings Papers]. 81 J.M. O'Brian, Annapolis, MD„ to Millard Tydings, June 1, 1950; in Tydings Papers, Series V, Box 2, Folder "Correspondence — Reports & Pamphlets, 19501951." 82 Letter to Tydings [n.d.; postmarked May 11, 1950] of Hilda de Forondier (Baltimore, MD.); in Tydings Papers, Series V, Box 2, Folder "Correspondence — Reports & Pamphlets, 1950-1951." The poem was written by Ellis O. Jones. 83 For requests, see, for example, the letter of Joseph Seitz (Redwood City, CA.) to Wherry, March 12, 1951, and Wherry's March 14 pro-forma reply; in Wherry Papers, Box 11, "S. Res. 280 - Hill, Wherry and others - homosexuals and other moral perverts." Financial criticism from June 23, 1950 letter to Wherry of Elaine Rankin (Omaha, NE.); in loc. cit. In fact, appropriations for the Hoey Commission had been reduced from $25,000 in the May 25th draft to $10,000 in the June 7th final version; see following chapter. 84 Joseph and Stuart Alsop, "Has Washington Gone Crazy?" Saturday Evening Post (July 29, 1950), 20-21; copy also in HSTL, Elsey Papers, Box 114, folder "Alsop, Joseph and Stuart, Why Has Washington Gone Crazy?" 85 Alsops, "Has Washington Gone Crazy?" 60; ticket-purchaser tale from editorial, "The Road Back To America," Washington Post (May 22, 1950). 86 The same, sinking feeling was reflected in a Crockett cartoon, captioned "Top-Level Bipartisanship," showing Truman and Wherry yelling "Contemptible!" at each other; see Evening Star (Aug. 19, 1950), 1. Vandenberg had last appeared on the Senate floor in May, 1950, after several months of failing health; he would pass away the following April. 316 �87 Alsop, "Has Washington Gone Crazy?" 61. The Alsops' article received even greater publicity when Senator McCarthy inserted into the Senate record his vituperative reply to the magazine's editors, printed in Saturday Evening Post (Aug. 5, 1950), and Cong. Rec. 96 (Aug. 8, 1950), 12178; copies also in Wherry Papers, Box 11, Folder "S. Res. 280 . . and Box 20). McCarthy warned that the Roman Empire had fallen due to the "morally perverted and degenerate" nature of its ruling class. 88 See Aug. 17 & 28, 1950 letters of D.B. Eberhart to Wherry and his Aug. 22, 1950 reply; in Wherry Papers, Box 11, Folder "S. Res. 280 . . ." 89 Letter to Wherry of Granville Rice (Wilkes-Barre, PA.), Apr. 26, 1951, among the several letters he wrote to the Senator; all in Wherry Papers, Box 13, folder "S. Res. 132 Wherry - Foreign Policy." Stromer, The Making of a Political L ea d er. 77, cites the text of Rice's letter but corrected the misspellings and omitted the epithet "son of a bitch" for Acheson. Rice wrote in the context of Truman's removal of General MacArthur. 90 Quotes from Paul Healy, "Big Noise from Nebraska," Saturday Evening Post 223, 6 (August 5, 1950), 22-23, 76. 91 James T. "Jim" Berryman [1902-1971] won the award in early May, 1950 for his July 23, 1949 spoof on an Congressional investigation of the Atomic Energy Commission, "super-secret" hearings leaked extensively by the press; see Evening Star (May 2, 1950), A3:2-7. His father Clifford [1869-1949], a selftaught cartoonist at the same paper since 1907, had won a Pulitzer in 1943. The younger Berryman was trained at the Corcoran Art School, had started with the S tar in 1924 as an editorial illustrator, moved into sports cartooning in 1933, and joined his father in the political department in 1941. A Republican, Jim poked fun at folks from all sides of the political spectrum — see his 1948 cartoon of Mundt [reprinted on the back cover of South Dakota History 10. 4 (Fall 1980)] and his work teasing the GOP for its divisiveness in The Evening Star, The Campaign of '48 in Star Cartoons (Washington, D.C.: The Evening Star, 1949). The Star was a center-right tabloid with a more populist readership than the moderate Washington Post or New York Times: as such, it was a favorite of political conservatives. 92 See "Memo" of ER [Wherry's secretary], July 11, 1950; and Wherry letters, July 11 [request] & Aug. 1, 1950 [thanks] to Val Peterson; in Wherry Papers, Box 11, Folder "Gen. Nebr. — Jim Berryman letter re Nebr. admiral." Wherry was probably referring to Berryman's cartoon of a bombarded Acheson — see Figure 6. On Peterson [1903-1983], see Current Biography (1949), 478-80. " Berryman letter of Aug. 26, 1950 to Wherry; loc. cit. 94 Wherry letter of Sept. 16, 1950 to Berryman; loc. cit. 98 Berryman letter of Aug. 26, 1950; loc. cit. 317 �96 Quote from Wisconsin Citizens Committee on McCarthy's Record, The McCarthy Record (Madison, WI.: [n.p.], 1952), 99; copy in Elsey Papers/HSTL, Box 103, Personal Correspondence File (Hoeber - P), Folder "McCarthy, Sen, Joseph R." McCarthy wrote to Davis on Sept. 11, 1950 using letterhead from the Senate Committee on Executive Expenditures [reprinted in op. cit., 97]. Details of the Davis case came to light during the 1951 Senate hearings initiated by Senator Benton against McCarthy. The 25-year-old Davis claimed he had associated with left-wing groups in college and had enlisted in the Navy in 1947 intent on spreading communist propaganda within the armed forces. He was discharged, however, in July 1948, after voluntarily confessing his homosexuality (which allowed him to avoid general court martial). He claimed McCarthy sent him to Switzerland in the spring of 1950 to flush out communists and homosexuals in the U.S. embassy there. Davis was arrested on May 19, 1950, convicted for espionage, and deported. He later filed a $100,000 lawsuit against McCarthy for slander and breach of contract, in Federal District Court in Washington. See also Evening Star (Oct. 15, 1951); New York Tim es (Oct. 16, 1951). Las Vegas Sun editor Hank Greenspun, in his "Where I Stand" column (Oct. 25, 1952), rephrased the story to read that McCarthy sent Davis, "one-time communist-organization member & US Navy dishonorable discharge for homosexuality," to prove that "our minister" in Switzerland "was either a Red or a pervert." 97 On the re-release of the 1948 files, see Chapter 3. Following McCarthy's charge of "whitewash," Tydings' subcommittee held a closed-door session with Assistant Secretary Peurifoy, who confirmed the files' integrity. See Evening Star (June 20 & 21, 1950), A l. 98 For McCarthy's remarks, see Cong. Rec. 96 (July 6, 1950), 9862, and (July 24, 1950), 10996. For the full text of the heated debate, which ensued after Republicans refused to sign the majority report, see Cong. Rec. 96 (July 20, 1950), 10686-717; see also accounts in Washington Post and New York Times (July 21, 1950), 1, and David M. Oshinsky, A Conspiracy So Immense: The World of Joe McCarthy (New York: Free Press, 1983), 168-71. For the Tydings Committee Report, which called McCarthy's charges "a fraud and a lie," see U.S. Congress, Senate Report 2108, Pursuant to S. Res. 231, Parts 1 & 2 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., July 22, 1950). Wherry was so incensed that the State Department was "cleared" of McCarthy's charges that he immediately sponsored S. Res. 312 (July 20, 1950) providing for "a trained bipartisan commission, wholly independent of the Executive, to conduct a full, complete, and relentless search into the whole subject of foreign penetration of the Department of State and other agencies of the Government." The bill died later in the summer; see copy in Wherry Papers, Box 11, folder "S. Res. 312." 318 �99 Quote from "N.I., M.T.P. (July 2, 1950)," in H.O.A.C.S. (McCarthy Statements -His Own Assertions Classified and Systematized," 10C; in Tydings Papers, Series V, Box 3, folder "HOACS, June - August 1950." Winchell's remarks in Cong. Rec. 96 (July 17, 1950), 10519; he did not otherwise seem to indulge in homophobic attacks on the State Department. A long-time New York Daily Mirror gossip columnist and radio personality, Winchell had started out an ardent supporter of the New Deal but by 1952 would turn into the stereotypical "Cold War Liberal" through his friendship with McCarthy's chief counsel, Roy Cohn. See Herman Klurfeld, Walter Winchell: His Life and Times (New York: Praeger, 1976); and Neal Gabler, Winchell: Gossip. Power and the Culture of Celebrity (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1994). 100 Quotes from memo slip [undated] and attached cover sheet (June 7, 1950); in Wherry Papers, Box 11, Folder "S. Res. 280 . . ." Navy records have not yet been opened on the case; Wherry conducted most of his business over the telephone, leaving no written record in his files aside from his secretary's note. His secretary wrote, for example, that the Senator accepted a lunch invitation "by phone 7-18-49; no letter o f thanks written for KSW personally thanked him by telephone." In Wherry Papers, Box 11, Folder "GeneralInvitations [other than speeches] file (July-Dee. 1950 only)." Harl A. Dalstrom, "Kenneth S. Wherry," unpublished M.A. thesis in History (Univ. of Nebraska at Lincoln, 1965), 977-78, relates how the telephone was "Wherry's lifeline" for conducting business, leaving only occasional letters for his files. 101 "Cleansed" quote from Max Lerner, "'Scandal' in the State Dept, XI: Sex and Politics," New York Post tJulv 21, 1950), 2. Quotes on Truman from "Statement of August 17, 1950," in Wherry Papers, Box 18, folder "Press Release: Reply to President Truman's ‘Contemptible’ 8-17-50"; and from Wherry letter of July 18, 1950 to Mrs. R.L. Huston (Martell, NE.), in Wherry Papers, Box 11, Folder "State-Foreign Policy." 102 For the summary-dismissal bill hearings, see U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Armed Services (81st Congress, 2d session), "Summary Suspension [of] Civilian Government Employees and Other Bills," Hearings on Nominations, H.R. 8139, S. 3446, and H.R. 7439 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., July 20 & 21, 1950). Hereafter "Senate Hearings on H.R. 7439." 103 Senate Hearings on H.R. 7439, 5, 38-39. Larkin's official title was Associate General Counsel, Office of the Secretary of Defense. He had testified before the House Committee on Post Office and Civil Service on March 30, 1950, when he defended the provisions of H.R. 7439 (which his boss, Defense Secretary Johnson, had initiated) allowing the summary dismissal of drunkard or overly talkative employees for security reasons; see "House Hearings on H.R. 7439,” 57-68. Larkin was also in the process of compiling Defense Department statistics on homosexuals for the Hoey Committee. 104 Senate Hearings on H.R. 7439, 8-9, 12-14. Larkin had to reassure the Senators that dismissed employees could be rehired only in non-security positions, and that agency heads would still have "final authority to terminate" employment without an appeal to the Civil Service Commission, under the proposed bill. 319 �105 Senate Hearings on H.R. 7439, 14-18. Bridges repeated his conviction that homosexuals should not be "loaded" onto another agency during the second day of hearings on the bill. Eventually, the Committee accepted Saltonstall's motion to modify the reemployment provision so that an agency head would not be required to hire back a dismissed employee, but the employee would still have the right to appeal, to clear his name. See ibid. , 33-42. 106 See text, "An Act To protect the national security of the United States by permitting the summary suspension of employment of civilian officers and employees of various departments and agencies of the Government, and for other purposes," Aug. 26, 1950 [H.R. 7439, P.L. 733], Chapter 803, 64 Stat. (81st Cong., 2d sess.). 107 Details reported in "Sex Offenders to Be Prohibited From Forfeiting Cash Collateral," Evening Star (Aug. 17, 1950); unpaginated copy in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. Disorderly conduct was the usual charge since perpetrators were rarely caught in the sex act, in most cases. Arthur L. Miller [R-NE] spearheaded an increase in the penalty for sex crimes on National Park Service territory to $500 or six months in jail or both; see Sec. 3.25, Rules and Regulations of the National Park Service [Federal Register, June 7, 1950]. 108 See, for example, the scathing public letter of Aug. 30, 1950 to Truman from "China Lobby" leader and businessman Alfred Kohlberg, indicting the Democrats in a 62-point "bill of particulars" for their failure to control communism, especially the "pro-Russian clique" which "took over" the State Department in 1944; copy in Mundt Papers, Box 1234, Folder 13 (Roll 196). The Korean situation would not improve until after the successful, U.S.-led landing at Inchon on Sept. 15, 1950; see, among others, David McCullough, Trum an, esp. 784-99; and Lisle A. Rose, The Cold War Comes To Main Street (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1999), 223-249. 109 See text of S. 4037 (introduced Aug. 10, 1950), 6; copies in Wherry Papers, Box 11, Folder "S. 4037." Acheson opposed the measure as too vague in its provision for excluding aliens; see U.S. Department of State Press Release No. 29 (Aug. 11, 1950), 2, and New York Times (Aug. 12, 1950), 1. Mundt, along with his HUAC sidekick, Richard Nixon, had been a chief driving force behind the 1948-50 bills, which would have established, among other things, a Subversive Activities Control Board to force the Communist Party and "Communist-front" organizations to register with the government. 110 See the extensive list of component bills in the Aug. 3, 1950, memo of [White House Administrative Assistant] Charles S. Murphy to [State Department Director of Consular Affairs] Sam D. Boykin, in National Archives II, R.G. 59, Entry 1502, Box 2, Folder "COM: Immigration and Naturalization, 1950, #2." See also William R. Tanner, "The Passage of the Internal Security Act of 1950" Ph.d. dissertation, University of Kansas (Ann Arbor, MI.: University Microfilms, 1971); and William R. Tanner and Robert Griffith, "Legislative Politics and 'McCarthyism’: The Internal Security Act of 1950," in The Specter: Original essavs on the Cold War and the Origins of McCarthvism. eds. Robert Griffith and Athan Theoharis (New York: New Viewpoints/Franklin Watts, 1974). 320 �111 Copies of "A Study of 'Witch Hunting' and Hysteria in the United States" with notes to members of Congress can be found in Spingam Papers/HSTL, Box 33, Folder "Internal Security National Defense [1 of 2] Enforcement." White House Assistant Ken Hechler had revised an earlier draft written by an Air Force associate; his new essay reviewed the Salem witchhunts, the 1798 Alien & Sedition Acts, the anti-Masonic movement, the anti-Catholic Know-Nothing Party, and the KKK. See Ken Hechler, Oral History Interview (HSTL) and interview with author. 112 The McCarran Act became Public Law 831 (81st Cong., 2d sess.); it was struck down as an unconstitutional violation of Fifth Amendment's self­ discrimination protections in the 1960s. Northern Democrats generally sought change or opposed it, while Western and Southern Democrats and Republicans generally supported it; see U.S. Department of State, Division of Public Studies, Office of Public Affairs, "Special Report on American Opinion: Public Comment Relating to the Enforcement of the Internal Security Act of 1950" (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department Of State, Nov. 7, 1950), 4; copy in National Archives II, R.G. 59, Entry 1502, Box 2, Folder "COM: Immigration and Naturalization, 1950, #2." 113 See Jerry N. Hess, Stephen J. Spingam Oral History (Independence, MO.: HSTL, Mar. 1967), 209-13, 1059-63 [quotes from 212]. Spingam admitted [211] he may have been tactless in promoting the administration's alternative to the Internal Security bill, but since one "could have labeled a piece of toilet paper a security measure and [the McCarthyite Congress would have] passed it," he had been firmer than usual. 114 Quote from Hechler interview with author. Spingarn's younger brother, Edward (an IMF negotiator from 1947 to 1974), also confirmed the above account, in telephone interview with author, Apr. 17, 1999. 321 �CHAPTER 5 The "Pervert Probe" Forms. June 1950 Even before the Hoey Committee began its hearings in mid-July of 1950, those involved in the inquiry were almost uniformly opposed to a truly open-minded investigation. The committee members and legal staff, as well as the top representatives of the State Department assigned to assist the inquiry, came into the hearings with preconceived notions as to how to handle the "homosexual problem." Only one branch of the government, the National Institute of Mental Health, offered the possibility of an alternative approach to firing all real or perceived homosexuals from government employment — an option overruled, not surprisingly, in the course of the Hoey Committee hearings. The predisposition of those who would be conducting the investigation, therefore, can be ascertained from before the hearings even began. COMMITTEE MEMBERSHIP Who were the members of the 1950 Hoey subcommittee, and what were there backgrounds, worldviews and positions in the witchhunt landscape? As shall be seen, each of the seven -- Democrats Clyde Hoey, John McClellan, James Eastland and Herbert 322 �O'Conor, plus Republicans Karl Mundt, Andrew Schoeppel and Margaret Chase Smith — had a special interest in both reducing federal expenditures, exposing corruption and waste, and fighting communism and other perceived threats to society. CHAIRMAN CLYDE HOEY The chairman of the Senate Executive Expenditures Investigations Subcommittee, North Carolina Democrat Clyde Roark Hoey (1877-1954), had earned respect for his inquiries into government inefficiency and graft, including those touching the White House in the response to the "Five Percenters" scandal.1 [See Figure 8] Publicly, he was known for his gentlemanly demeanor, formal attire and chivalrous approach to relations with the opposite sex. Senate reporter Allen Drury described him as "the last U.S. Senator to wear a long frock coat and wing-tipped collar.” Hoey was "tall, bent, with a crumpled face like a kindly rag doll and the same cutaway coat, bow tie and flowing [white] hair" who tended "to follow a moderate middle line on domestic policy, [and] work for world cooperation in the international field."2 Though constituents recalled that "people just felt comfortable with him ... even Republicans," his biographer observed that Hoey retained a personal distance, having neither many enemies or close friends. He was afraid of flying and too thrifty to bring his car to Washington, traveling back and forth to 323 �Figure S. [L-R] Senators Hoey, McCarthy, Mundt and Smith, plus Smith's friend & secretary, Bill Lewis; McCarthy was questioning Maj. Gen. Harry Vaughan [not pictured], on the last day of the "Five Percenters" inquiry, Aug. 31,1949, in Room 357, Old Senate Office Building [same room to be used for most of the 1950 hearings]. Original in possession of U.S. Senate Historical Office [reprinted with their permission and disclaimer, since exact source is unknown]. �North Carolina with one of his aides, including his future successor, Jesse Helms.3 Hoey's civility and fairness — qualities much needed during the tensions of McCarthy's attacks that spring — had helped clinch the decision to place the homosexual inquiry in the hands of his subcommittee. To what extent, however, was Hoey really prepared to shield the Truman Administration from the public stigma of a "pervert probe"? His position as a conservative Southern Democrat placed him in between the moderate, interventionist Lister Hill and the conservative, anti-interventionist Kenneth Wherry. Did this middle ground mean that he would become a constructive force on his subcommittee? Underneath his pleasant demeanor and quaint appearance, what kind of man was North Carolina's Senior Senator? Hoey (pronounced HOO-ey) was born on a farm on December 11, 1877, to a former slave-owning family in Shelby, North Carolina.4 Having completed only a fifth-grade education when his father died in 1889, Clyde supplemented his family's income by working as a "printer's devil" at the local newspaper, the Shelbv R eview . He purchased the paper on credit when he was sixteen, riding a mule around the county to promote business. At age nineteen, he also began teaching the local Bible class at the local Methodist church; he would teach the class for over thirty years.5 325 �At age twenty, in 1898, Hoey ran successfully for the North Carolina House of Representatives. The self-made and self-educated man became his state's youngest-ever Assemblyman, at a time when segregation was being imposed across the South by Democrats fearful of Populist gains. He supported segregation and prohibition, each of which the legislature adopted by 1903. During his first, two-year term, he also managed to find the time to complete his law degree and marry his gram m ar-school sw eetheart.6 It was during his early years that Hoey adopted lifelong trademarks. His costume was the most noticeable — a long, English walking coat, striped trousers, a high, starched collar on his shirt, flowery tie fastened with a cameo stick-pin, and a fedora or top hat on his head.7 "Hoey never amassed great wealth," his biographer noted, "nor, apparently, was he much motivated by a desire for financial gain. He spend his considerable money on helping the needy and on political campaigning." A "silver-tongued orator," he often ended his speeches by singing "My Country 'Tis of Thee."8 Like many Southerners of his day, Hoey gained his sense of right and wrong from fundamentalist Christianity. He was "deeply religious, but not sanctimonious," with "something of the Methodist backwoods preacher about him." His speeches were laced with Bible references and even had a biblical rhythm to their cadences; he once claimed he was "prejudiced in favor of the Methodist Church and ... 326 �the Democratic Party." Decades later, Senate colleagues from both major parties would eulogize him for his "Christian principles" — even Joseph McCarthy, who declared he had "never met a finer gentleman, a more honorable man, or one more devoted to his duty." A lifelong teetotaler (though addict of Coca-Cola), Hoey believed in the goodness of the individual and the evil influences of a corrupting society from which people must safeguard them selves.9 Hoey remained a segregationalist all his life, which would end, fittingly, five days before the U.S. Supreme Court issued its 1954 decision in Brown v. Board o f Education . Like most white Southern men of his day, he supported the system in order to stave off the threat of social disruption from a feared alliance of working-class blacks and whites. He argued for "disfranchising all the Negroes possible," and in 1900, he was reelected on a platform of having a literacy test and poll tax to accomplish this end. Throughout his career, he frequently employed stereotypical states-rights rhetoric in opposing extension of Federal control into the social arena.10 Hoey advanced to the State Senate for one term (1902-04) and then returned to his newspaper until 1908, when he sold it to focus on his burgeoning law practice. Appointed Assistant U.S. District Attorney in 1913, he traveled to every county in the state. At the time of the 1919 Red Scare, he was one of several attorneys who prosecuted a group of Communists accused of killing a police chief 327 �during a labor strike; the same year, Hoey also won a case against a group of sheriffs deputies accused of killing several strikers.11 Hoey first ran for Congress in late 1919, to fill a vacated seat. Hoey defended President Wilson's record, the League of Nations and the Federal Reserve System, and was elected in time to take his seat on December 16, 1919. The newly elected son of a Confederate veteran cast his first vote against a bill to increase the pensions of Union soldiers and widows. He declined renomination in favor of his brother-in-law, resumed his law practice in March, 1921, and reigned as county chairman for many years.12 Hoey formally returned to active politics in 1935, when he announced his candidacy for governor. Despite claims that he had been corrupted by his years as a lobbyist for the state's largest electric-power company, he won the primary on a tax-reduction platform and then proceeded to best his opponent in the general election by touting the progressive programs of the New Deal (oldage pensions, increases in education, and federal crop subsidies). He served as governor from 1937 to 1943, promoting anti-poverty measures and countering federal threats to end segregation by increasing funds to Negro schools. He endorsed Roosevelt's foreign policy when war broke out in Europe, and in 1940 requested that Congress outlaw the Communist Party and oust Communists from schools, universities and public offices. 328 Upon leaving office in 1941, �he praised his own record as "conservative but not stagnant; progressive but not extravagant."13 Hoey ran for the Senate in 1944. He won both the primary and general elections by historic margins, and returned to Washington in January, 1945. He served on the important Agricultural and Forestry Committee, and the lesser-known Committees on Finance and Executive E xpenditures.14 Themes which Hoey enunciated during his Senate campaigns (1944 and 1950) illustrate his balanced views. This "regular Democrat" promoted a positive image o f his state to both rich and poor, small farmer and big business. Organized labor never had Hoey's support, but his endorsement of agricultural subsidies for farmers effectively neutralized the labor vote. Having led the fight for women's suffrage at the 1920 Democratic State Convention, he sought and won the female vote in 1944 by promising his support for education and child-care measures, Social Security, and a quick end to the w ar.15 In reply to a constituent who urged Hoey to join the Dixiecrats, the Senator replied that he was trying "to keep the Democratic Party from going socialistic" and to save the country from "private groups" who sought "to dominate the situation and to prostitute the purposes of government to selfish ends."16 believed "in the principles of the Democratic Party" since it represented "the average man" and was "not a class party."17 329 He �Of course, Hoey's party loyalty reflected his segregationist views. He condemned the G.O.P. for "seeking to out-Herod Herod in its effort to capture the Negro vote in the South." Nevertheless, as Senator, Hoey joined Lister Hill and his fellow Southern Democrats in opposing Truman's proposals for a Fair Employment Practices Commission (FEPC) since it supported black labor.18 "I fought, and shall continue to fight, the passage of the civil-rights measures," he wrote one worried constituent in 1948, "because I regard them as violating the Constitution of the United States." Such views would be used against the aging stalwart by his Republican opponent in the November, 1950 election.19 Civil rights aside, as a progressive Hoey saw government as a potential check to social ills. He had promoted anti-child labor laws, public education and state-adopted textbooks since the turn of the century. Though he credited the New Deal with saving the nation from degradation, paving the roads of the South, and maintaining social (racial) order, he supported liberalism more by demonizing the G.O.P. than promoting the domestic policies of Roosevelt and Truman. "Ask yourself," he demanded in 1944, "do you want to go back to the days of the bank failures, back to the days of loss of homes, businesses and jobs?"20 Hoey's progressivism faded, however, as the New Deal turned into the Fair Deal. He believed that government must never compete 330 �with private enterprise, and voted for tax reduction out of concern for the growth of federal bureaucracy, agricultural subsidies, inflation, unfair business regulation and rent control. conservatism was pragmatic, overall. His fiscal Though he recognized that 1951 budget could not be balanced due to the "unusual amount for national defense,” he was "in favor of reducing appropriations in every possible way." One newspaper columnist complained about the overall lack of Democratic support for the President with the quip "we've got too many Hoeys . . . in the Senate."21 In domestic policy Hoey opposed measure which sounded too left wing. Like Congressman Arthur L. Miller, Senator Kenneth Wherry and numerous others in Congress, Hoey opposed "socialized medicine under any name," voted against compulsory health insurance bills, declared the 1949 National Housing Act to be of "socialist origin" (though he supported its provision for slum clearance), and invoked "the experience of England" to demonstrate what happened "when a Country goes socialistic." Hoey used masculinist terms in condemning "nefarious doctrine" of socialism for "undermining and destroying the strength, the virility, the productivity, and the powerful incentives which obtain in America."22 He voted to override Truman's veto of the Taft-Hartley Act in 1947 on the grounds that the bill protected the country from "labor dictators" such as John L. Lewis, head of the C.I.O. He was "in favor of the principle" of the Republican-sponsored 331 �subversive-control legislation [see Figure 9], and he would end up voting for the McCarran Internal Security Act and to override Truman's veto of it.23 In the field of foreign policy, Hoey was an early advocate of internationalist measures. He "supported every move working toward strengthening the United Nations, with the view of establishing and preserving world peace." Running against an isolationist incumbent in 1944, Hoey derided "America First, Peace Now, and other similar slogans" and warned voters not to be "deceived by the specious pleas" of those who mouthed them. "Real Americanism," in his view, was "a thing of the spirit," meaning "wholehearted allegiance and unswerving devotion to our country, to its ideals, its high purposes and its manifest destiny." He believed that the rest of the world would support "America's moral and spiritual leadership" in building "a better civilization and a more peaceful and contented w orld."24 As Senator, Hoey supported the Truman Doctrine, the European Recovery Program (ERP), and NATO. After the outbreak of war in Korea, Hoey wrote to an isolationist constituent that America must not "step aside from any obligations which are thrust upon us" but should "prevent aggressor nations from subjugating and conquering the free peoples of the world." While not a member of the China Lobby, Hoey firmly opposed American recognition of the Communist 332 �333 Figure 9. Senator Hoey and newly inaugurated President Eisenhower and others on stage [not pictured], at the Rowan County (N.C.) Bicentennial, April 11, 1953 [two weeks before the implementation of E.O. 10450]; in Hoey Papers, ID#56-0532129. Hoey called himself a "regular Democrat" but voted with Republicans on numerous issues; he officially supported Stevenson in '52 but saw himself a friend of the Eisenhower administration. Reprinted with permission of the Duke University Special Collections. �regime in China. Such an attitude did not predispose him to support the "waffling" Secretary of State Dean Acheson.25 Despite his fierce anti-communism, Hoey had earned great praise for having guarded against a witchhunt in the 1949 "five percenters" probe into federal-level influence peddling. His Senate colleagues, one newspaper noted, "admired his energy and ability to keep proceedings moving smoothly" through his no-nonsense rulings. He vowed that the hearings "would not turn into a Hollywood show," and he refused to allow photographs and television coverage as an invasion c f witnesses' rights.26 Eight months before Senator McCarthy began his famous anti-communist tirades, Hoey took pleasure in keeping the young firebrand "in check" with a soft-spoken dismissal and light pencil tap on his chairman's microphone. And no matter how weighty the issue before the group, he always took his three o'clock break for a bottle of his favorite "Coke."27 Hoey was reluctant to follow his 1949 "five percenter" triumph with a potentially disreputable inquiry into "moral perversion." Subcommittee counsel "Frip" Flanagan recalled that Hoey was "incensed" at the prospect and complained, "Now we've got this damn thing on our back!" To reporters, Hoey admitted that he was "not anxious" to chair the investigation but added that if it were necessary, he would conduct it "very discretely" with "probably all of 334 �the bearings behind closed doors." After meeting with Hoey on June 28th, White House Assistant Steve Spingam was impressed by his "straight-forwardness and sincerity," noting his comment that fighting the administration over personnel files was "a dirty job which he had not wanted but that he was going to do his best to do it right, and in a quiet and unspectacular way."28 Hoey even avoided references to the "pervert probe" in his correspondence. When one constituent urged him to enact laws "to relieve suspicious characters from any department of our government," Hoey mentioned only "the discharging of all Communists from the Government service" in his reply. His uncomfortableness is revealed all the more in his reply to a Presbyterian minister who urged him to "clean up our State Department." Hoey replied that he was seeking to remove "any bad security risks which may still remain in the State Department" and claimed that "most, if not all of them, have been elim inated."29 Hoey made it clear that he would not fall into the same trap as Senator Millard Tydings' inquiry into McCarthy's charges, though his views on homosexuality were preordained. He declared that his group would "make a thorough study of all available evidence on reported sex perverts in the federal government, w ithout allowing personal smears for political purposes and without whitewashing anything." After gathering "get all the facts possible," the senators 335 �would "go over everything in executive session before any reports are released" and act on them without any great fanfare or hullabaloo," he promised. Reporters noted, however, that Hoey and his colleagues would use the inflammatory Wherry Report as the basis of the new investigation. Hoey also declared that "every attempt will be made to eliminate homosexuals from federal agencies, because, among other objections, such persons are bad security risks."30 Thus the future probe can only be described as a kangaroo court by design, albeit a bipartisan and "respectful" one not along the lines of a McCarthyite media circus. Hoey's conservatism was further revealed in his professed desire to protect the Senate’s only woman, Margaret Chase Smith, from having to discuss the unspeakable subject of homosexuality. He offered to have typed transcripts of each day's testimony sent to Smith so that she would not have to suffer the embarrassment of hearing discussion about "moral perverts" — an offer which she politely turned down.31 Hoey, therefore, exemplified the typical reaction of an older male faced with a public discussion of a taboo subject. Even members of his staff gave only off-hand remarks and snickering about the investigation to Hoey's biographer.32 Such was the background and worldview of the man who would chair the Senate’s inquiry into homosexuals in government employ. The longtime Bible teacher was old enough never to have had to 336 �publicly discuss such topic, much less attempt to formulate policy recommendations regarding it. It was no wonder that a W hite House aide wondered "what Hoey's attitude is — whether he is just a dupe i of the Republicans — or whether the Republican group is working up a very sordid smear campaign to the effect that the President is protecting the hom os."33 Having been stuck with "this damn thing," however, he would endeavor to make the best of it. jo h n McCl e l l a n Another member of the Hoey subcommittee, John Little McClellan (1896-1977), was even more conservative than his fellow Democrat, Clyde Hoey. Born in rural Sheridan, Arkansas on February 25, 1896, McClellan was educated in Arkansas public schools, and was admitted to the bar in 1913. He served for eighteen months as 1st Lieutenant in the Army during the First World War, then continued practicing law back in Sheridan. A staunch proponent of law and order, he was appointed prosecuting attorney of Arkansas' Seventh Judicial District, in 1927; Congress. in 1934, he was persuaded to run for After representing Arkansas' Sixth District in the 74th and 75th Congresses, he declined a third term in order to challenge the nation's first elected woman Senator, Hattie W. Carraway. He lost in the primary, however, after having attacked Carraway for her 337 �support of the Fair Labor Standards Act and other pillars of the R oosevelt agenda.34 Upon retiring from his House seat in early 1939, McClellan resumed his law practice, but could not resist the lure of Washington. Running for the Senate again in 1942, he won what would eventually be his first of five elections for that office. He was described by one reporter as "a dark good-looking gentleman with restless yet candid eyes" who was "reasonable in his approach" to legislative problems but also "a man of moral purpose and mighty indignations." A defender of the South's segregationist racial order, McClellan helped lead numerous filibusters against anti-poll tax bills over the years.35 As a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, McClellan maintained a moderately anti-internationalist record. In 1949 he joined his Republican colleague, Kenneth Wherry, in sponsoring a resolution to limit U.S. obligations in N.A.T.O. In 1953-54, he had the same foreign-policy *voting record as his fellow Southern Democrat and Hoey Committee member, James Eastland, supporting four of seven roll-call votes on isolationist initiatives.36 McClellan also proved the bane of many a Fair Deal program. Over his three decades in Congress, he would earn the reputation of a legislator who "struck terror in the hearts of labor racketeers, gangsters and — ironically — liberal Democrats." He consistently urged elimination of deficit spending and budget cuts. 338 In May 1950, �he even received the praise of Kenneth Wherry, who attacked the Truman administration for allowing a huge deficit ~ increasing from $6 billion to $9 billion — due not to national defense or foreign aid but to domestic civilian spending. The following month, McClellan joined Republican senators in urging the President to reduce the budget by a minimum five percent through an across-the-board cut (though the recommendations would soon become obsolete with the beginning of the Korean conflict).37 Along with Lister Hill, McClellan served on the powerful Senate Appropriations Committee and was on the subcommittee that heard John Peurifoy's February 1950 testimony about the ninety-one homosexuals fired since 1947. As ranking minority member of the Executive Expenditures Committee during the Republican-led 80th Congress, he had served on the twelve-man Hoover Commission which prepared various reorganization plans. He was known as a tough-minded legislator and no friend of big government, therefore, when he became chairman of the Executive Expenditures Committee after the Democrats regained control of Congress in 1949. It was in that capacity that he made the decision to appoint Senator Hoey, a man for whom he had "a deep and affectionate attachment,” to chair the subcommittee designed "to perform the important, and yet frequently delicate and sensitive duties of conducting investigations into affairs of the Government."38 339 �JAMES EASTLAND Another Southern Democrat on Hoey’s investigations subcommittee, James Oliver Eastland (1904-1981), was M cClellan's partner in many ways. Both were conservative, Southern Democrats farther to the right than Clyde Hoey, and their political stance even t rivaled those of the group's more conservative Republicans. Eastland was born in Doddsville, Mississippi, on November 18, 1904, and attended the University of Mississippi, Vanderbilt University and the University of Alabama. "Jim" was a farmer and land-owner before passing the bar and winning election to the Mississippi House of Representatives by the age of twenty-six. In 1932, he returned to farming and practiced law until he was appointed to fill a vacancy in the U.S. Senate in 1941. The following year, he was elected in his own right, and in January 1943 began serving what would become seven terms. Eastland was renowned for his Dixiecrat stance against civil rights. Senate reporter Allen Drury described him in 1944 as "a youthful, round-faced, slow-talking gentleman with a deep devotion to the Constitution and States Rights," who did "his skillful best to keep civil-rights legislation from becoming the law of the land." Eastland made for good copy, apparently, in his pro-segregation efforts. face "beaming blandly and his figure drooped in its perpetual slouch," he reported that he and his "buddies from the great 340 His �Southland are all jest as busy as bees durin' recess, preparin’ no less than a thousan' amendments to the anti-poll tax bill . . . to take care of some of the peculiar No'then state laws."39 Like Lister Hill, moon-faced "Jim" had just won reelection by a broad margin in the May 1950 Democratic primary. He was "widely known as a bitter and vehement racist," and later, as chairman o f the Senate Judiciary Committee, would later denounce the Supreme Court for its 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision outlawing racial segregation, the implementation of which he fought for years thereafter in his home state. attitudes, as well. He was known for his vindictive In 1956, he would lead an inquiry into reports of Communism within the ranks of the New York Times staff, following the paper's strong and repeated attacks on his views.40 Eastland's xenophobia carried over into his foreign policy stance. Like his fellow member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, John McClellan, this rising star among Southern Democrats maintained an anti-internationalist voting record and supported numerous anti-com m unist measures in Congress.41 He would help secure the passage of McCarran's Internal Security Act over Truman's veto in September, after which he introduced the legislation (on behalf of an absent McCarran) authorizing a new subcommittee to oversee the Act's progress. Eastland's loyalty would earn him a spot on the new subcommittee, which McCarran chaired 341 �and which was set up only one week after the Hoey Committee would complete its work in December.42 Eastland was a staunch conservative, therefore, despite his nominal party label. Fiscally strict, he chaired a subcommittee of the Executive Expenditures Committee (comprised of Karl Mundt, Clyde Hoey and himself) to look into reducing government waste.43 He also worked with McClellan on several inquiries over the years, including one into the State Department's laxity in handling war-time postal correspondence.44 Eastland's presence on the Hoey Committee would well complement that of McClellan and Hoey; though Eastland never attended a single hearing, he did sign the concluding Report. HERBERT O'CONOR The only "Northern" Democrat on the 1950 Hoey Committee, Herbert Romulus O'Conor (1896-1960) was nonetheless from a border state (fittingly, his parents were from the town of Texas, M a ry lan d ).45 He often voted against Northern liberals in his own party, especially as the Cold War progressed. His political beliefs often placed him to the right of the moderate Republican on the Hoey Committee, M argaret Chase Smith, and in line with Southern Democrats Clyde Hoey, John McClellan and Jim Eastland. 342 �Born in Baltimore on November 17, 1896 to a family of Irish immigrants, O’Conor earned his bachelor's degree from Loyola College in 1917 (acting as class valedictorian); he also assisted his father's catering business for the 1912 Democratic Convention, and had started law school at the University of Maryland before war duties called. Following six-months' service in the U.S. Naval Reserve (for m ost of which he was stricken with influenza), he worked as a law reporter for a newspaper, married his high-school sweetheart, was admitted to the Maryland bar in 1919, and was appointed Assistant State's Attorney in 1921. Shortly before his twenty-seventh birthday he won his first of three elections to the office of State's Attorney, which he held for eleven years.46 O'Conor's fame arose from his record as a high-moralled criminal prosecutor. He specialized in prosecuting graft, fraud, corporate theft, money-laundering and other white-collar crimes. A teetotaler out of principle, he combined characteristics of "the self-righteous Puritan as well as the good Catholic," holding people personally responsible for their failures and lack of effort. He supported the death penalty out of a belief that society could not tolerate men who could "plan and scheme with the knowledge that there is no fearful bridle upon their darkest passions."47 O'Conor did differentiate between legal statutes and public morals, however. In 1927, he warned a police commissioner intent on 343 �ridding the town of "art" (pornography) magazines that law enforcement should neither "mold the taste nor determine the morals of the public." The State’s Attorney would enforce laws forbidding lewd, obscene or indecent publications, but he would not seek out interdictions on his own.48 He thus limited himself to holding people accountable under existing laws. O'Conor won election as Attorney General of Maryland in 1934, at a time when anti-New Deal Republicans won control of the state legislature. He ended up siding with the new majority in opposing the pump-priming measures of the Public Works Administration [PWA], though he was on friendly terms with Roosevelt. As Attorney General and later as Governor, O'Conor opposed the President's court-packing plan but backed his programs for Social Security, unemployment and dependent-children assistance. On the other hand, he fought plans for "socialized medicine" throughout his c a re e r.49 O'Conor was elected Governor in 1938 for what would be his first of two four-year terms. Upon taking office in January 1939, he raised liquor, alcohol, tobacco and personal income taxes (while lowering the property tax) in order to eliminate state mortgages and reduce the huge state debt. He promoted state draft-registration efforts and national-guard increases, broke with labor interests in support of the 1941 anti-sabotage bill, and supported America's 344 �pragmatic wartime alliance with atheistic Russia at the risk of offending non-interventionist Catholics.50 Though not racist or a white supremacist himself — unlike m ost of his predecessors — O'Conor accepted his state's system of segregation. Yet he endorsed Maryland's acquisition of its first college for Negroes and tactfully supported efforts to end racial discrimination in housing (now in short supply as the wartime Washington bureaucracy ballooned). He also let it be known that he was in favor of the Fair Employment Practices Commission (FEPC) and the appointment of more blacks to government positions.51 In 1946, O'Conor won a narrow victory to the Senate, profiting from a balanced budget, reduced state expenditures, and his support for veterans, labor and tax cuts — as well as his opponent's fortuitous ineptitude. In January 1947 he joined the Republican-led 80th Congress and became a member of both the Executive Expenditures and Civil Service Committees, sitting on several investigation su b c o m m itte e s.52 In foreign policy, O'Conor was a moderate internationalist. A seemingly tireless legislator, he assisted Senator Vandenberg in putting together the Greek-Turkey aid package. He also played a role in lifting the arms embargo on Israel in 1948 and backed Vice President Barkley's drive to have the new state admitted to the U.N. In the spring of 1950, O'Conor came out in support of Truman's Point 345 �IV, a foreign-aid program he thought would make America a "great beacon" in a world "threatened by forces that would mold all minds into a single, godless pattern." He criticized the size of U.N. bureaucracy, however, and of U.S. contributions to that body. In both the domestic and international arenas, he repeatedly stressed the importance of "economy in government" and the dangers of centralized bureaucracies.53 O'Conor displayed his independence of party on numerous occasions. He voted to override Truman's 1949 veto of the Taft-Hartley revision (betraying his own, previous support of labor) and would do the same with the Internal Security Act in September, 1950. His advocacy of fiscal economy in government led him to be the only Democrat of six Senators (including Ken Wherry and Styles Bridges) to sponsor the consolidation of the various appropriations bills — an idea which sounded good but later proved too complicated in practice. He also co-sponsored bills reducing the budget by up to twenty percent -- twice the figure usually offered by econom y-m inded legislators.54 O'Conor's involvement in anti-communism grew during the course of 1949 and 1950. Like fellow Democrat Jim Eastland, O'Conor had caught the attention of anti-communist Nevada Dem ocrat Pat McCarran, who invited the Maryland freshman to join the prestigious Judiciary Committee in March 1949 and would later deem him tough 346 �enough to serve on his Senate Internal Security Subcommittee (SISS), created in late 1950. McCarran appreciated O'Conor because he calmly "studied every bill that was due to come up for a vote" and "voted from conviction and not always according to 'instructions' handed down from someone else." His work on the Judiciary Committee and as a member of McCarran's Subcommittee to Investigate Immigration and Naturalization focused chiefly on reversing the flow of potential subversives into the country. He was a less strident anti-communist than McCarthyite Republicans, but he missed "a golden opportunity to play the larger role of discerning statesman" by declining to criticize the developing demagoguery of Joseph M cCarthy.55 O'Conor began to earn to ire of the White House in early 1950 when he exposed the existence of a 1944 report written by Henry Wallace which had criticized U.S. policy on China. Secretary of State Dean Acheson had left the document out of the administration's August 1949 exculpatory "White Paper on China" and had originally denied its existence. O'Conor's action highly embarrassed Acheson at a time when he was already coming under fire for his support of Alger Hiss. Though O'Conor firmly supported U.S. participation in N.A.T.O. and the U.N., he sided with Republicans who demanded that the President ask Congress before sending troops overseas.56 347 �In April 1950 remarks criticizing East Asian expert Owen Lattimore, O'Conor even attacked his fellow Maryland Democrat Senator Millard Tydings, who found himself defending the State Department from McCarthy's claim that Lattimore had seduced the "China hands" in the Department to abandon the Nationalists. Republican leaders in Congress, charging "whitewash," demanded Tydings' removal as inquiry chairman. When O’Conor lashed out at Lattimore, therefore, his remarks seemed especially directed against Tydings and other defenders of the administration.57 O’Conor's star was rising by June 1950, therefore, but not in ways pleasing to the White House or State Department. He had gained a reputation as a "good interrogator, not allowing a witness to wander off the subject or evade the import of the question," and he was respected for his legislative efficiency.58 His independence, however, would earn him the growing antipathy of Truman, who viewed him more as a friend of conservative Democrats and R epublicans. KARL MUNDT South Dakotan Karl E. Mundt (1900-1974), as a member of the House Un-American Activities Committee, had used the fame of Hiss-Chambers hearings to help clinch his successful run for the Senate in 1948. As previously noted, Mundt was a populist, 348 �anti-communist Republican in the style but not the intensity of Joe McCarthy. No less ambitious than Kenneth Wherry in his attempts to revitalize the Republican Party with a new generation of younger men like himself, he envisioned a grand alliance of Republicans and Southern Democrats to defeat Truman and "stop the trend toward socialism." Fiscally, however, he was a moderate, and was even called a hypocrite for advocating federal anti-communist efforts.59 In the spring of 1950, Mundt reintroduced the bill he and Richard Nixon first promulgated two years earlier to outlaw the Communist Party. This time, Mundt enlisted arch-conservative Homer Ferguson in co-sponsoring the bill, which became one of several measures competing for the Senate's attention amidst the Tydings investigation (of which Mundt was a member) and the growing fears of Communist infiltration of the State Departm ent.60 He also served on the same District of Columbia Appropriations Subcommittee that had authorized the Hill-W herry inquiry and had approved the full-scale probe into homosexuals in governm ent employment. Mundt used his friendship with outgoing Assistant Secretary of State for Personnel John Peurifoy to a distinct partisan advantage. The Senator ostensibly praised Peurifoy's admission of 202 undesirables fired from the State Department but misquoted Peurifoy, claiming that his admission indicated "that SINCE YALTA over two hundred disloyal Communist operatives" had been removed 349 �(the point of Peurifoy's statement, however, was that 91 of the 202 had not been removed on suspicion of Communist activities, but for moral reasons!). Mundt went on to insert his correspondence with Peurifoy into the Senate record as a means of exposing the administration's blunders (i.e. to underline the admission that thirteen had been reemployed) in the homosexual inquiry. The North Dakotan reflected both partisan politics and congressional paranoia in his threats to repeat the public files war that McCarthy had waged in the Tydings Committee; he did not believe that the federal agencies would give "an accurate account of what was in the files" on homosexual employees.61 On a personal level, however, Mundt toned down references to his Hoey Committee membership. His public resumes detailed his role as Acting Chairman of HUAC's Hiss-Chambers inquiry, but his participation in the Executive Expenditures' investigatory body received little if no mention at all, even in the context of the 1949 "five percenters" probe.62 Mundt had the political interest but not the public braggadocio of Kenneth Wherry, therefore, as the Hoey Committee began its new investigation. ANDREW SCHOEPPEL Due to his seniority within the full Executive Expenditures Committee, this taciturn Kansan and friend of Kenneth Wherry took 350 �Joseph McCarthy's place on the 1950 Hoey investigations subcommittee after McCarthy bowed out due to conflict of interest. Schoeppel's political stance and background should have led him to play an active role, though he proved to be a lackluster member. Andrew Frank Schoeppel (pronounced "SHEP-el") had been raised on a farm near Claflin, in western Kansas, where he was born on November 23, 1894. He attended University of Kansas for two years but left to join the U.S. Naval Reserve Flying Force in 1917. Following the war, he tried running part of his father's farm, but a crop failure forced him to find work with an Omaha publishing firm .63 He returned to his schooling (and was an All-American footballer) at the University of Nebraska, where he graduated two years behind Kenneth Wherry in 1923. Subsequently, he became a partner in a law firm which represented petroleum and natural gas developers around the county, and he eventually formed a partnership to develop an oil well himself.64 In Ness City, Kansas, he served as city and county attorney, mayor, school-board member and even interim junior-college football coach. Unquestionably masculine, the "tall, rugged, tanned plainsman" was known for his firm handshakes and friendly attitude.65 Shriner; A lifelong Methodist, he was also a Mason and a he was married but without children. An advocate of unfettered private business, Schoeppel found himself drafted into politics for most of his career. 351 He was first �appointed against his wishes in the mid-193Qs as a candidate for county representative to the state G.O.P. convention. seven votes even though he had refused to campaign. He lost by only In 1939, the Republican governor recognized the power of his backers, and named him chairman of the Kansas Corporation Commission. Schoeppel used this experience to run as a dark-horse candidate for Governor of Kansas in 1942 on a platform of fiscal conservatism and "Americanism." He bested three established Republican leaders in the primary and the Democratic challenger in November, after tireless stumping around the state. Serving two terms (1943-47), he stressed strict economy for the war-time civilian government (canceling his inaugural parades, for example), supported antiProhibition liquor interests in the name of free enterprise, resumed capital punishment but pardoned a long-serving, convicted embezzler, and otherwise chose not to take the initiative with the highly partisan legislature. Supporters noted how appropriate it was that the Governor's middle name was "Frank," since it fit his management style. A friend of business and staunch opponent of organized labor, Governor Schoeppel, in 1945, had urged a quick conversion to a peacetime economy in which "the greatest possible degree" of assistance should be given "to the manufacture of the goods and commodities of peace." He was "a firm believer in sound, efficient and clean government" without "needless duplication" of state and federal efforts — leading him to oppose, among other 352 �projects, Roosevelt's idea of a government-sponsored water and power system for the Missouri River.66 Needless to say, such an obvious enemy of "centralization-minded" New Deal spending programs was a boon to the resurgent Republican Party in 1948. Schoeppel had tried to retire to work in a W ichita law firm after the completion of his second term in 1947, but the G.O.P. tapped him to run against a popular, five-term Democratic incumbent, Arthur Capper. Despite labor opposition and former presidential candidate A lf Landon's comment that the oil-industry lawyer was "an errand boy for the big utilities," Schoeppel defeated his eighty-two-year-old opponent and began his Senate service (like Karl Mundt and Margaret Chase Smith) in January 1949.67 The Kansan's low seniority prevented him from receiving a spot on the Senate Armed Forces, Judiciary, or Agriculture and Forestry Committees, but he was appointed on the Interior and Insular Affairs Committee, which dealt with conservation and reclam ation problems. He also received a position on the Executive Expenditures Committee, where he sought "to make his demands for governmental economy more effective" and to encourage enactment of the Hoover plans.68 Like Mundt, he was also a member of the District of Columbia appropriations subcommittee, which had voted to request the full-scale Senate inquiry into the homosexual issue. 353 �A member of Robert Taft's wing of the Republican Party, Schoeppel developed a notably anti-internationalist voting record despite his post-election claim that "Isolationism is dead." His desire for a strong military did not prevent him from seeking "the removal of the terrific military load, a destructing expense which leaves people confused and fearful." Though, as the son of a Czechoslovak immigrant, he opposed any semblance of totalitarianism abroad, he backed Joe McCarthy in the Tydings Committee investigation, reiterating the need to limit "socialistic" government spending even after the beginning of the Korean conflict.69 Schoeppel would prove less of a success than Wherry in his anti-communism. His efforts to bolster the Republicans' anti-communist crusade would backfire when his September 1950 accusations that Interior Secretary Oscar Chapman was a Communist sympathizer turned out to be based on erroneous information. A "freshman Senator who ha[d] hitherto basked in the special obscurity reserved for most legislators in their first year or two in Washington," one critic observed, Schoeppel appeared to "descend out of a clear sky and pounce on Chapman." Even Robert Taft ended up chastising Schoeppel over the sloppiness of the accusations. He stood accused of "shameful" and "reckless" McCarthyism against a Cabinet member who had firmly and positively supported labor and civil rights.70 It might be more accurate, therefore, to describe the 354 �Kansan as a loyal and stern, though potentially sloppy, critic of the Trum an adm inistration and State Department. MARGARET CHASE SMITH The only woman in the Senate in 1950, Senator Smith was the m ost liberal member of the Hoey investigatory subcommittee despite her official party affiliation as a Republican. Like Senator Hoey, she was distinguished by the red flower she wore on her lapel — only hers was a rose, while his was a carnation.71 Their other differences were not so subtle. Margaret Madeline Chase was born in Skowhegan, Maine, on December 14, 1897, to a family of moderate means. She worked her way through high school, serving as secretary during her senior year for the town's chief councilman and former Sheriff, Clyde H. Smith (1878-1940). After graduating from high school, "Miss Chase" taught in a one-room schoolhouse and worked as a telephone switchboard operator, experiences which gave her a lifelong appreciation for the basic rights of labor and women. At the age of twenty-two, she joined the staff of the local newspaper, the Independent R eporter. During her eight years there, she organized a local chapter of the Federation of Business and Professional Women's Club, and soon became president of the entire state federation. 355 �Her rise to politics began in 1928, when she took a job as office manager of a local woolen mill run by her former town-council employer, Clyde Smith. Following their marriage in 1930, Margaret assisted him in his work in local and state politics, serving as a member of the Maine Republican State Committee and, after his election to Congress in 1936, as his personal secretary. His unexpected death in the spring of 1940 propelled her into office. Running as "Margaret Chase Smith," she won the special election to serve the remainder of his term and was reelected for four, two-year terms in subsequent elections. In 1948, she successfully ran in would be her first of an eventual four elections to the U.S. Senate and became the third-ever female Senator (and first woman elected to both Houses of Congress), on January 3, 1949.72 Smith maintained a moderate political stance and was often labeled a maverick within her own party. She voted contrary to the most Republican legislators to support Roosevelt’s selective service and lend-lease bills, successfully rallied votes to defeat G.O.P.-proposed cuts in day-care appropriations for working parents, and voted with Democrats against an anti-strike bill, a social security tax-freeze and H.U.A.C. funding (preferring the F.B.I. to do the job). Tempted to support an amendment to the Taft-Hartley Act of 1947 which would have eliminated the injunction clause, she responded in the end to a personal appeal from Taft and voted against the 356 �measure; she later also voted against the Democrats' 1949 attempt to repeal Taft-Hartley. Doubts about her party loyalty, however, led Maine's other Senator, Owen Brewster, to openly oppose her Senate candidacy, calling her a "New Dealer right from the start."73 After hesitating at times, Senator Smith became a proponent of the United Nations and American military intervention overseas. From 1943 to 1946, she was a member of the House Naval Affairs Committee, and she would later serve as a Lieutenant Colonel in the Air Force Reserves (1950-58). In 1949, though she had voted in favor of the North Atlantic Treaty, she initially voted to cut foreign aid, but later broke with her Republican colleagues in support of Truman's Point IV (technical assistance), the seventy-group air force, and American bases in Franco’s Spain. She kept her "fingers crossed" about quickly resolving the Korean conflict in the summer of 1950, but openly doubted whether the Nationalist Chinese regime was "worth saving or not."74 The tough-minded yet glamorous, socially moderate Maine Republican was also a champion of civil rights. A co-sponsor of the Equal Rights Amendment in 1945, she became a student of female employm ent patterns and sponsored the Army-Navy Permanent Nurse Corps Act, which Truman signed in April, 1947. She lobbied unsuccessfully to allow women to serve in the regular armed forces, 357 �where she also opposed racial segregation. Her efforts won her the title of 1949 "Woman of the Year" from the Associated Press,75 A fiscal conservative, Smith was a strong advocate of reducing federal expenditures. She had, in fact, sought to serve on the Executive Expenditures Committee's investigatory body out of a desire to root out waste and corruption in government, what she called "public immorality." She also served on the District of Columbia Appropriations Committee, with Lister Hill, Kenneth Wherry and others, where she helped to keep the capital area's budget within moderate means. A friend of Hill and on good terms with Wherry, she had voted to accept the Hill-Wherry report and for the full-scale Senate investigation of homosexuals.76 Smith combined fiscal conservatism and foreign-policy internationalism with an advocacy of individual rights and the freedom of speech. She shied away from supporters of Joe McCarthy, becoming more and more disgusted with the W isconsin populist's tactics. She was nearly alone among fellow Republicans in feeling compelled to condemn his smears, which she did in a speech on June 1, 1950, quietly read from the floor of the Senate on behalf of herself and five other G.O.P. moderates. The courageous address, presented before a scowling McCarthy, was one of the few public attacks against his methods by a member of his own party.77 358 �In her "Declaration of Conscience" speech, Smith deplored the fact that some of her (unnamed) colleagues had "debased" the Senate "to the level of a forum of hate and character assassination sheltered by the shield of Congressional immunity." She reminded her fellow Senators that the Constitution spoke "not only of the freedom of speech but also of trial by jury instead of trial by accusation." Warning that the country was being "psychologically divided by the confusion and the suspicions" bred in the Senate, she declared that the "American people" were "sick and tired of being afraid to speak their minds lest they be politically smeared as 'Communists' or 'Fascists'." Voicing her shock "at the way Republicans and Democrats alike [we]re playing directly into the Communist design of 'confuse, divide and conquer,"' she echoed President Truman's admonition of March to the effect that McCarthy, Wherry and Bridges were unwitting tools of Stalin. Indeed, "it would ultimately be suicide" for the GOP and two-party rule should the Senate continue its "irresponsible sensationalism ." Smith did make numerous concessions in her speech to those who might accuse her of turning liberal. Reflecting her genuine feelings as an anti-communist, she repeatedly attacked the administration for having "lost the confidence" of the country "by its complacency to the threat of Communism here at home and the leak of vital secrets to Russia through key officials" — this last, a common Republican euphemism for Alger Hiss and others still under investigation in the 359 �spring of 1950.78 In the end, however, she was equally critical of potential Democratic attempts at "whitewash" and "coverup" and of Republican "smear or witch hunt." In the line which newspaper accounts most quoted, she said she did not want "to see the Republican party ride to political victory on the four horsemen of calumny -- fear, ignorance, bigotry and smear." Most of Smith's colleagues, needless to say, were not pleased with her repudiation of McCarthy, despite her repeated attacks on the Truman administration. She would "pay a price in increased distrust of her liberalism by the Old Guard wing of her party" even though the Senate Foreign Relations Committee voted unanimously to discontinue its investigation into McCarthy's attacks on the State D e p a rtm e n t.79 Her apostasy would not be forgotten. Senator Smith, in fact, personally experienced a type of sexualized McCarthyism since the late 1920s. Rumors in Maine of the childless Smith's lesbianism had been dismissed as a smear even by her sometimes-opponent and fellow-M aine Republican, Senator Owen Brewster. Her well-known premarital affair with her late husband also helped to discount such politically inspired gossip. It was also common knowledge that the widowed senator quietly lived in Silver Spring, Maryland, with her secretary, longtime friend and "compagnon de coeur," retired Army officer William Chesley "Bill" Lewis, Jr. As the lone woman in the Senate, Smith had to fight the 360 �personal sexism of her male colleagues as well as the institutional sexism inherent in Congress.80 These experiences gave her a certain sense of sympathy for the outsider, a sympathy which she would bring to the 1950 Hoey Committee. Of course, Smith could herself indulge in occasional partisanship, though she was indeed aware of the delicacy surrounding discussion of the homosexual issue. Claiming that executive sessions should be used "only to avoid smearing innocent people," in 1949 she had joined McCarthy and Mundt in pressing Senator Hoey to continue the hearings on the 'Five-Percenters' which were embarrassing the President. Smith agreed, however, that the homosexual inquiry should be executive-session hearings. It is no surprise that Senator Hoey later praised her as "one of the most valuable members of the Senate" due to her "sense, judgment, wisdom and discretion."81 Indeed, fame of Smith's courage and discretion preceded her before the homosexual inquiry. In the April 1950 House debate over the homosexual aspects of the summary-dismissal bill, one congressman recalled how, in 1940, Smith had urged "public education" on the venereal-disease issue — im plicit praise for her goal of educating the public through open discussion of taboo subjects, but also for her fearlessness in raising questions which her older, male colleagues might have hesitated to ask. Smith firmly but politely refused Hoey's offer to receive only transcripts of the 361 �homosexual inquiry. Her motive, in words of columnist Drew Pearson, "was to see that the probe [wa]s conducted in a dignified manner." And since Hoey had a proven record of "doing a fair- minded job," Pearson implied Smith's fellow Republicans were perhaps the ones whom she felt obliged to balance. W hatever the case, Smith know that the inquiry into "The Perverts" (her phrase) was one which must be handled with care.82 CHIEF COUNSEL FLANAGAN How objective was the Hoey Committee staff in its investigation of the homosexual issue? There is considerable evidence that one vital participant, chief counsel "Frip" Flanagan, had already made up his m in d .83 In his capacity as legal advisor, Flanagan would often meet with liaisons from the White House and the various Federal agencies. He had an important role in influencing what type of information and which witnesses would come before the Committee. The State Department got the impression early on that Flanagan had "already concluded that homosexuals should not be employed in government under any circumstances and that doubt should always be resolved in favor of the government." Indeed, Flanagan revealed that his staff was going to some length "in developing the medical side of the problem" — indicating the Committee would be presented with testimony damaging to the cause of homosexual employees. 362 �Flanagan also asked the State Department to provide "examples of homosexuals' tendency to locate employment with others of their kind in the same agencies" — a presumption of 'guilt by association' previously seen in the anti-communist witchhunts and in Congressman Miller's statements that homosexual "birds of a feather flocked together." The State Department would later confirm such an assumption, enabling it to become a mantra which, as shall be seen, pervaded the Hoey Committee's thinking through to the end.84 White House Assistant Steve Spingarn also got the impression that Flanagan was biased against homosexuals. Spingarn, who became Senator Hoey's White House liaison, expressed concern that Flanagan had "pre-judged one of the central issues that the Subcommittee ha[d] to decide, namely, how serious the threat [wa]s of the homosexual employees." Medical specialists with whom Flanagan spoke stressed the large percentage in the general population of those with "homosexual tendencies" but declined to comment on the security-risk aspect. Flanagan thus sought to have security specialists testify first before the Hoey Committee since he felt the doctors lacked "a practical approach" to the matter, Spingarn re p o rte d .85 Furthermore, Flanagan seemed to lack credible proof of homosexual spy cases. Spingarn asked him "What documentation do you have that [the homosexual] is a particularly bad security risk?" 363 �Flanagan replied, "Well, it's funny. I haven’t been able to find anything on this country," and could only offer an old case (learned via the C.I.A.) that a World War I-era Austrian colonel had been blackmailed by the Russians. Nonetheless, Flanagan "seemed convinced that homosexualism represented] a serious security threat" and even "the most serious security threat of all." Spingarn's wartime counter-espionage experience, however, had taught him that "other types of security risks" were actually "more dangerous than the homosexual." He recalled that a homosexual's "compulsive aberration" was then "so minor" by law that he would have been able to "post $25 or $50 collateral and forfeit that, and that was the end of it" — a view he expressed to the chief counsel at their first m e e tin g .86 Spingarn tried hard but ultimately tried in vain to convince Flanagan of an alternate viewpoint. The Chief Counsel engaged in a futile fight, himself, against a W hite House intent on safeguarding executive-branch privileges. Flanagan requested to the heads of government agencies for "information from [thei]r files concerning known or suspected homosexuals" who were currently on their payroll, had "been dismissed" or were "otherwise known to the Department." The request placed the Hoey Committee in the same position the Tydings Committee had found itself in March — asking for something the President had repeatedly stated he would not provide on grounds of 364 �confidentiality. Truman's advisors also firmly opposed the release of personnel files to the Committee.87 Flanagan's overture functioned as a mere formality, therefore, but this time he threatened to play hardball with the State Department, the agency whose public image stood the most to lose from a public investigation. On June 20, 1950, he met with State's Chief of Departmental Personnel, Mr. Arch Jean, who reported to Assistant Secretary Peurifoy that Flanagan knew he had "a disagreeable job to perform," was ready "to conduct an intelligent, non-political investigation," and was "searching for ways and means to accomplish this task without fanfare and without embarrassment to the agencies or the people involved." Even so, Flanagan warned that "unless the files were released to the Committee the investigation would reduce itself to a fiasco, and in such event, the Department of State specifically would suffer in the eyes of the public."88 The State Department went on warning that its reputation might be at risk from what was to follow. Despite such pressure, the President remained true to form and refused the Hoey Committee's request. Later that same day (June 20), the W hite House announced to the press that it would not provide access to the employee files of "known sex perverts." If the Committee requested information on a specified individual, it would receive the personnel file "stripped of all investigative reports." 365 �Requests for "all known perverts" in an agency would be "rejected o u trig h t."89 Since this move potentially left the committee with no substantive data, Flanagan responded with a more realistic set of requests. After repeated guarantees that the committee had "no intention" to "publish or otherwise make known the names of the individuals involved,” he made the suggestion (one that Senator Hoey also endorsed) that the committee create a "central card index on suspected or known homosexuals in government" from all existing agency and police files. The Hoey Committee would examine the list and then turn it over to either the F.B.I. or Civil Service Commission, who would maintain it as a "central clearing house" to ensure no reemployment of firees -- an arrangement, one should note, that would plug Senator Wherry's noted loophole.90 The White House turned the suggestion down, however, since the Civil Service Commission already possessed a type of master list it had compiled during the W herry-Hill inquiry. The Hoey Committee, therefore, would be restricted to using abstracts of lists (i.e. statistics, not names) created by the adm inistration.91 Hoey resisted relinquishing his prerogatives, however, at the June 28th meeting. In an apparent rivalry over which organization could provide the best sense of neutrality, Justice Department legal counsel Peyton Ford had earlier offered to have Justice compile the statistics, 366 �but Hoey sought to have his own staff do it, or perhaps the Civil Service Commission. White House Assistant Murphy preferred the Commission and reminded the Senator that the President wanted to avoid being blamed for refusing access (as had happened with the loyalty files).92 In the end, Hoey reluctantly agreed to have the Commission compile and forward the requisite information (which, due to bureaucratic difficulties, the Hoey Committee would not receive until October). Arrest records, however, were part of the public domain and thus beyond the scope of the President's non-disclosure directives; the W hite House confirmed to D.C. Police Superintendent Barrett that the administration approved of his full cooperation with Hoey,93 The Committee would receive this bone as a consolation prize. Additionally, the White House firmly rejected Flanagan's idea to investigate the Civil Service Commission itself. Flanagan sought to "determine the efficacy of the present methods of handling homosexual cases," using as his point of leverage the individuals whom Commissioner Mitchell had had to admit were found to have been reemployed. White House assistants rejected this idea, since M itchell had already accounted for the thirteen, and punishing mid-level supervisors for the oversight would not solve the rehire problem in general.94 Once again, there was a fine line between 367 �protecting the administration's cooperative image and ensuring that Congress would not be allowed to recreate a witchhunt mentality. Extensive debate ensued over whether the Hoey Committee hearings would be open to the public. Out of his desire to avoid a media circus, Senator Hoey had previously insisted that the hearings would be closed. Flanagan, however, sought at least one open session "to satisfy some of the more politically minded members of the Committee," although he claimed privately that he hoped "to convince the Committee that such would not be desirable." Justice Department counsel Peyton Ford was "rather strongly inclined to the view that the medical testimony should be public." W hite House advisors were initially split, some desiring all executive sessions and others considering opening the initial medical testimony as a form of public education on the issue. They mulled it over for a week before reaching a decision for closed hearings.95 Hoey primarily sought to "not wobble back and forth between public hearings and executive sessions according to the pressure of the moment as the Tydings Subcommittee ha[d] done." After two meetings with Spingarn, he finally agreed to risk taking the heat from the group's Republicans (especially Mundt) by placing all the hearings in executive session.96 Flanagan prevailed on a minor point of strategy, however, by getting the Senator to schedule the potentially confusing medical witnesses after the security officers' firm ly removal-oriented testimony. 368 �C O N T R A D IC T IO N S W IT H IN T H E A D M IN IS T R A T IO N Faced with this group of Senators and their legal counsel, what could the administration do to keep the "pervert probe" objective and respectful, yet productive? To be sure, it could point to the encouraging testimony of the mental-health expert who had appeared before the W herry-Hill preliminary investigation. We will note that his voice would be heard by the Hoey Committee but was ultimately ignored. Moreover, voices from the State Department would counter-balance those of the more pragmatic Spingarn in the W hite House, magnifying the basic tenor of Flanagan's prejudices. Flanagan and the Hoey Committee faced potential disagreem ent w ithin the ranks of government "experts" on the subject of homosexuality. Dissent from the homophobic military and medical establishm ent arose in the form of a short-lived seminar sponsored by the government's medical-health wing. The example of this seminar shows how confusing the issue was to many government officials, and demonstrates the futility of trying to check the psychopathology model in official practice. In order to educate security personnel on the issue of homosexuals in government, the Federal Security Agency (F.S.A.) had set up a seminar entitled "Perversion AmGng Government W orkers." As the conservative W ashington Tim es-H erald reported with some hyperbole, the "school for scandal — as many in attendance freely 369 �called it" was designed to help train "key personnel men" from each agency's security division on how best to "deal with recent revelations" that their ranks were "shot through with sex perversion." The seminar was "conducted in three jam -packed sections," according to the paper's source, a "graduate of the course" who spoke anonymously. The class "featured lectures by experts in the field of abnormal psychology" led by an "F.S.A. psychiatrist."97 Who was this mysterious government official who seemed to support a less-paranoid treatment of homosexuals? A later newspaper article revealed him to be the founding director of the National Institute of Mental Health, Dr. Robert H. Felix, who had given the Hill-Wherry subcommittee an estimate of four percent as the possible proportion of homosexuals in the nation's capital.98 A native of Kansas, Felix earned bachelor and medical degrees from the University of Colorado and a master's degree in public health from Johns Hopkins University. He joined the Public Health Service (PHS) in 1933, worked for three years as an assistant surgeon at a federal prison in Missouri, then became a psychiatrist at a PHS facility for the treatment of narcotics addiction. During the Second W orld War, he was a psychiatrist and later senior medical officer at the U.S. Coast Guard Academy; in 1944, he was named assistant hospital chief of the Bureau of Medical Services, in Washington, D.C., and soon rose to be chief of the Bureau's mental hygiene division. 370 �As a nationally known authority and college lecturer on mental hygiene, clinical psychiatry and chemical addictions, Felix helped guide through Congress one of Senator Lister Hill's proudest legislative achievements, the 1946 Mental Health Act which established the National Institutes of Health. Following up on his appearance before the Hill-W herry subcommittee, Felix would display his expertise on addictive-behavior therapy in regards to homosexuality before the Hoey Committee in J u ly ." Felix's seminar, however, only confused some attendees by trying to balance the need for compassion against the priority to safeguard security. Personnel chiefs had attended "with the idea they'd get some concrete guidance on policy to be followed in the employment of perverts," but to their dismay, all many of them learned "was that it's supposed to be okay to keep queers on in non-sensitive jobs." One participant reported that the "F.S.A. man"provided a "lot of fol-de-rol about what makes one man like this and another like that." He expressed shock that the doctor confessed that "he didn't think it was ill-advised to keep these people on in non-sensitive jobs, 'provided they don't get arrested too much’ in connection with their behavior." The informant sarcastically reported that while Felix admitted that "we shouldn't keep perverts in sensitive jobs," he pointed out that "inasmuch as perverts themselves are pretty 371 �sensitive perhaps we shouldn’t hurt their feelings by letting them know they’re not in sensitive jobs."100 The other paper to report on the seminar, W ashington Post. presented a more objective version. Dr. Felix was identified and quoted as stating that "the criterion for firing Federal employees should be the discredit they reflect on the Government," not the fact that they were "homosexuals, or alcoholics, or gamblers" — in other words, not because of society’s moral and legal prejudice against them. While he focused his attention on the "psychological makeup" of homosexuals, Felix also referred to "promiscuous persons" of all sexual behaviors, suggesting that "none of these persons should be in sensitive positions."101 The Post account thus glossed over the confusion and antagonism expressed by the T im e s -H e ra ld 's source. If the latter can be taken as representative of security adm inistrators, the governm ent's attem pt at constraining the "pervert purge" clearly failed. Felix's foray into "progressive" psychology regarding sexual "aberration" fell as flat. If someone was a security risk, for at least one "perversion" seminar attendee there was little, if any, need for compassion. Dr. Felix was, perhaps, naive in presuming that security personnel could conceive of how homosexuals could perform government jobs as long as they were safeguarded from blackmailers. At least he had the courage, however, to suggest it to those whose natural inclination 372 �was to act first and appreciate psychology later. W hite House Assistant Herbert Maletz even reminded fellow staffer Steve Spingarn ~ in an obvious reference to Felix — that "prominent government psychiatrists, especially those connected with the United States Public Health Service," were "of the view that there is no cure" for hom osexuality.102 The fact that the issue was being discussed by the government’s official authority on medicine and psychology illustrates the range of options considered at some levels. Nevertheless, as far as the Hoey Committee was concerned, any serious debate over "sensitive" versus "non-sensitive" jobs was doomed from the start due to prejudice against "perverts." The Committee would fail to consider seriously any differentiation between levels of jobs a "pervert" could hold without compromising national security. Felix would be a lone voice for greater tolerance when he appeared before the Committee in July. Apart from Felix’s controversial seminar, what other mechanisms were there in place for handling the "problem of homosexuality" in federal employment? Would the White House and State Department, in particular, prove obstructionist or helpful in completing a m eaningful inquiry? Contrary to the expectations of Republicans such as Karl Mundt, the administration did seek to work with the Hoey Committee in various ways. President Truman advised Under-Secretary James 373 �Webb to tell Senator Hoey that "he was sure" the Committee and the Executive Branch "could find a proper basis for cooperation." Truman also agreed to have his assistants Charlie Murphy and Steve Spingarn join Webb in meeting with Senator Hoey on "to discuss the necessary problems involving this cooperation," and it was later agreed that Spingarn "would act as liaison man" with Hoey. The incoming Assistant Secretary of State for Personnel, Carlisle Humelsine, would also assist in the inquiry. The White House would coordinate the compilation of statistical data — a key concession on the "files war" which would provide the Hoey Committee its strongest ammunition for the charge that the administration was negligent in thwarting possible use of homosexuals by espionage agents.103 Who were the State Department's point men for the Hoey Committee, and what were their positions on the homosexuality issue? One man who would not play a role was Assistant Secretary of State for Personnel John Peurifoy, who was preparing to leave Washington as Ambassador to Greece after having reaped the reward for his years of faithful service in the trench-warfare atmosphere of Washington (though as a "good old boy" he had always been on friendly terms with members of Congress, including Karl M undt.104 Substituting for Peurifoy was the interim personnel director for the State Departm ent, Under-Secretary James W ebb.105 As it happened, the Under-Secretary would meet twice with Senator Hoey and 374 �committee counsel Frip Flanagan to work out the objectives, procedures and parameters of the inquiry. Webb was ably assisted by various men within the State Department. Director of Consular Affairs Samuel D. Boykin had frequently been called before Congressional committees to explain the Department's anti-subversive efforts. He often coordinated overseas personnel policy with his fellow Alabamian, Haywood P. M a rtin .106 Other administrators would participate as needed, along with the various White House assistants — chiefly Stephen Spingarn (in charge of civil rights matters) and Charlie Murphy (legislative coordinator with Congress).107 The most active coordinator of the State Department's efforts to cooperate with the Hoey Committee was a relative newcomer to the homosexual issue. Incoming Assistant Secretary for Personnel Carlisle H. Humelsine (1915-1989) had graduated from the University of Maryland in 1937 and had worked his way to the level of colonel in the Army by 1945. Assigned to the General Staff Secretariat, he served as assistant to then-Army Chief of Staff General George C. Marshall, managing Marshall's communications at the Quebec, Yalta and Potsdam conferences. Humelsine moved with Marshall into the Office of the Secretary of State in 1947 and acted as the contact person between the Secretary of State, the Under Secretary and the two Deputy Under Secretaries. 375 In February, 1950, �he moved up to Deputy Under-Secretary for Administration, with the expectation that he would soon succeed Assistant Secretary Peurifoy. Humelsine was lauded as having handled state secrets for ten years "all without a leak." Married and with two children, the thirty-five-year-old would become the youngest member of the Department hierarchy upon his confirmation by the Senate on July 26, 1950.108 Known as a tough administrator, Humelsine sought to deflect charges that the State Department had been "soft" on subversives. He had testified before Congress about his efforts to reduce State Department bureaucracy, and would soon add to the sense of drama surrounding the "pervert probe" by disclosing to the Hoey Committee in mid-July 1950 that the figures given by his predecessor were too low; the number of "ousted homosexuals" from the Department had actually risen to 105 from 91, with six more "under intensive investigation" and another twenty "awaiting investigation as a result of serious allegation[s] concerning their m orals."109 The new A ssistant Secretary undoubtedly intended to establish his credentials as an official firmly committed to cleaning house as quickly, openly and efficiently as possible, a type of "forward defense" soon mimicked by other agencies. Other than protecting departmental personnel files, he otherwise fully supported the work of the Hoey Committee, never voicing a single complaint or questioning (as did 376 �Dr. Felix and others) the distinctions made between sensitive and non-sensitive positions. His actions, therefore, could also be judged a well-intended collusion with the very people who were mounting an incendiary and damaging attack on the integrity of the government. By the time of Webb's meetings with Senator Hoey, the Under-Secretary had been amply supplied with m aterial regarding the State Department's policy on homosexuality, notably, a threepage "background paper" by Carlisle Humelsine. Replete with some of the worst current stereotypes about 'perverts,' Humelsine's uncritical recitation of the 'studies' of various 'experts' reveals the types of 'truth' accepted by government officials who relied solely on the homophobic medical professionals of the day. He also advised Webb on how to coach the Hoey Committee with an outline of objectives which made a pretense of objectivity but was, in fact, equally homophobic in its preordained conclusions. Humelsine began his paper by noting the ubiquitous presence of hom osexuality throughout history, remarking that hom osexuals came "from all walks of life and all strata o f society" — a potentially neutral statement supported by Kinsey’s data. He then retreated to an old hypothesis, however, citing "studies" which purported "to relate the strong rise of homosexuality with the accompanying decline of the Egyptian, Greek and Roman Empires." He also quoted "some experts" who argued that cultures which had condoned 377 �hom osexuality had "emasculated" themselves — with unstated implications for Cold War America.110 Humelsine went on to defend the Department's efforts to weed out homosexuals. He admitted to widespread ignorance of the situation among security officers. Only when administrators like John Peurifoy appeared, had the "problem of homosexuality" been dealt with in a "forthright manner." Humelsine lauded his predecessor for finding one particular homosexual who alerted the Department to the existence of others "on the Department rolls." He was proud of the fact that the Department had two, full-time investigators from the Security Division to detect homosexuals; an investigator would eliminate "possible malicious charges" and inquire about a suspect’s friends, habits, and police records. Surveillance usually followed and "in all cases" a personal interview by the investigator and often by the regional security chief. Once a person admitted being a homosexual, "separation" was "prom pt."311 Humelsine's own biases are further revealed in his commentary on the Department's experience with homosexual employees. In his view, homosexuals were "neurotic, characterized by emotional instability," and revealing of "a type of regression to man's primitive instincts." They lived "a life of flight from their inversion and of fear of [overt] homosexuals." Nonetheless, they reportedly gathered in parks and bars, "consorted" together (allowing for suspicion of 378 �roommates and friends), "disassociate[d] themselves" from family, and ”develop[ed] strong hate fixations" on parents, siblings, "or on all members of the opposite sex."112 This mixture of theories of Momism and gender-identity underdevelopm ent aptly reflected the homophobic professional thinking of the day. Humelsine went to some lengths to explain why homosexuals were unsuitable for federal employment. In the first place, they created a "morale problem" (since "normal" men would not want to work with them) and were "often suicidal" due to the fear of losing their job, friends and family if "exposed." They "indulged" in acts of "abhorrent and repugnant" promiscuity in a "paltry and endless gesture at a happiness they never realize,"113 Humelsine never entertained the thought that homosexuals were not a llo w e d to realize their happiness due to society's biases, which he portrayed as a rational response to the homosexual’s inherent nature, itself. Not one word of criticism appeared, in fact, about society's negative views. Humelsine only noted the "sharp variance" within the medical profession as to "the cause and the possibility of cure of homosexuality." Those who thought the condition "congenital" maintained there was "no cure" while those who though it "acquired" contended that homosexuals can be saved. Regardless of diagnosis, however, the latter prognosis was never questioned since Humelsine believed that "most homosexuals" were weak, unstable and fickle 379 �people who fear[ed] detection and who [ws]re therefore susceptible to the wanton designs of others."114 Such a diagnosis explained why homosexuals seemed prone to employment in the State Department. Their tendency to "leave their family and childhood surroundings in an attempt to create a pseudo-cultural background" led them to overseas service, where they could "attract other homosexual friends" and would face fewer "chances of detection." fears were groundless. But even Humelsine admitted that conspiracy "We have no evidence," he concluded, that the "designs of others have caused a breach of the security of the D e p a rtm e n t."115 Humelsine's background memo stands out as the single-m ost damaging evidence against any claim that the U.S. government tried to mount a balanced inquiry into homosexuals in the summer of 1950. Even if he did not compile the memo himself, Humelsine presented it to Webb — who passed it on to the Senator Hoey on June 28th — and repeated its views, himself, before the Hoey Committee in mid-July. The document, therefore, can be taken as Department policy as well as his own conclusions about homosexuality. Humelsine further outlined the perspective of the Department in another memo to Webb about how the latter should encourage the Hoey Committee to proceed. He recommended that the Committee "should not undertake to determine the innocence or guilt" of specific 380 �employees -- an implicit reference to the problem the Tydings Committee faced with suspected communists — and suggested that the Hoey Committee ask instead what "security and other problems" were posed by homosexuals in federal employ, if they were security risks at all or only for "sensitive" agencies, and if "homosexuals or moral perverts [were] employed in the State Department as a matter of policy?"116 His final suggested question, "What action is dictated by the best medical judgment?" led him to suggest that "a competent medical board" make recommendations based on "all pertinent" data available. The composition of such a board, however, would present a problem since some prospective members were known to be harsh and others lenient towards "treatment" of hom osexuals.117 Finally, Humelsine revealed his bias against homosexuals in his recommendation that their voices be entirely silenced. Due to "the very magnitude of the problem," he contended that the Hoey Committee should "not call homosexuals or moral perverts" to testify during the hearings. His only justification was that the Committee should not second-guess the "several Departments and Agencies" who had already acted on the cases.118 This maneouver served to cover both the decisions to allow potential homosexuals to stay in or regain their posts — Senator Wherry's dreaded reem ploym ent loophole — and any cases currently being reviewed. Such territoriality is perhaps understandable on a policy level. 381 The fact �that no homosexuals would be allowed to speak in their own defense, however, effectively reduced the inquiry to the status of a witchhunt, albeit a carefully crafted one. EARLY LINKED EFFECTS Where did these initial maneouverings leave the situation regarding homosexuals and national security? Some effects on government and police practice can be discerned even before the Hoey Committee hearings got underway in July. Historian Allan Berube claims that in June 1950, "responding to direct pressure from the Senate committees, the Army extended its antihomosexual policies to all its civilian employees." However, this was the same period in which the Uniform Code of Military Justice was being implemented. The new code, which combined previously separate codes from each branch, had been planned for several m onths.119 The coincidence of timing should not, therefore, be taken as an effect of the start of the Senate inquiry. According to another historian, Richard Rovere, the Hoey Committee issued an "early bulletin" telling of "reports it had of a Russian scheme to lure 'women employees of the State Department ... into a life of Lesbianism.'" Rovere contends that the Committee’s recommendations led to the establishment of a special detail in the 382 �District of Columbia's Vice Squad to "investigate links between hom osexuality and Com m unism ."120 Neither claim, however, can be verified from existing records. Admittedly, the full-scale "pervert probe" did spark media interest in homosexual issues elsewhere and prompted an exodus of employees from all branches of government. Two "confessed homosexuals" and "others of dubious character or connections" were among 130 State Department "security risk" employees sent home from Germany during the previous year, the New York Times n o te d .121 An informant to the Hoey Committee told reporters that "moral degenerates" were "fleeing the State Department at the rate of one or two each week" though there still remained "a large group" of "homosexuals, men of depraved tendencies." Suspected employees were allowed to resign -- i.e. to use a face-saving departure which those open to disgrace had long used — but now the government indicated that it was "investigating the previous records" of employees seeking to reenter government service in another agency. The report of flights seemed to validate news accounts that the Hoey Committee inquiry had "finally stimulated State Department heads to put pressure upon the several hundreds of suspected degenerates" within their ranks.122 The State Department had been removing homosexuals for years, however. All the Senate inquiry was really accomplishing, therefore, 383 �was to force the Department to decide on sensitive versus non-sensitive cases and flush out every possible suspect. overall impression remained: Yet the the government had not been doing enough to safeguard the nation. Media reports that department heads were "finally stimulated" only served to reinforce that p e rc e p tio n . The news reports of employees "fleeing" illuminates, albeit briefly, the tremendous ethical, economic and social dilemmas which homosexuals faced during this time. Should one attempt to keep the job, social position, and career for which one had been trained and possibly employed for years? If one did, this meant hiding one's hom osexuality even more, enduring greater psychological hardship in order to deny what, to many, was a seemingly uncontrollable "urge" or "feeling" (whether they approved of it or not). Or should one resign for "personal reasons" and risk divorce and loss of family when such a resignation removed that means of excuse in explaining a sudden job change to a spouse? For those who had married and were with families, therefore, the "pervert purge" only solidified the need to deny all homosexual temptations, increasing the incentive to play the role of, and continue reaping the benefits of, enforced heterosexuality. Or should one leave his or her job voluntarily, before the gathering storm broke with more destructive results? This meant giving up all possibility of obtaining government jobs across the 384 �country and around the globe as well as defense-industry-related positions which required security checks. Voluntarily resignation, therefore, brought problems as great as did the cat-and-mouse game of trying to ride out the storm — presuming it would ever pass. CONCLUSION A pattern of prejudice can be discerned even before the Hoey Committee's first hearings in the second week of July, 1950. Members of the Committee themselves, members of the Committee staff, and government agency personnel assigned to work with the Committee all seemed inclined to judge any security issue in the harshest light. The Hoey Committee, itself, despite its officially bipartisan composition, was heavily stacked against tolerance. The Committee's Democrats — three lawyers, one of whom was a Sunday School teacher — were all Southerners and conservative in their worldviews, whether or not Clyde Hoey chose to call himself a "regular Democrat" while voting against the administration. Maryland maverick Herbert O'Conor, also, was moving away from his previous moderate stance. Two of the Republicans had been involved in (Mundt) or would soon imitate (Schoeppel) McCarthy's strident attacks on the Administration for "coddling" undesirables of many shades. Only one member, Republican Margaret Chase Smith, 38 5 �distinguished herself from her colleagues with her June 1st "Declaration of Conscience" speech, when she decried the vicious methods used to identify threats to national security. Even she, however, sought to protect the government from subversive influences and later voiced her pride at having worked on the "pervert" inquiry. W hy did the seven legislators participate in the inquiry, therefore? Some, like Clyde Hoey, clearly loathed the potentially embarrassing subject matter. Others, like Andrew Schoeppel, filled in out of a sense of duty, while James Eastland never managed to attend a single session -- hardly proof of commitment. All of the senators, however, would approve the subcommittee's December report. Serving on the "pervert probe" thus proved their dedication as moral defenders of America — certainly a plus in an era of an ti-subversive w itchhunts. Apart from the Senators, the others involved were hardly open-minded in their approach to the investigation. Chief Counsel Frip Flanagan went into the Hoey Committee hearings openly antagonistic to anything but the most effective and expedient means of removing homosexuals from government service. Flanagan's coarse joking with Hoey's secretary only reinforces the historical record of his prejudiced views on homosexuality. State Department chiefs James Webb and Carlisle Humelsine also offered negative views of the "problem of homosexuals and sex perverts." 386 While the �Department needed to clean up its tarnished reputation, the fact that neither Webb nor Humelsine ever publicly considered adopting Dr. Felix's less-than-paranoid approach indicates either their confirm ed homophobia and/or their self-interested pragmatism in a time of perceived crisis. The soft-spoken and well respected Senator Hoey may have wanted to avert another media circus — like the spring hearings on McCarthy's charges against the State Department had become — but his desire to protect the government should not be equated with open-mindedness regarding options for dealing with the homosexual issue. On the contrary, the elderly North Carolinian was aghast at having to examine such an unspeakable subject and even sought to protect the Senate's only female member from having to listen to discussion of the topic. Hoey can be given credit for having averted open-session hearings during the inquiry — and thus avoiding the public ridicule of administration leaders and agency heads as v e il as the specter of a confessional in which the supposed "sinners" were brought before a national audience to purge themselves of their left-leaning crim es.123 However, the 1950 Hoey Committee, overall, seemed ill prepared to provide a truly balanced view of the governm ent's options. Only two officials offered alternatives to a purge of personnel: Robert Felix, ambivalent as the message in his seminar may have 387 Dr, �been, and the civil-rights-oriented W hite House A ssistant Steve Spingarn, who saw homosexuality as a "minor aberration" and was concerned that Chief Counsel Flanagan's biases would preclude a sense of "fair trial" for homosexual employees. Aside from its long-standing protection of employee files, the absence of presidential direction during the Hoey Committee’s ground-rule discussions, as woll, allowed the State Department to participate in a pro-active m anner to start salvaging its tarnished reputation. The deliberations and conclusions of the Hoey Committee would be biased, as the next chapter explores. Indeed, the witch-hunting environment which had prompted the homosexual inquiry would be only compounded by the heightened tensions in Korea and the subsequent Congressional scramble internal-security laws. o enact tougher The prejudice of the members of the Hoey Committee and those with whom they worked inside the administration ordained a uniformly negative evaluation of the government's earlier attempts to police itself against security threats. No wonder, then, that some employees read the proverbial handwriting on the wall and began leaving the foreign service and other governm ent agencies. 388 �1 The Hoey Committee found several instances of misconduct by White House military advisor Vaughan and other R.F.C. assistants, in the much-publicized hearings of August, 1949; see U.S. Senate, Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments (81st Cong., 2d sess.), "The Five Percenter Investigation," Interim Report, pursuant to S. Res. 52 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., Jan. [20], 1950); copies of hearings and related materials in Hoey Papers, Box 211, Folder 2. 2 Allen Drury, A Senate Journal. 1943-1945 (New York: Di Capo Press, 1972), 326-27. Robert S. Allen and William V. Shannon, The Truman Merrv-Go-Round (New York: Vanguard Press, 1950), 267, called Hoey "almost a caricature of the old-fashioned senator." 3 Quote from [Charlotte] O bserver (Dec. 11, 1938), cited in Susan T. Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," Ph.D. thesis in History, Duke University, 1983 (Ann Arbor, MI.: UMI, 1984), 2. Hatcher interview with Senator Jesse Helms (Feb. 11, 198D . ited in Hatcher, 176-77. Helms did not respond to the author's (1998) im_ 4 ries into his clerkship at Hoey's office. 4 Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 9. The Scots-Irish family had changed the name to Hoey from O'Hughey in the late 1700s; Clyde took the occasional ribbing over the pronunciation of his surname in stride. Hoey's grandfather owned a large plantation near Union, South Carolina, and his four sons all served in the Confederate Army; Clyde's father was a captain. 5 Hoey had become a member of the Shelby Methodist Church at the age of nine; Methodism in the South was then, as it is today, largely evangelical if not fundamentalist. He regularly attended church and often taught Bible classes in Washington and North Carolina even after he had given up teaching the class on a regular basis. On Hoey’s innovative editorship, see "Clyde Hoey's Mannerisms Mirrored the Heart of a Man Grown Great," [Charlotte] O b server (May 13, 1954); cited in U.S. Congress, Senate (83d Cong., 2d sess.), Memorial Services held in the House of Representatives and Senate of the United States. together with remarks presented in eulogy of Clyde Roark Hoev. late a Senator from North Carolina (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1954), 27. 6 Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 7-13. Hoey was elected in September 1898 but had "reached his majority" (when he could legally take the office) by the time he was sworn in, in January 1899. Hoey completed the twoyear law course at the University of North Carolina in three months, and passed the state bar exam later in 1899. Since his fiancee, "Miss Bess" Gardner, was the daughter of a leading, local physician, Hoey waited until after he passed the bar in order to propose to her as a man of social standing; they honeymooned by driving around the Cleveland County courthouse square in his carriage. They later had three children; after her death in 1942, Hoey lived alone in Washington's Hotel Raleigh during the nine years of his Senate s e rv ic e . 389 �7 Op. cit. , 1; at his wife's suggestion, Hoey would add a red carnation pinned to his left lapel. A later observerwould recall that the twenty-year-old Hoey first took on this "uniform" to "help conceal his immaturity among bearded colleagues in the General Assembly." From "Clyde Hoey's Mannerisms Mirrored the Heart of a Man Grown Great," Observer (May 13, 1954); loc. cit. 8 Op. cit. , 2-3, 6. "Silver-tongued" quote also repeated in several of Hoey's newspaper eulogies; cited in U.S. Senate, Memorial Services ... in eulogy of Clvde Roark Hoev.... 24, 36, 39, 43, 44, 47, 48, 51, 63. 9 Quotes from Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 4; and U.S. Senate, Memorial Services ... in eulogy of Clvde Roark Hoev.... passim [McCarthy quote from 13]. McCarthy gave one of the earliest yet shortest eulogies to Hoey. Hoey also abstained from all tobacco products, but drank a dozen or so bottles of "Coke" every day, sometimes even for breakfast; see Hatcher, 3. 10 Quote from [Raleigh] News and Observer (Jan. 13, 1899), 3; cited in Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 11, Hoey later supported the voluntary repeal of the poll tax. He remained opposed, however, to anyFederal statute mandating such a change as an unconstitutional attack on states' rights; see Hatcher, 112. 11 Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 14; Hatcher records the date as 1929 but clearly meant 1919, from context. The Communist Party claimed their members were framed, but the jury found them guilty in one hour. As governor, Hoey later refused to pardon of one of those convicted, though he did reduce the man's term. That Hoey tried cases in every county of his state became legend; see U.S. Senate, Memorial Services ... in eulogy of Clvde Roark Hoev.... 87, and Cong. Rec. (May 17, 1954), 6257. 12 Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 13, 16-17, 60. 13 Op. cit. , 22-26, 29-31 [quote from 31]; critics called Hoey's tenure a set-back for progressivism, however. The U.S. Supreme Court, in 1939, had mandated funding for equal black facilities, to avoid admitting them to white schools. 14 Op. cit. , 31, 51, 73 [47, 50 for Hoey's vote tallies]. No been governor and a member of both houses in the state legislatures, a feat mythologized after his death; see U.S. Services ... in eulogy of Clvde Roark Hoev.... 12, 24, 29, 54, North Carolinian had and federal Senate, Memorial 59, 63, 94, 121. 15 Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 17, 39, 42-43 [quote from 39]; Hoey was flattered by the "regular Democrat" moniker, given him by his fellow newspaperman and personal friend, former Navy Secretary and U.S. Ambassador to Mexico, Josephus Daniels. Though Hoey was never a great supporter of labor, he had fought for basic organizing and collectivebargaining rights in 1919; see Hatcher, 97. 390 �16 Hoey letter of June 19, 1950 to Mr. H.T. Davis (Robbinsville, N.C.); Box 66, Folder 7. The Senator "did not desert" the Party "when he saw it was perverted by this leadership of interlopers," eulogized one segregationalist newspaper; see "We May Not Look on His Life Again, But Hoey Left Mark on His Country," [Charlotte] O bserver (May 13, 1954), cited in U.S. Senate, Memorial Services ... in eulogy of Clyde Roark Hoev.... 25. 17 "Closing Radio Speech - May 26 [1944] - 7:30 to 8:00," 5; in Hoey Papers, Box 211, Folder 5. 18 Quote from "Campaign Data draft" [anti-CIO, c.1944]; in Hoey Papers, Box 211, Folder 5. Hoey campaigned strongly against Wallace, and was quite proud of his role in nominating Truman as vice president; see Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 44-46, 59-62, 70. On Hoey's views on the FEPC, segregation and civil rights, see Hatcher, 99-100, 105-26; see also Hoey's June 2, 1950 letter to Mrs. K.W. Westbrook (Burlington, N.C.), in Hoey Papers, Box 195, Folder 3. 19 Hoey letter of July 23, 1948 to Cliff Mabry (Wake Forest, N.C.), 2; in Hoey Papers, Box 39, Folder 4. On Hoey’s support of amendments to the draft act permitting white-only units, see his letters of June 23, 1950 to Mr, J.W. Gentry (King, N.C.), and of June 29, 1950 to Mr. R.L. Prince (Charlotte, N.C.); in Box 195, Folder 4. In an interesting play on the favorite euphemism of the "pervert probe," labor activists even accused Hoey of being a "security risk" since his segregationist and anti-communist stance could backfire and drive workers to socialism; see New York Times (Oct. 9, 1949 & Sept. 28, 1950), cited in Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 67 n 66. 20 Quote from untitled campaign speech given in Durham, N.C., October 24, 1944; in Hoey Papers, Box 211, Folder 5. On Hoey's positions on education and child labor, see Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 11-13. 21 Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 4, 41, 75-96. Hoey was influential in defeating the "socialist" 1949 Brannan Plan (to support farmers' income rather than prices) but supported basic subsidy proposals. When a rent-control extension passed in the Senate on June 12, 1950, he was the only one of four Carolina senators to "refuse to yield to the rent control lobby." See O b serv er (June 12, 1950), 1. He did support an extension of rent control in December, 1950, to deal with Korean-war shortages; see Hatcher, 81. Budget quotes from Hoey letters of June 2, 1950 to Mr. & Mrs. A J. Reinhart (Hendersonville, N.C.), 1 [quote], and of June 1, 1950 letter to Miss Elizabeth D. Williams .( G r a h a m , N.C.). Both in Hoey Papers, Box 195, Folder 3. "Too many" quote from [Greensboro, N.C.] Daily News (Aug. 21, 1949), cited in Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 63-64. The same columnist declared that "the command has come down from Washington to get Hoey," who was up for reelection in the spring of 1950. 391 �22 Quotes from Hoey's letters of June 1, 1950 to Mrs. Nola Dalton and James T. Barnes, and of June 3, 1950 to Mrs. Z.J. Thompson [Hoey Papers, Box 195, Folder 3], of Nov. 22, 1949 to Mrs. H.W. Kennedy [Box 143, Folder 6], of June 19, 1950 to Rudolph W. Snowden [Box 196, Folder 1], of Apr. 12., 1949 to Clayton Miller [Box 175, Folder 2], of May 18, 1950 to Rev. Harold D. Hight [Box 195, Folder 4], and of May 25, 1950 to Mrs. Garland E. Austin [Box 195, Folder 3]. 23 Quotes from Hoey's letters of June 27, 1950 to Miss Edna Fletcher (Sebastopol, CA.), in Hoey Papers, Box 195, Folder 4; of July 9, 1950 letter to W.R. Philbin (Asheville, N.C.); in Box 6, Folder "re S. 2311" (Mundt-Ferguson Bill requiring Communists to register); Hoey-Mabry letter, 1-2 [loc. cit.]; of Mar. 30, 1948 letter to Mr. A.N. Meadows, Jr. (Gary, N.C.); in Hoey Papers, Box 39, Folder 4. On Hoey's vilification of Lewis, see also Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 101-02. On his support for the employee loyalty program, see Hatcher, 144-45. Hoey criticized the Mundt-Ferguson bill, however, as lacking enough "teeth" in his letter of Aug. 23, 1950 to H. Lester Flowers (Hickory, N.C.); in Box 195, Folder 6. Hoey vowed to override the veto because he thought it "wholly unjustified" and "without justification” in his letters of Sept. 22, 1950 to John Russell (Asheville, N.C.), and Walter Crissman (High Point, N.C.); in Box 197, Folder 5. For Hoey's response after his September 23, 1950 veto of the final [McCarran] bill, see his numerous letters in Box 143, Folder 6. He later supported the 1952 McCarran-Walter immigration reform act which blocked entry for suspected subversives; see Congressional Quarterly Almanac (1952), 184. 24 Quotes from "Closing Radio Speech - May 26 [1944] ," 13-14, 15, 17 [loc. cif.]; Hoey-Mabry letter, 2 [loc. cit.]; and The State (Dec. 23, 1944), copy in Hoey Papers, Box 211, Folder 11. 25 Quotes from Hoey's reply to W.L. Totten, Sr. (Durham, N.C.) of July 7, 1950; in Hoey Papers, Box 196, Folder 5. Hoey accurately predicted that the foreignaid package to Turkey and Greece would pass the Senate, and condemned the anti-interventionist speeches of Henry Wallace; see Hoey's speech [untitled, undated; c. spring-summer 1947]; in Box 211, Folder 2. On Acheson, see numerous letters in Box 133, Folder 4. On China, see, for example, Hoey's letter of Nov. 18, 1949 to Miss Suzanne Coston (St. Genevieve, N.C.); in Box 143, Folder 6. Hoey fully supported American efforts to regain Korea in July 1950, though he vacillated once an evacuation seemed necessary; see Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 134-35. On Hoey's support of ERP, see Hatcher, 130-33. 26 Quotes from "Hoey Doesn't Like Being Called Old Man," News and Observer (Sept. 4, 1949), 5:5-8; for an overview of the inquiry, see Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 155-61; Abels, Truman Scandals. 42-52, 264-73; and McCullough, T ru m an . 744-747. Witness rights detail from Susan T. Hatcher interview with [1950 subcommittee counsel] Francis D. Flanagan, Mar. 6, 1981; cited in Hatcher, 162. In a rare photo of the "Five Percenter" hearings, committee members and staff are facing the camera while the witness has his back turned; see larger original of Aug. 31, 1949 photo. 392 �22 From Susan T. Hatcher interviews with Ruth Watt (subcommittee clerk), July 13, 1981, and with Frip Flanagan; cited in Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 152-53. Hoey always seemed "pepped up" after his Coke break, Watt recalled. 28 Quotes from Hatcher interview with Flanagan [cited in Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey,” 164]; Evening Star (May 21, 1950), A4:2 [see also New York Times (May 21, 1950), 43:1]; and Spingam, "Memorandum for the Hoey Subcommittee Sex Pervert Investigation File," June 29, 1950 [copy in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF]. 29 Quotes from June 21, 1950 letter of R. Graham Dozier (Rocky Mount, N.C.), and Hoey reply of June 22, 1950 [Hoey Papers, Box 66, Folder 7]; and Hoey letter of May 18, 1950 to Rev. Harold D. Hight (Concord, N.C.), Box 195, Folder 4. 30 "Hoey Reveals Probe Plans," News and Observer (May 24, 1950), 1:7-8, 5:6. Hoey considered McCarthy's attacks unwarranted, since they could not be proven; see Hoey's letter of July 28, 1950 to Lewis R. Lawson, in Hoey Papers, Box 211, Folder 4. Senator Margaret Chase Smith later commended Hoey's selfeffacing style. "He was more interested in getting perverts out of Government than in putting out lurid publicity on that investigation." From her column, "Washington and You," (May 1954); cited in See U.S. Senate, Memorial Services ... in eulogy of Clyde Roark Hoev.... 112. 31 From Hatcher interview with Flanagan; cited in Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 165. Hatcher judged the incident an example of Hoey's naivete, further citing Flanagan's recollection that Hoey privately asked him what "lesbianism" meant. 32 Hoey's biographer decided not to publish her dissertation since everyone she interviewed would only hinted at things sexual but never discuss them fully. For example, Hoey had a girlfriend who was with him when he died but Hatcher distinctly felt that interviewees refused to admit it out of respect for the dead; from author's Sept. 4, 1997 telephone interview with Susan T. Hatcher. Her suspicions are corroborated by the discrepancies between newspaper accounts of Hoey's death at noon in his office while taking his lunch break, and the eulogy by Senator Lister Hill, who claimed to have had lunch with Hoey in the Senate Dining Room three hours before he died. See U.S. Senate, Memorial Services ... in eulogy of Clvde Roark Hoev.... 82; Senator Frear also claimed (106) to have lunched with him the day he died. 33 Quoted from memo of "LD" to White House Assistant Charlie Murphy (June 30, 1950); in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. 34 McClellan barely lost to Carraway; see V.O. Key, Jr., ed., Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York, N.Y.: Vintage, 1949), 183-204; and Time (Aug. 22, 1938), 21. Carraway lost the 1944 primary to J. William Fulbright. Arkansas, like many other Southern states, unofficially elected their officials in the May primary for the Democratic Party; the winner was a shoe-in against nominal Republican opposition in November. 393 �35 Drury, A Senate Journal. 44, 482. Allen and Shannon, op. cit. , 263, criticized McClellan as "a bellowing advocate" of executive-branch economy, but "the fervent champion" of pork-barrel spending "raids for ports and waterways" for his state. 3^ The McClellan-Wherry-sponsored S.J. Res. 108 (80th Cong., 2d sess.), of July 21, 1949, demanded that Article 3 of the North Atlantic Treaty "commits none of the parties thereto, morally or legally, to furnish or supply arms" to the other (i.e. U.S. to Europe); see also related press release, in Wherry Papers, Box 9, Folder "Press - 6-29-49 - ABC - re McClellan-Wherry Resolution S.J. Res. 108." On the roll-call votes, see Farnsworth, Senate Foreign Relations Committee. 150. 37 Quote from Washington Post (May 31, 1972), A 1:4. On his labor racketeering investigation; see Robert C. Byrd, ed„ The Senate. 1789-1989: Addresses on the History of the United States Senate. Vol. 1 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1988), 512. On budget cuts, see his chaired report, U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments (81st Cong., 1st sess,), "Reducing Expenditures in Government for the Fiscal Year 1950 Consistent with the Public Interest," Report No. 498 to accompany S.J. Res. 108 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., June 13, 1950). Wherry's comments in various drafts in Wherry Papers, Box 18, Folder "Mutual Newsreel WEAM - 5-9-50 (Reply to President)." Quote from McClellan's eulogy of Hoey; in U.S. Senate, Memorial Services ... in eulogy of Clvde Roark Hoev.... 83. Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 151-52, further explains that though McClellan, the new chairman of the full Executive Expenditures Committee, could have taken over the investigations subcommittee chairmanship since he outranked Hoey, he temporarily resigned from the group to allow Hoey to become the chair. On the Hoover Commission, see U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Government Operations (92d Cong,, 1st sess.), "Committee on Government Operations, United States Senate: 50th Anniversary History, 1921-1971," Senate Document 31 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1971), 13. Under McClellan, the number of Executive Expenditures Committee bills which subsequently became law would grow from 12 (of 46 bills referred by the 80th Congress), to 31 (of 123 referred by the 81st Congress); ibid., 17. 38 39 Quotes in Drury, A Senate Journal. 44, 483, 133. 40 See White, Citadel. 192; and Washington Post and Washington Tim es-Herald (Jan. 29 & Apr. 20, 1956) and New York Times (Mar. 23, 1957), cited in Donald R. Matthews, U.S. Senators And Their World (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, I960), 212. On Eastland’s isolationist voting record, see Farnsworth, Senate Foreign Relations Committee. 151. 41 394 �Officially the "Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act and Other Internal Security Laws" of the Senate Judiciary Committee, the "Senate Internal Security Subcommittee" or "SISS" was authorized by S. Res. 366 (81st Cong., 2d sess., passed Dec. 21, 1950), empowering it to study of the enforcement of the 1950 act. For Eastland's later work on SISS, see Newman, Owen Lattimore and the "Loss" of China. 316, 329, 336, 343, 344-45, 382-83, 387-88, 473-75, 502, 542. 42 43 See May 20, 1949 letter from McClellan to Eastland, in Hoey Papers, Box 146, Folder 6 ; see also Eastland’s contribution to "Relating to the Sale of Certain Shipyard Facilities at Orange, Tex.," House Report No. 1426 [to accompany H.J. Res. 373], Oct. 13, 1949. Eastland, McClellan, Ferguson of the Post Offices and Post Roads Censorship and inquiring into the industrialist with State Department Jo u rn a l. 191. 44 and others served on a Special Subcommittee Committee in 1944, investigating the Office of pro-Nazi affairs of a Connecticut ties to Argentina; see Drury, A Senate 45 Harry W. Kirwin, The Inevitable Success; Herbert R. O'Conor (Westminster, MD.: Newman Press, 1962), 1, 4-5; Kirwin remains the best source on O'Conor since the Senator's papers were destroyed in a flood. Many of the families which resettled to the Maryland village, including O'Conor’s grandfather, had originally lived in Texas and had fought in the Mexican War. On the 1912 convention, see Kirwin, The Inevitable Success. 24-26; as a bellboy, the fourteen-year-old served Democratic Party notables such as Josephus Daniels (later Secretary of the Navy) and heard speeches by William Jennings Bryan and others. On WWI, see Kirwin, 46; on election terms, see Kirwin, 125, 135. O'Conor received his LL.D. from Loyola in 1924 and later received additional LL. D. degrees from Villanova College, the University of Maryland and Georgetown University. He fathered five children. 46 47 Op. cit. , 53-62, 86 ["self-righteous" quote from 40-41; "darkest passions" quote from 94, citing Baltimore Post (Feb. 6 , 1925)]. O'Conor was known for refusing to drink, smoke, chew tobacco or curse; he promoted himself as one not beholden to the liquor and other business interests during Prohibition, 48 Op. cit., 150-51. 49 Op. cit., 162-64, 169-70, 178-84, 277-78, 387-88, 423, 50 Op. cit., 224-28, 232-44, 269-73, 290-95, 348-50. 51 Op. cit., 257-67, 298-302, 383-84. 395 �Quote from Cong. Rec. 96, 81 (Apr. 25, 1950), 5806. On the Marshall Plan and Israel, see his remarks in Cong. Rec. 94, 25 (Feb. 11, 1948), 1305-06, and 94, 88 (May 17, 1948), 6953; see also Kirwin, The Inevitable Success. 421-24, 485. On U.N. bureaucracies, see O'Conor's Senate Report 476 (81st Cong., 1st sess.), "United States Relations with International Organizations" (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1949). On O'Conor's disdain of state power, see Kirwin, 412-13, 42021, 465-68, 520-21. 53 For O'Conor's defense of the interna! security bills, see Cong. Rec. 96, 177 (Sept. 6 , 1950), 14437-40, and 96, 187 (Sept. 20, 1950), 15546-47; on the Internal Security Act, see Chapter 5. The FY-1951 bills were combined together into a single bill which all appropriations committees jointly debated. After the Korean conflict necessitated three supplemental appropriations in 1950-51, the appropriations bills were once again divided by committee. On the 20% budget cut, see O’Conor's cosponsored S. J. Res. 94 of May 19, 1949; copy in Wherry Papers, Box 10, folder "S. Con. Res. 16." Quotes from Kirwin, The Inevitable Success. 428, 433; see also 428-35, 484 on O'Conor's anti-subversive concerns, as well as his remarks in U.S. Congress, Senate (81st Cong., 1st sess.), Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee on Immigration and Naturalization, Hearings (July 1949), Part 1 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O.: 1949); and Con?. Rec. 95, 174 (Sept. 20, 1949), 13306-09. For his 1951-52 work on SISS and a related subcommittee investigating the Institute of Pacific Relations, see Kirwin, 427-29, 437-46, 486-99, 529-32. See also U.S. Senate, Committee on Judiciary, Subcommittee on Internal Security (82d Congress, 1st & 2d sess,), "Institute of Pacific Relations," Hearings and Report, 14 vols., July 24, 1951 to June 20, 1952 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1952); hereafter "Senate IPR Hearings, 1951-52." 55 On the Wallace Report, see Kubek, How The Far East Was Lost. 251; for text of report, see New York Times (Jan. 19, 1950), and "Senate IPR Hearings, 1951-52," Pt. 7, 2287-2293. On oversees troops, see Kirwin, The Inevitable Success. 507-08. 56 57 Baltimore Sun (April 18, 1950), cited in Keith, "For Hell And A Brown Mule". 83. Tydings had earned the ire of state Democratic leaders; see ibid. , 82-85. O'Conor later tried to help besieged Tydings in the 1950 election but could only give half-hearted support; see Kirwin, The Inevitable Success. 508-11. O'Conor would continue his attacks on Lattimore and the State Department for many months; see "Senate IPR Hearings, 1951-52," and Newman, Owen Lattimore and the "Loss" of China. 316. 396 �59 Quote from Mundt letter to Senator Styles Bridges, July 22, 1950; in Karl Mundt Papers, R.G. VI, Box 915, Personal File (Roll 151), Dakota State University, Madison, S.D. See also Nov. 13 & 20, 1950 letters to Bridges from Senator John Bankhead; loc. cit. Tim e 63. 18 (May 3, 1954), 18, noted that Mundt had "won his promotion [to the Senate] with the help of the Hiss case." On Mundt's advocacy of government control, see, for example, the editorial in New Orleans Item (June 4, 1950), 7 [copy in Lister Hill Papers, Box 625, Folder 280] which noted the contradiction between Mundt's communist-control bill and the GOP’s usual disdain of government intervention in private life. The 1948 Mundt-Nixon communist-control bill had only passed in the House before Senate adjournment (see Chapter 2). On Mar. 8 , 1950, Mundt reintroduced the bill as S. 2311, the Subversive Activities Control Act (the "Mundt-Ferguson-Johnson-Nixon bill"), which the Senate Judiciary Committee approved, 12 to 1, later that month. S. 2311 would be incorporated as the first 17 parts of McCarran's Internal Security Act, passed over Truman's veto in September. On Mundt's role, see Mundt Papers, Box 688 , Folders 2-4; Box 689, Folders 2-5; Box 690, Folder 2; Box 691, Folders 1-3; and Box 693, Folders 3 & 4 (Rolls 123-124). 60 61 Yalta quote [underlining and capitals in original] from "Your Washington And You! A Weekly Report from Karl Mundt, Senator from South Dakota," XII, 8 (Mar. 1, 1950); in Mundt Papers, R.G. Ill, Box 689, Folder 3 (Roll 124). Files quote from White House Assistant Stephen Spingarn's "Memorandum for the Hoey Subcommittee Sex Pervert Investigation File" (July 10, 1950), 2; copies in both Spingarn Papers/HSTL, Assistant to the President Files, and in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. Spingarn reported on Flanagan's conversations with Mundt prior to July 8th. Mundt inserted (Cong. Rec. [July 24, 1950], 11006-07), the texts of Civil Service Commissioner Mitchell's May 16 letter to Wherry, letters to Senator Homer Ferguson (May 19, June 9 & June 23, 1950) reviewing the same data, and Mundt's letter to Peurifoy of May 16, 1950. See, for example, "Biographical Data - Re: Karl E. Mundt," Mar. 15, 1951; in Mundt Papers, R.G. IX, Box 1267, Folders 3-10 (Roll 198), which contain numerous press releases for 1950, but none referring to the Hoey Committee. 62 His first campaign advertisements in 1942 showed voters how to pronounce his name; see Homer E. Socolofsky, Kansas Governors (Lawrence, KS.: University Press of Kansas, 1990), 186. On his war record, see "Praise Naming Of Schoeppel To State Post," Wichita Evening Eagle (Feb. 25, 1939); unpaginated clipping in Andrew F. Schoeppel Vertical File (MF 282), Kansas State Historical Library, Topeka, KS. Schoeppei served stateside, training near Seattle. On his farm failures, see Bob Halladay, "Kansas' First Couple: Schoeppel and His Wife," Topeka Capital (Nov. 6 , 1942); unpaginated clipping in loc. cit. 63 "Praise Naming Of Schoeppel To State Post," loc. cit. Oil was second only to agriculture in importance to Kansas' economy. After being elected governor, Schoeppel also served as Chairman of the Interstate Oil Compact Commission (1943-45); from text of House Concurrent Resolution 19, in State of Kansas, House of Representatives, "House Journal, Proceedings" (Jan. 23, 1962), 48. 64 397 i �Quote from Dwight Pennington, "Schoeppel Going to the Senate Will Keep the Kansas Viewpoint," Kansas City Star (Dec. 5, 1948); unpaginated clipping in Clippings File, Vol. 13, pp. 54-57, Kansas State Historical Library. His demeanor was often described in physical terms: his "robust physique" and "frank, sincere and determined face" framed his "genial and cordial" manner, to one writer who observed that "when he grasps your hand you feel his strength and manhood." See Rev. LeRoy Hughbanks, "What Sort of a Person Is Andy Schoeppel? — Writer Answers the Question," Topeka Capital (Jan. 12, 1943); unpaginated clipping in Schoeppel Vertical File, loc. cit. 65 "Americanism" details from Arthur Evans, "'Sick of Bureaus': Andrew Schoeppel, Kansas Governor-Elect, Interprets the Nov. 3 G.O.P. Landslide," Kansas City Times (Nov. 26, 1942); unpaginated clipping in Schoeppel Vertical File, loc. cit. 1945 quotes from Schoeppel's second inaugural address, in Socolofsky, Kansas Governors. 187-88; name comment from "'Andrew F.’ to Be Official," Topeka Journal (Dec. 30, 1943); unpaginated clipping in Schoeppel Vertical File, loc. cit. On his gubernatorial record, see also Virg Hill, "Schoeppel Hat Into Circle for A Second Term," Topeka Capital (May 26, 1944); unpaginated clipping in loc. cit. 66 67 Quotes from R.A. Clymer, "What Others Say: Meet 'Andy' Schoeppel," Topeka C apital (Apr. 20, 1942), "A Web of Bureaucracy: Schoeppel appeals to Kansans to help end it," Kansas City Times (Oct. 5, 1944), Wichita Evening Eagle (Nov. 5, 1947), and Robert H. Clark, "Landon Lash On Schoeppel," Kansas City Star (Nov. 5, 1947), unpaginated clippings in Schoeppel Vertical File, loc. cit. Schoeppel preferred that private business provide electricity and water for the Midwest; see "Schoeppel Against Another TVA for Missouri Valley," Topeka Capital (Sept. 23, 1944); loc. cit. On his opposition to labor, see Jack Williams, "Urges Firm Hand," Kansas Citv Star (June 28, 1949); loc. cit. Schoeppel's maiden speech to the Senate was in opposition to Truman's proposal to limit anti-strike injunctions under the Taft-Hartley law. Quote from Pennington, "Schoeppel Going to the Senate...," loc. cit. For Schoeppel's support of the Hoover reorganization bills, see also Jack Williams, "Shocked At Tax Load," Kansas Citv Star (Feb. 20, 1949); unpaginated clipping in Schoeppel Vertical File, loc. cit. 68 69 Quotes from Pennington, "Schoeppel Going to the Senate...," loc. cit. He would later waive his Kansas allegiance to support Taft over Eisenhower in 1952; see Socolofsky, Kansas Governors. 189. On his anti-internationalist voting record, see Farnsworth, Senate Foreign Relations Committee. 148-49. For his attacks on government spending, see "Fears A Socialist Grip," Kansas Citv Star (Aug. 13, 1950), "Schoeppel Backs Sen. McCarthy," Wichita Morning E agle (July 19, 1950), and "Schoeppel Raps Probe Methods," Wichita Morning E agle (Nov. 5, 1950); unpaginated clippings in Schoeppel Vertical File, loc. cit. His mother was Czech, and two of his cousins had died fighting the Nazi occupation; see Clymer, "What Others Say," loc. cit. 398 �70 See U.S. Senate, Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs (81st Congress, 2d sess.), "Investigation of Charges by Senator Andrew F. Schoeppel," Hearings, Sept. 7-14, 1950 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1950), 337-38, 346-47 for Taft's criticism, 349 for "Freshman Senator" quote from George H. Hall, "Real Sponsors of Attack on Chapman as Red Pose Mystery," St. Louis PostD isp atch (Sept. 10, 1950). Schoeppel discovered that Chapman had omitted mention on his 1946 loyalty statement that he had once been a supporter of a group later listed by the Attorney Genera! as a Communist-front organization; Chapman had resigned from the group long before making his loyalty statement, though it had apparently kept his name on its stationery, however, leading Schoeppel to think that he was still a member. 71 Accounts in the following paragraphs taken from Frank Graham, Jr., Margaret Chase Smith: Woman of Courage (New York: John Day Company, 1964); Margaret Chase Smith, Declaration of Conscience (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1972); and Patricia W. Wallace, Politics of Conscience: A Biography of Margaret Chase Smith (Westport, CT.: Praeger, 1995). 72 N.B. — The nation's first female Senator was 87-year-old "Mother" Rebecca L. Felton, who was appointed by the Governor of Georgia to complete the unexpired term of Thomas Watson (1923-24). Hattie W. Carraway, the first elected female senator, served from 1931 to 1944 after originally being appointed to fill her late husband's seat. 73 Quote from Graham, Margaret Chase Smith. 50, and Wallace, Politics of C o n scien ce. 95. Senator Taft later commended Smith for her vital defense of Taft-Hartley; see Cong. Rec. 97 (Sept. 11, 1951), A5783. 74 Quotes from Smith letter of Oct. 8 , 1951 to Eldon Kronewitter (Richmond, IN.); in M.C. Smith Papers, Reference Files, Political Issues Subfile, folder "Multiple Issues." On foreign aid, see Wallace, Politics of Conscience. 95-96. 75 Graham, Margaret Chase Smith. 70; 68 , 94. On racial matters, Smith voted which would have allowed "voluntary" Portland Press Herald (June 22, 1950), Papers, Scrapbook 86, p. 74. and Wallace, Politics of Conscience. 67against an amendment to the draft bill racial segregation in the military; see unpaginated clipping in M.C. Smith 76 "Public immorality" quote from Smith's speeches of October and November, 1951 [titles and exact dates unspecified] in M.C. Smith Papers, Statements and Speeches File, Monthly Report (82nd Congress, 1951, Vol. VIII); she declared "the softness of the Democratic Administration to Communism here at home is a national scandal,” and urged "spiritual security" in "the church and the Bible." On her ties with Senator Hill, see, Hill's May 31, 1949 letter to her; in Lister Hill Papers, Box 487, Folder 57. 399 �77 For the text of Smith's speech, see Cong. Rec. 96 (June 1, 1950), 7894-95; and Byrd, The Senate. 1789-1989: Classic Speeches. 621-24. For discussion, see Smith, Declaration of Conscience. 20-25; Graham, Margaret Chase Smith. 71-77; and Wallace, Politics of Conscience. 99-130. The other Republicans were George Aiken (VT), Robert C. Hendrickson (NJ), Irving Ives (NY), Edward J. Thye (MN), and Charles Tobey (NH). McCarthy later called the authors "Snow White and the Six Dwarfs"; see Graham, 78. Otherwise, he held off on his revenge against Smith until the following year (see Chap. 8), preferring to go after Senator Tydings, instead, in the Fall 1950 elections. 78 Smith later repeated the line about "key officials," specifying that she thereby "called attention to the Hiss case, the Amerasia case and other cases," in her letter of Dec. 6 , 1951, to Dr. C.O. Casey (Decatur, IL.); in M.C. Smith Papers, Reference Files, Political Issues Subfile, folder "Casey, C.O." Quoted in Doris Fleeson, "McCarthyism — Hail — Farewell," New York Post (July 20, 1950), 37: 4-5. After the Foreign Relations Committee had voted, on July 19, 1950, to stop the Tydings Committee inquiry into McCarthy's charges, Senator Lodge had issued a minority report which attacked the Democrats for protecting the Truman administration. 79 80 On the lesbian rumors, occasioned by Smith’s close friendship with an older, widowed newspaper reporter, see Wallace, Politics of Conscience. 57-58. On Smith's relationship with Lewis [1912-1982], see Wallace, 195-96; "compagnon" quote from 196. Regarding sexism, Smith found that there were fewer restroorn facilities for women on Capitol Hill, especially those reserved for Senators; see Wallace, Politics of Conscience. 94-95. The game could work both ways, however. Smith was honored by the Custom Tailors Guild of America as the "best-tailored" woman in Washington, a judgment which Smith would use to her advantage; see "Gwen Cafritz & Sen. Smith Among 10 'BestTailored'," Washington Daily News (June 14, 1950), 6 . 81 Quotes from M.C. Smith Papers, Scrapbook 80, p. 165. Smith, Mundt and McCarthy had later written to Senator Hoey complaining about the lack of continued inquiry into unresolved aspects of the case, whose hearings were recessed on Aug. 31, 1949; see "The Five Percenters" editorial, Portland Evening Press (Oct. 7, 1949), unpaginated clipping in Scrapbook 77, p. 210. 82 Congressman Dondero quoted in Cong. Rec. 96, 4 (Apr. 19, 1950), 5401-02. For implications that she might not serve on the Committee, see "D.C. Sex Pervert Probe Ordered," Washington Times-Herald (June 15, 1950); unpaginated clipping in M.C. Smith Papers, Scrapbook 86 , p. 63. Pearson quote from his "Washington Merry-Go-Round" column, Washington Post (July 26, 1950); unpaginated clipping also in Smith Papers, Scrapbook 87, p. 148. "Perverts" quote from Smith letter of Dec. 6 , 1951, to Dr. C.O. Casey, loc. cit. 400 �Francis Dennis Flanagan [1912-99] was bom in upstate New York and received his degrees from Canisius College in Buffalo (Ph.B., 1933) and Georgetown (LL.B., 1938). Admitted to the D.C. bar in 1937, he was a special agent for the F.B.I. and chief investigator of the Senate war investigating committee before joining the executive expenditures committee as assistant counsel in 1946. He became chief counsel after the conclusion of the "Five Percenters" inquiry in January, 1950, succeeding William Rogers (later Secretary of State under President Nixon). 83 84 Jean-Peurifoy memo (June 20, 1950), 2; in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. To Flanagan's question about homosexuals locating with others in the same agency, Jean replied, "I told him that we have first-hand knowledge of the fact that such a tendency exists and, as a matter of fact, it has lead [sic] us to cases which we were not aware of." 85 Quotes from Spingarn’s "Memorandum for the Hoey Subcommittee Sex Pervert Investigation File" (July 10, 1950), 2; in loc. cit. 86 Spingarn Oral History/HSTL, 800; summary of conversation repeated in Spingarn "Memorandum for the Hoey Subcommittee Sex Pervert Investigation File" (July 10, 1950), 2; loc. cit. Spingarn knew the power of "malicious gossip" and its proponents such as McCarthy, whom he detested; see Spingarn Oral History, 791-93, "compulsive aberration" quote 799 (he was referring to Walter Jenkins, Assistant to President Johnson [see Ch. 9], but in the context of Spingarn's meeting with Flanagan and Hoey in June 1950). Spingarn recognized that homosexuals could be security risks since blackmail could "destroy a man's career," but the same was "also true of heterosexual males" who could have "an exceptional weakness for women." Op. cit. , 801. Quotes from Flanagan's "Confidential" letter of June 15, 1950, to Commerce Secretary Charles Sawyer, who requested White House guidance on the matter, in an undated letter [stamped "Received June 23, 1950"] to White House Assistant Don Dawson, recalling Dawson's Aug. 5, 1948 circular forbidding "release of investigative data to Congressional Committees" without Presidential authorization. Both letters in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. Flanagan's requests were also reported (using term "perverts" instead of "homosexuals") in John Cramer, "Files on Aberrants Closed to Hill," Washington Daily News /June 20, 1950); unpaginated copy in loc. cit. On advisors' opposition, see Humelsine-Webb memo, "Suggestions as to the objectives of the Committee and Methods of operation "(undated, c.June 23, 1950; attached to memo of June 24, 1950), n i, 5; in loc. cit. 87 88 Arch K. Jean, "Confidential" memo to Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. Committee could conduct "a meaningful still be able to determine "a procedure to handling of the problem." Peurifoy (June 20, 1950), 1; in "Sex Jean countered by observing that the investigation without" the files and be followed by all agencies in the 89 Quotes from Cramer, "Files on Aberrants Closed to Hill," Washington Daily N ews (June 20, 1950). 401 �90 See [apparently Flanagan's] "Memorandum Re: Files Desired By Investigations Subcommittee In Conduct of Investigation" (June 27, 1950), I, with Spingam's handwritten notes in margin; Spingarn's "Memorandum for Mr. Dawson" (June 29, 1950), and his "Memorandum for the Hoey Subcommittee Sex Pervert Investigation File" (June 29, 1950). All in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. Dawson acted as a clearing house of White House files, though he had little active involvement in the issues. From Spingam's "Memorandum for Mr. Dawson" (June 29, 1950), his "Memorandum for the Hoey Subcommittee Sex Pervert Investigation File" (June 29, 1950), and his "Memorandum for the Hoey Subcommittee Sex Pervert Investigation File" (July 10, 1950), 2; loc. cit. Hoey conceded at this point, agreeing that agency heads could disregard Flanagan's request for all federal agency files relating to homosexual employees. Even when Flanagan warned that Mundt would publicly demand the files, as McCarthy had for the Tydings Committee, the White House refused to back down on the issue. Accordingly, Dawson informed agency heads "that the requests could be disregarded for the time being." See Dawson's July 1, 1950 letters to Secretaries Sawyer & Synder, and Spingarn memo to Dawson (July 7, 1950); loc. cit. 91 Spingarn, "Memorandum for the Hoey Subcommittee Sex Pervert Investigation File" (June 29, 1950), 1; loc. cit„ Spingarn reiterated the White House’s desire to avoid having the Hoey Committee blame it for not providing the files; see Spingarn "Memorandum for the Hoey Subcommittee Sex Pervert Investigation File" (July 10, 1950), 1; loc. cit. 92 Police files discussed in each of Spingarn's "Memorandum for the Hoey Subcommittee Sex Pervert Investigation File” (July 5 & 10, 1950), 1, and Connelly's call in memo of July 5; loc. cit. 93 94 See "Memorandum Re: Files Desired By Investigations Subcommittee In Conduct of Investigation" (June 27, 1950), II, with Spingarn's handwritten notes in margin. The issue of how to explain the thirteen cases was still being discussed well into July; see Spingarn's "Memorandum For Mr. Dawson. Subject: Information requested of Civil Service Commission by Flanagan, Hoey Subcommittee Counsel, on employment histories of the 91 State Department homosexual cases" (July 21, 1950). Both in loc. cit. See Jean-Peurifoy memo (June 20, 1950), 2; Humelsine-Webb memo, "Suggestions as to the objectives of the Committee and Methods of operation"(c.June 23, 1950), II, 2. Ken Hechler and George Elsey were most vociferous in their objections, Hechler warning that medical experts could "say something sensational which will blow this up bigger than it really is . . . [and] which could be used against us politically," with Elsey reiterating that "the McCarthys would have a Roman Circus." See Spingarn, "Memorandum for the Hoey Subcommittee Sex Pervert Investigation File" (June 29, 1950), 2. All in loc. cit. 95 402 �96 Quote from Spingarn, "Memorandum for the Hoey Subcommittee Sex Pervert Investigation File" (June 29, 5950), 2; he began his July 5, 1950 memo, "Suggestions for Senator Hoey," by urging that the "Entire hearings be held in Executive Session, including medical testimony." His summary of the meeting, "Memorandum for the Hoey Subcommittee Sex Pervert Investigation File" (July 5, 1950), claimed the "unanimous opinion of the White House staff" for closed sessions. Flanagan reported (by phone to Spingarn on July 21) that "there had been no objection so far from the [GOP] minority to the entire hearings being held in executive sessions." See Spingarn, "Memorandum For The Files. Subject: Hoey Sex Pervert Investigation" (July 24, 1950). All in loc. cit. 97 Quotes in this and the following paragraph from "School Dealing With Perversion Opened by U.S.," Washington Times-Herald fJune 24, 1950); unpaginated copy in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. To date, National Archives searches of F.S.A./P.H.A. files have come up with no processed records of this seminar. The Federal Security Agency oversaw the activities of the National Institute of Mental Health; the Public Health Service and National Institutes of Health were also the parent organizations of the Centers for Disease Control. Felix [1904-1990] gave a conservative estimate based off of Kinsey's data, and was dismayed that Wherry used his four-percent figure to indict the Truman administration and as a weapon against homosexuals; see his interview in Richard Kollodge, "Back to the fifties: A little-known investigation," Washington Blade (Dec. 11, 1987), 1, 7. 98 99 Washington Post (April 2, 1990), D6:l-2. Felix had served as president of the Southern Psychiatric Association in 1946 and 1947. For Felix's testimony, see the following chapter. 100 "School Dealing With Perversion Opened by U.S.," W ashington H erald (June 24, 1950). Times- 101 "U.S. Officials Asked to Take Care in Firings," Washington Post (June 25, 1950); unpaginated copy in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. 102 gee Maletz's "Memorandum For: Mr. Spingarn" (July 3, 1950), point 4; in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. Maletz also noted that the private psychiatrists might be promoting "cure" through "careful, protracted treatment" out of "pecuniary considerations." 103 Quotes from Memo of James E. Webb [to Dean Acheson], "Meeting with the President, Thursday, June 22, 1950: Homosexual Investigation" (June 22, 1950), in National Archives II, R.G. 59, Lot File 53-D-444, Box 9, Folder "Secretary's Memos (Nov. 1949 - Dec. 1950)"; Spingarn, "Memorandum for the Hoey Subcommittee Sex Pervert Investigation File" (June 29, 1950), 2; loc. cit. ; and Spingarn Oral History/HSTL, 798-99. See also "Memorandum Re: Files Desired By Investigations Subcommittee In Conduct of Investigation" (June 27, 1950), IV; loc. cit. 403 �1°4 s ee Alfred W. Friendly, "McCarthy Says Peurifoy Made 'Payoff Deal to Help Service," Washington Post (June 16, 1950). The Evening Star (June 19, 1950) saw "little doubt that Mr. Peurifoy's nomination will be confirmed speedily by the Senate, since he is generally conceded to be among the most popular State Department officials on Capitol Hill." The Senate confirmed Peurifoy on July 26; see also Department of State Bulletin (Aug. 21, 1950), 313. 105 James Edwin Webb [1906-1992] was bom and educated in North Carolina. He worked as a law clerk, trained as a Marine Corps pilot, and served as a Congressional aide before completing his law degree at George Washington University in 1936. Thereupon he joined the Sperry Gyroscope Company as personnel director and later rose to be assistant to the president. During the Second World War he rejoined the Marine Corps, earning the rank of major by 1945, when he joined a Washington law firm. President Truman named Webb director of the Bureau of the Budget in 1946, and Secretary of State Acheson took him on as his Under-Secretary in 1949. See Bruce Lambert, "James Webb, Who Led Moon Program, Dies at 85," New York Times (Mar. 29, 1992), A32; I am grateful to Evan Duncan (Office of the Historian, Bureau of Public Affairs, U.S. Department of State) for this citation. Webb was not related to the James H. Webb, Jr., who served as Assistant Secretary of Defense for Reserve Affairs and Secretary of the Navy under President Reagan. 106 Boykin [b. 1905] came to the State Department in 1944 after working as an insurance investigator and in the Office of Lend-Lease Administration. He was special assistant for Peurifoy from June 1947 to May 1948, and thereafter Director of the Office of Consular Affairs. See U.S. Department of State, Biographic Register (1966), 56; and "1950 Departments of State, Justice and Commerce Hearings," I, 939-44. His fellow Alabamian, Martin [b. 1913] attended law school in Washington, D.C., worked for the Labor Department's Institute of Inter-American Affairs, and served two years in the Navy before joining the State Department in August 1945. By May 1949 had risen to become Foreign Service Personnel Director, overseeing salaries and travel expenses for diplomats abroad, plus acting as fair employment practices officer. See Biographic Register (1956), 414; and "1950 Departments of State, Justice and Commerce Hearings," I, 948-74. 107 At one point, the State Department suggested "an Ad Hoc Committee" composed of Boykin, Martin, and three others who would be "at the immediate disposal of the Deputy Under Secretary" to advise him on "courses of action under varying circumstances." See Humelsine-Webb memo, "Organization and principles to govern the Department's participation in the [Hoey] Committee inquiry"(undated, c.June 23, 1950; attached to memo of June 24, 1950), II; in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. Spingarn had long worked with Webb and Consular Director Samuel D. Boykin on security matters; see Boykin's memo to Spingarn of Sept. 23, 1948, enclosing a report of 78 State Department security cases (not broken down by type of offense) from Oct. 1, 1947 to Aug. 31, 1948; in National Archives,R.G. 59, Lot File 53-D-223 [Entry 1508], Box 1, Folder "SY General 1947-51." 404 �108 From Department of State Bulletin (Aug. 21, 1950), 313; and Hope Reese, "Crowd expected at Humelsine rites," Virginia Gazette (Jan. 28, 1989); and State M agazine (Mar. 1989), 50. N.B. — Humelsine's surname was pronounced with a soft "u" as in "sum," and with the "s" sounding like a "z." Senator Mundt later referred to "the young man with the unpronounceable name who took Jack Peurifoy's place," and transcribers even misspelled it as "Hummelsine." See Hoey Committee Hearings (Sept. 8 , 1950), 2742. Allen and Shannon, op, cit. , 427, described Humelsine as "a bureaucrat by profession; he is not a policy m a k e r ." 109 Willard Edwards, "Perverts Fleeing State Dept. Under Probe Pressure," W ashington Times-Herald (July 27, 1950); unpaginated copy in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. Bureaucracy-cutting testimony in "1950 Departments of State, Justice and Commerce Hearings," I, 883-85. 110 Humelsine-Webb memo, "Problem of Homosexuals and Sex Perverts in the Department of State,"(undatedin typed text; handwritten date June 23, 1950), 1; in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. 111 Humelsine-Webb memo, "Problem of Homosexuals and Sex Perverts in the Department of State"(June 23, 1950), 2, 3; loc. cit. There were two Security Chiefs, one each for the Divisions of Departmental Personnel (employees based in the United States, including in Washington, D.C.) and Foreign Service (employees assigned a post abroad); their duties were identical; see "1950 Departments of State, Justice and Commerce Hearings," I, 937. 112 Humelsine-Webb memo, "Problem of Homosexuals and Sex Perverts in the Department of State"(June 23, 1950), 1; in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. 112 Op. cit., 1, 2. Qp' c it 5 3 115 Op. cit., 2, 3. H 6 Humelsine-Webb memo, "Suggestions as to the objectives of the Committee and Methods of operation" [c.June 23, 1950], 1-1, 1-3, III-5; in loc. cit. Op.cit., 1-4, H-3. The list of "Qualified Medical Witnesses" was drawn up on June 26, 1950, indicating the idea's positive reception by Hoey & Flanagan at their meeting with Webb on June 24. Prospective members included Dr. Felix, who led the mid-June "seminar" for security chiefs, and ("Momism" proponent and virulent homophobe) Dr. Lawrence Kubie. One of the White House advisors saw problems with each type, since government psychiatrists "might be regarded as biased" while Kubie "might not be [the] most useful witness." See memo [author unspecified] "Telephone talk with Surgeon General Scheele (USPHS) on June 27, 1950, 11:15 a.m." Both in loc. cit. 118 Humelsine-Webb memo, "Suggestions as to the objectives of the Committee and Methods of operation," III, 5; loc. cit. 405 �Quote from Berube, Coming Out Under Fire. 269, 269 n 26, 355 n 26, citing U.S. Army, Office of the Adjutant General, "Report of Homosexual Cases Civilian Employees, June 14 to December 4, 1950, AG 230.741," in National Archives II, R.G. 407, Box 3593, Classified Decimal File 1948-50. Berube claimed, without citation, that "the secretary of defense and the Civil Service Commission established new internal procedures to prevent the reemployment of 'sexual perverts' in any government job. If homosexual employees refused to resign, they would be charged, investigated, and fired, with their names reported to several civilian and military offices." This summarizes the existing process; the threat of charges (a likely tactic) has not been documented. On the implementation of the Code, see memo of U.S. Army, Office of the Adjutant General, "AGAO-S 230.741 (16 June 1950) SACPD-D-M. Subject: Procedure for Handling Cases of Alleged Perversion (Civilian Employees), in Adjutant General's Office, "Report of Homosexual Cases - Civilian Employees, June 14 to December 4, 1950, AG 230.741," loc. cit. The policy separating civilian employees was clearly developed before mid-June, 1950, before the Hoey Committee was authorized by the Senate. 339 320 Rovere, Senator Joe McCarthy. 153-54. Rovere observed that the government "never took the position that there was any links between the two" groups but he did not cite either the alleged Committee document reporting the Russia-Lesbianism claim or the Vice Squad linkage of homosexuality and Communism. To his credit, Rovere noted (op. cit. , 154 n.) that "the heterosexual who occasionally commits an excess of normality" would have been equally blackmailable (along with McCarthy gambling with borrowed money). He thus courageously judged the blackmail-susceptibility theory to be "unsound." 323 New York Times (June 17, 1950), 6:3. For a related case of an American relief worker in Germany who was fired due to an adverse psychiatric report from the State Department (which authorized her agency), see Miss E.M., "To Be Accused Is To Be Guilty: 2. The Ever-Present Past," ONE Magazine 1, 4 (April 1953), 3-4; reprinted in Jonathan N. Katz, Gav American History: Lesbians and Gav Men in the U.S.A.. (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1976), 102-03. 322 Sample quotes from Edwards, "Perverts Fleeing State Dept. Under Probe Pressure," W ashington Times-Herald (July 27, 1950). 323 For this interpretation of the anti-communist witchhunts, see Navasky, Naming Names. 199-222. 406 �CHAPTER 6 Hoey Committee Hearings: Text & Context. July - November. 1950 The Hoey Committee investigation of June to December, 1950, started out as a means of dealing with the homosexual least offensive way possible. issue in the Even Republicans had agreed to let the hearings be conducted in executive session ("closed door") due to the sensitive nature of the subject. Still, Senator Hoey, known for his non-inflammatory rhetoric and gentlemanly manner, can be given credit for maintaining a dignified approach in handling the issue — no mean accomplishment, given the anti-homosexual feelings present in most segments of society, government and the psychological e sta b lish m e n t. On five separate days from July 14 to September 15, 1950, the investigations subcommittee hosted thirty witnesses whose testimony filled almost three hundred typed pages.1 All of these records (minus a few names, blacked out for privacy's sake) were declassified in 1990.2 A great deal can be learned from the transcripts, however, despite these omissions. W hat we have in the hearings is a panorama of stereotypes and fears. From discussions of homosexuals' psychological development to blackmail cases, from changes in arrest laws to arguments over bathroom closings, the "pervert probe" rehashed and expanded upon 407 �the perspectives revealed by the Hill-W herry investigation. The C.I.A. and m ilitary intelligence provided seemingly damning proof that homosexuals were susceptible to blackmail through an exaggerated presentation of a forty-year-old case which conveniently magnified Cold War fears of Russian deviousness. Alternative means of handling the homosexual 'problem' were ignored. Dr. Robert Felix, who had given the seminar to security personnel in June, did not reaffirm his earlier tolerance to accepting homosexuals when he testified before the Hoey Committee in mid-July — perhaps he stood chastened from the seminar's poor reception, or perhaps those who attended it had exaggerated his progressivism. Another person who urged caution — W hite House assistant Stephen Spingarn, a champion of employee rights — would be "bumped upstairs" into a new job, his departure ending the possibility of executive-office pressure for a truly balanced inquiry. Finally, reports of more State Department arrests further fueled the homophobia and anti-liberalism which had initially justified the anti-homosexual component to the era's witchhunts. The Hoey Committee would conduct itself in a dignified manner outside of the public limelight, but the testimony of numerous witnesses revealed only flaws in current laws and the predetermined views of the la w m a k e rs. 408 �PREPARATION FOR FIRST HEARINGS Following his judicial style, Hoey had the entire staff of the subcommittee go the Library of Congress and read through everything they could find on homosexuality. Flanagan and other staffers, therefore, were aware of the tremendous amount of nearly always negative literature about the condition. The closed hearings would be filled with euphemisms and avoidance of direct descriptions — subcommittee clerk Ruth W att recalled that the hearings were on "such a high plane that you could have been talking about the weather." Years later, she marveled at having never heard "so many days of clean, simple, innocent hearings with so little sex and so little controversy."3 The question of availability of files still had to be determined. Flanagan had persuaded Civil Service Chairman Harry Mitchell to have Colonel Hatcher, Chief of the Civil Service Commission's Investigations Division, furnish copies of Commission files "omitting names of individuals." Steve Spingarn, however, thought Hatcher's intended disclosures "unbelievably negligent," since "at least 13 instances in which names" were mentioned when he reviewed the lists on July 19th. Spingarn urged the Commission to "go over this material with a fine tooth comb, not only for names but for other 409 �errors or inadvertencies which may still be there," before it furnished the information to Flanagan.4 Mitchell further collaborated with the Hoey Committee by attempting to compile a more exhaustive review of homosexualrelated cases than he had prepared for Senators Hill and W herry in the spring. On this occasion, the Commissioner checked the names of 341 persons submitted to him by the F.B.I. against Civil Service records. From this group, 192 were found to have been employed in the executive branch as of October 5, 1950 (with another 26 having been "separated" prior to the date of the F.B.I.'s list). had been separated since April 10, 1950. Of the 192, 125 Seventeen had been "retained" (were still employed) and fifty were still under co n sid eratio n .5 The Hoey Committee had desired a full accounting of which agency, if any, had allowed suspected homosexuals to remain on their rolls and why those retained had not been separated. The investigators would have taken comfort in the fact that W herry's and their inquiries had jum p-started the process of more aggressively removing homosexual security threats. To be sure, any file search devoid of names of individuals was doomed to being reduced to a table of statistics. Nonetheless, the Hoey Committee would make as much use as possible out of the numbers supplied in its report. Police arrest reports, though, were a matter of public record, so the administration could not block access to them. 410 Chief Counsel �Flanagan soon made it known that a list obtained of those arrested and convicted of "sex crimes" in D.C. would allow him to run a cross-check of names against government payrolls.6 In fact, later Hoey Committee testimony would reveal that police records had been under F.B.I. review since April 2 (though not of Hoover’s having given a list of names to Truman's military advisor, Admiral Souers). The White House, however, maintained its pledge that personnel files would not be released to any Congressional inquirers, though it authorized the Interior Department to release the names of those "convicted on charges of sexual perversion or who have been arrested by the [National] Park Police and forfeited collateral on charges of sexual perversion."7 As shall be seen, the Hoey Committee used all these statistics to encourage increases in the D.C. courts' increase of bond fees for homosexuals arrested in the nation's capital. A new twist in the Cold W ar contributed to the anxiety-ridden context of the 1950 hearings. The heavy losses sustained by South Korean and American Eighth Army forces during late June and most o f July, 1950, came at the worst possible time for the fate of hom osexuals on the government payroll.8 By the date of the first Hoey Committee hearing, the Truman administration had come under severe attack for seemingly not having kept a 'viable' military deterrent in East Asia. Leading Senate Republican Robert Taft and his allies (including Kenneth Wherry and Joe McCarthy) were soon 411 �calling for the resignation of Secretary of State Dean Acheson.9 The spy cases of Klaus Fuchs, Owen Lattimore, William Remington, John Service and others had been unfolding for several months,and added greater urgency to the Hoey Committee's m ission.10 HEARINGS BEGIN The Hoey Committee held its "first executive session" on the morning of Friday, July 14, 1950, in Room 357 of the Old Senate O ffice B uilding.11 Chairman Hoey began with a short statement reminding the group that its purpose under Senate Resolution 280 was to "consider the specific problem as to whether or not homosexuals and other sex perverts in the Government service constitute bad security risks." The Senators would hear first from those "in the best position to consider matters of internal security," namely, witnesses from "the various intelligence agencies" of the Government. Later witnesses would testify on the "security aspects of homosexuality" and "medical aspects, [as well as] the adm inistrative methods used in the various departments in dealing with these individuals and similar m atters."12 At no point during the hearings would any homosexuals themselves speak to the committee. This inquiry would be unlike others -- only "experts" on the potential blackmail victims were allowed to testify. 412 �The first such expert witness was Rear Admiral Roscoe Hillenkoetter, Director of Central Intelligence.13 He began by asserting that homosexuals were "a security risk which had been intensified by [recent] war preparations."14 Such a justification was unnecessary, since Frip Flanagan and many members of the Hoey Committee were predisposed to judge homosexuals as a sufficient threat even in normal times. Hillenkoetter then explained the information-gathering goals of the C.I.A, to the Senators, many of whom were apparently unaware of the full extent of the Agency's jurisdiction. the Committee's central question: He went on to focus on whether homosexuals posed a threat as government employees per se or only in "sensitive agencies" such as the C.I.A, Summarizing (often inaccurately) a longer statement he had prepared, the Admiral referred repeatedly to what he called "an old case now" but one "known all through intelligence circles." He called it the "classic case" ~ a demonstration that "perversion" presented a "very definite" and "dangerous" security risk in "strategic" jobs.15 THE EXAGGERATED CASE OF COLONEL RAEDL The C.I.A.'s "classic case" focused on Colonel Alfred Raedl (1864-1913), who was chief of counter-intelligence for the Austro-Hungarian Army before the First World W ar and who was 413 �allowed to commit suicide after having been caught selling state se c re ts.16 The C.I.A. account was flawed by several exaggerations produced by and designed to reinforce the "group-think" mentality of the day.17 The Agency's sources — probably contemporary newspaper and m ilitary press releases obtained from Nazi files — stressed the more sensational aspects of the case and contradicted existing Austrian records reported later in the 1950s in an E nglish-language biography.18 The fact that the C.I.A. had not compared their own sources with existing Austrian records shows its predisposition against verifying what they were prone to accept as fa c t.19 The C.I.A. account accurately described the Austrian's extraordinary espionage accomplishments. When Raedl "started in intelligence work," he built up a very good network in Russia "with a lot of penetrations" and "did a lot of damage to the Russian intelligence nets in Austria, counter-intelligence, a sort of FBI work as we have it here," Hillenkoetter reported. "He was, all in all, an excellent person."20 The C.I.A. might also have been referring to Sumner W elles or W hittaker Chambers in its praise for Raedl's tactics — though the Hoey Committee members were more likely to think o f Alger Hiss (not in a homosexual sense, but as a communist agent). Hillenkoetter bungled the timing of the Russians' relationship with Raedl, distorting the effect of the colonel's damage to their interests. 414 �He ended up stating that only after the Russians found out that Raedl "was the source of their troubles" (i.e., had disrupted their networks), did "they made an all-out effort to learn the details of his personal life." The Director's own notes and Asprey's biography shows this not to be the case. The Russians had found out as early as 1888 that was homosexual, but they did not begin to pressure him for another thirteen years, until after he had reorganized the intelligence division and exposed several of their agents.21 How Raedl was found out appears as two completely different stories in the C.I.A. and Asprey accounts. The former claimed that "through a young newsboy" the Russians "were able to discover that Raedl was a homosexual" and that through a second newsboy "who was in their employ" they were "soon able to confirm Raedl's homosexual tendencies." During Raedl's vacation in the Tyrol, the C.I.A. reported, Russian officers "broke into his room and caught him in an act of perversion" after the second boy helped them copy the room key. The C.I.A. could not resist presenting the Russians in the most devious light. "The first idea of the Russians [had been] to denounce Raedl immediately," but only after the supposed hotel trap did they threaten him privately with exposure. "Of course, he did not want that, and through the fear of" such an outcome did he agree to furnish them intelligence. To the contrary, Asprey tells of no newsboys, no Tyrolian vacations, copied keys or Russians catching 415 �him in the act. The Russians gained knowledge of their future spy's sexuality, he contends, through a Polish prostitute in whom Raedl had confided years before; the Colonel and the Russians had traded secrets to each other since 1901.22 The C.I.A. repeated distortions as to the cause of Raedl's spying. The Austrian's "fear of exposure of his perversion" was the sole reason it presented to the Hoey Committee. Its account seemed to be based, therefore, on the contemporary Austrian-governm ent sources (as reflected in Nazi summaries) which had blamed Raedl's suicide on the "homosexual affairs which brought him into financial difficulties" and his subsequent sale of secrets.23 Asprey claims, however, that Raedl sold secrets not only to Russia, but also to Italy and France. He did this to m aintain his upper-middle-class officer's lifestyle and support his various lovers, not merely because the Russians were blackmailing him over his homosexuality. Indeed, in his deathbed confession, Raedl admitted to wanting the money to keep up his fancy living. Once he had begun selling secrets, of course, he could be blackmailed for that alone.24 The C.I.A. also exaggerated the immediacy of Raedl's spy work and the ruthlessness of his espionage. "As his first assignment, Raedl furnished the Russians with Austrian mobilization plans for the first W orld War," it reported. 1913." "That was a year before war started, in But as Asprey shows, Raedl had been working his way up to 416 �passing on such choice documents for ten years. According to Hillenhoetter, Raedl betrayed some of his own agents who unwittingly stumbled across his activities, plus several he "turned over" to the Austrian government as decoys. The C.I.A. claimed "they were all killed, all executed . . . to keep [him] from being exposed." However, Asprey demonstrates that numerous agents were indeed set up by Raedl, arrested, tried and jailed, but only for short terms; he actually fought for their defense at times, since he knew he had sacrificed them for the sake of maintaining his facade.25 The C.I.A. Director also made basic errors in chronology. "When war finally broke out, of course, all the Russians had to leave Vienna, and they did not know how to keep in touch with Raedl," Hillenkoetter stated in his introduction. However, Raedl was discovered and committed suicide in May 1 9 1 3 . and the Director's notes even read "shortly before the outbreak of World W ar I."26 Had the Senators asked the exact year of Raedl's death, Hillenkoetter would have been humiliated by his own statements. Finally, the effects of Raedl's damage were exaggerated. "By the first month of the World W ar the Russians knew everything about the Austrians they wanted to know," the C.I.A. Director claimed, "and the Austrians had to make new plans and everything else." The Admiral further stressed the fact that since the Russians "controlled" Raedl, "practically the entire Austrian general staff had to be kicked 417 �out because nobody knew where this thing led to." Thus his espionage "almost completely neutralized the efforts o f the Austrian service against the Russians for more than a decade" and "put both Austria and Germany at a definite disadvantage at the opening of W orld War I.127 " Asprey shows this not to have been the case. Numerous spies and the mobilization plans were compromised, but no members of the General Staff were removed, and the military was quickly able to change its codes and redesign its plans. Raedl's biographer admits that the damage was "great" but believes it was "probably not decisive" in helping Russia invade Austria in 1914.28 The Raedl case, however, seemed to "prove" the pervert-spy link. Failure to weed out such a potential blackmail victim "wherever he is found," the C.I.A. Director warned, would be "placing a weapon in the hands of our enemies . . . aimed right at the heart of our national se c u rity ."29 The fact that this incident involved blackmail by Russians (albeit under the Tsar, not under Stalin) undoubtedly made it a more tantalizing tale -- since, if they did it in 1912, they might do it in 1950 . . . The importance of the Russian connection to the case is underlined by the existence of a much more-publicized German case of 1906 which was somehow not included in the C.I.A.'s p re se n ta tio n .30 By 1950, the U.S. needed to protect the now-allied 418 �Germans from embarrassment. Further demonization of the Soviet Union was no problem. FURTHER INTELLIGENCE TESTIMONY Admiral Hillenkoetter used the Raedl case as a lead into a general discussion "as to why we should not employ homosexuals or other moral perverts in positions of trust." His list of characteristics included all the major stereotypes and Freudian assumptions of the day, including susceptibility to "domination by aggressive personalities," offensive femininity, "exploitable weaknesses, such as psychopathic tendencies which affect the soundness of their judgment, physical cowardice, susceptibility to pressure," general instability, and gullibility. He admitted that clandestine heterosexual relationships could be equally conducive to blackmail but claimed that "an established homosexual relationship involve[d] emotions as strong and usually stronger than a normal love relationship between a man and a woman." Like Congressman Miller and vice squad chief Blick in their spring comments, Hillenkoetter also warned that "one pervert brings other perverts. They belong to the lodge, the fra te rn ity ." 31 The Admiral indirectly attested to the power of homophobia and its impact on homosexuals. He noted that, since "perverts" were easily identifiable in the "bars, restaurants, or night clubs where 419 �[they] congregate," they had "a definite similarity to other illegal groups such as criminals, smugglers, black marketeers, dope addicts, and so forth." Living "under considerable tension" made it difficult, if not impossible, for them to "suppress their instincts" and "go straight." Even with "the best of intentions," he warned, "most homosexuals eventually revert to type." Furthermore, their "defiance" of society was "a very dangerous mental attitude" since it could easily be "projected to a defiance of society in other respects, including disloyalty."32 Reading Colonel Raedl into Cold War America, the C.I.A. Director plainly saw the potential for the underground, homosexual "cells" predicted by Senator McCarthy. Admiral Hillenkoetter even admitted that at least one C.I.A. employee — an "isolated latent case" — had recently been fired for homosexuality. Senator Mundt noted that this was the "recent case that ha[d] been in the papers quite a bit," exaggerating the role Senator McCarthy had played in exposing the matter back in April. Married with a child, the employee had had "no police or public record," passed F.B.I. and C.I.A. checks, and "made a very considerable effort to avoid" his urges for four years. However, he "could not resist" an "opportunity" in a "public washroom," and "all his efforts to go straight were gone in a minute."33 The Agency had "fired him right away," and the Director assured the Senators that "if we do find them, we get rid of them as fast as we can." 420 �The Director cited "a few more" American cases and some Nazi-era incidents "to back up" his theories about blackmail susceptibility, but he insisted that they be off the record. His written statement, however, notes the rumored existence of an infamous Nazi list of homosexuals, a list supposedly in the possession of the Russians — Senator Wherry's headline-grabbing claim of the previous May! To his credit, Hillenkoetter admitted that the C.I.A. had never seen such a list and had "never known anybody who has seen it." Still, the Director insisted that the Soviets used homosexual blackmail as "a frequent technique" in their espionage efforts, even though the instances cited were ones in which Soviet, not American, efforts were compromised by homosexual agents. Hillenkoetter also trod on shaky ground when he tried to discuss the possibility of the C.I.A. itself using homosexuality "as a control mechanism over individuals." His legislative counsel quickly cut off record of the discussion.34 Following Admiral Hillenkoetter, Army intelligence officer Colonel Hamilton H. Howze testified before the committee and generally supported the C.I.A. position. Howze claimed that homosexuals would have a bad effect on security, both civilian and military, although he saw the greatest danger from those employed in "sensitive" positions. He condemned "sexual perverts" for their "degeneracy of moral fiber," "immoral and unstable character" and susceptibility to "blackmail, coercion or bribery."35 421 This standard �set of accusations had appeared in Senator Wherry's May report, and would be included in the Hoey Committee's December assessment. Next, an Assistant to the Director of the D. Milton Ladd, testified about his agency's role with regard to "sex deviates and se c u rity ." 36 Ladd believed that "the American people are entitled" to know that their officials would err "on the side of caution" in judging security cases. The F.B.I.'s regulations prohibited it from appointing "even a suspect sex deviate." According to Ladd, a homosexual was constantly open to blackmail since he could not "reform himself" or pay off his debt to society like a thief or other criminal could. Ladd claimed the Nazis were "notorious" at exploiting homosexuals (citing the case of Ernst Roehm, among others) and that the F.B.I. had information of "unquestionable reliability" that "the Communists" ordered their agents to "secure details of the private lives of Government officials" in order to "capitalize" on "their weaknesses" or find a "clink [sic] in their armor." He also clarified the difference between loyalty and security checks, something Senator Hoey had asked about. The F.B.I. included notes on sexual deviance only in security checks, he said, not in reviews done by the President's Loyalty Board.37 The Hoey Committee next heard from Captain E. P. Hylant, the new head of the security branch of the Office of Naval Intelligence (O N I).38 Hylant supported the assertions made in Wherry's May 422 �report by reminding the committee of the Navy's view of homosexuals as a "moral risk for our boys who are cooped up on board ship." Hylant disclosed that the Navy thought homosexuals were dangerous in both sensitive and non-sensitive jobs due to their "loquacity" and "abnormal unacceptance of responsibility placed in their hands." He quoted the Navy’s accounting (cited in the Wherry Report) that 7,859 individuals had been separated from the service for homosexuality since 1941, out of several million employees, and twice stated that there were "no known homosexuals in the service as of this morning." Hylant admitted that if an officer were found to be "one of these unfortunate people," he was allowed to resign but that his file was flagged to indicate that he resigned to escape general court martial. Enlisted personnel were simply discharged, since "very few of them electfed] to take the court martial."39 The last witness of the Committee's first session was from Air Force intelligence. Lt. Col. F. I. McGarraghy reported that any homosexual in a "sensitive position" or who had "access to classified material" constituted a security risk to the Air Force, citing the blackmail threat and noting homosexuals' "weak moral fiber" compared to "normal people." The Committee members, possibly for want of time, did not push McGarraghy to discuss the case of non-sensitive jobs. Interestingly, he was the only person to bring up the possibility that, in addition to practicing coercive blackmail, "an 423 �enemy agent might estabiish a 'love relationship' with a homosexual" and obtain classified information in this way.40 POLICE TESTIMONY ON BLACKMAIL CASES The Hoey Committee reconvened on the afternoon o f W ednesday, July 19, 1950 in Room F-39 of the Capitol to hear from various security officers, including police, insurance company, State Department and Loyalty Board witnesses. Among them was D.C. Police Lt. Roy Blick, who had given the dubious estimate of 5,000 homosexuals in Washington to the Hill-Wherry inquiry, and the new A ssistant Secretary of State for Personnel, Carlisle Humelsine, who had indicated in his memos he would take a tough-minded stance on security risks. The first to be called were Lieutenants Edgar Scott and Blick, respective chiefs of the Robbery and Vice Squads of the Metropolitan Police. Scott had previously discussed several cases of homosexual arrests with Chief Counsel Flanagan, and he now reviewed three cases to show the committee how "rings of blackmailers" -- including "phony cops" — preyed upon homosexual victims. One such victim was a State Department employee, a fact that interested several of the Senators. On July 3, 1949, that employee had accepted an invitation from a stranger in a Washington park to join him for a beer at the man's house. There, the employee was assaulted by him 424 �and two other men armed with a rifle, robbed, and forced to lie naked in "some sort of abnormal sexual position" while being photographed. The man considered paying their subsequent blackmail demands at first (even to the point of selling his car) but a friend convinced him to go to the police, who set up a sting and arrested the three blackmailers in Maryland four days later. The police had no reason to suspect the employee of being homosexual, so his case "disposed of" and he stayed on with the State Department.41 Lt. Blick, citing his nineteen years with the vice squad, also detailed a number of cases. He expanded upon his colleague’s remarks about "rings" of blackmailers by saying that such groups ”operate[d] all over the United States" through "sort of a grapevine system." Flanagan, however, directed him to comment on whether blackmailers targeted "normal persons" or those they had reason to believe were homosexual — seemingly rejecting Scott's conclusion that the State Department man was innocent of soliciting a stranger. Flanagan also pushed Blick to say that many victims did not come to the police (as had the 1949 State Department employee) but paid off the blackm ailers.42 Senator Mundt went straight to the heart of the issue for Republicans. He asked Blick whether the department kept "a separate file of people in this community, this city, who [we]re homosexuals" and specifically, whether employment data was noted. 425 �Blick said there was such a file, but declined to discuss it since the Committee staff already had access to it.43 He also refused to give an estimate of the number of cases in the file — quite a change from his earlier, confident "guess" that there were 5,000 homosexuals in W ash in g to n .44 Blick understandably did not volunteer these glaring estimates during his Hoey Committee testimony. None of the Senators appear to have known about Lerner's unflattering article, so Blick's credibility was never challenged ~ just as it had not been in March. On the contrary, like Kenneth Wherry earlier, Senators M undt and McClellan were bent on having the officer confirm their predeterm ined judgment. Did he think homosexual government employees were a security risk? leading question. Yes, he replied to their favorite He hedged on his response, however, saying his view was based on his personal, not professional, opinion.45 Blick also reviewed police booking and reporting procedures for the committee. In response to McClellan's questioning, he confirmed that government-employed arrestees were, indeed, reported to the F.B.I. McClellan was dismayed, however, that the usual charge was only "disorderly conduct," a misdemeanor. Blick did note that police records included "homosexual" or "pervert" in parentheses, allowing for the possibility of tabulating such cases.46 He also confirmed the concerns of Senators McClellan and Smith about "the weaknesses in 426 �the law" when he disclosed that misdemeanor arrestees were required to put up a mere $25 collateral bond, which most forfeited since the charge was not a "conviction of record."47 Mundt then led Blick to confirm fears of a homosexual-subversive connection. Was there a possibility that since homosexuals were known to "associate in groups or central gathering places," foreign homosexuals could "come in contact with other like-minded individuals?" Blick said that there was; moreover, he pointed out, diplomatic personnel were not arrested for misdemeanors, leaving homosexual incidents virtually untraceable. Senator Mundt insisted that Blick check through all available records, claiming that "in this period of war" the possibility of "parallel homosexual clubs in our Government" was "the key to our part in this investigation." The reduction in risk of "just two or three cases in the course of ten years" would be worth Blick's time, even if it took him the four days he said it would require to comb all his files; he agreed to do this.48 The most startling testimony was Blick's disclosure about seeming liaison failures. The Lieutenant reported that government liaison officers (who regularly checked employment lists against arrest reports) had ceased their coordination work, for some reason, when "one of the gentlemen was promoted."49 Mundt and McClellan were quite upset to hear of this lapse, especially when they found out that the State Department had only restarted its liaison "about three 427 �months ago" and only after "the publicity broke on this investigation" ~ after Wherry's inquiry. In light of the Hoey Committee's later report, the issue of failed coordination between agencies was the m ost damning charge the senators could make. Blick, once again, stands out as some of the most damaging witnesses during the entire anti-homosexual inquiries, before both the W herry-Hill and Hoey su b c o m m itte es. STATE DEPARTMENT AND LOYALTY BOARD TESTIMONY The Hoey Committee also heard the rather ambiguous testimony of an insurance agent, who discussed the low rate of homosexual cases in the bonding field (insuring businesses and government agencies against losses from dishonest employees). The witness had only seen two instances of bond refusal out of a quarter-million cases. When pushed by Senator Hoey, however, he gave the now- obligatory answer that homosexuals were poor security risks.50 More important witnesses before the Hoey Committee's second session were from the top brass of the State Department. Carlisle Hum elsine, the soon-to-be-confirmed successor to Deputy Under Secretary of State for Administration John Peurifoy, was accompanied by Samuel Boykin, the State Department's Director of Consular Affairs, and Donald Nicholson and Haywood Martin, directors respectively of Foreign Service security and personnel.51 428 �Through their testimony, these individuals identified some of the policy problems previously detailed by the Hill-W herry in v estig atio n . Humelsine started his testimony by praising his predecessor, Peurifoy, who had "worked hard" codifying State Departm ent policies against homosexuals as security risks — in any position — as far back as 1947. At Hoey's request, Humelsine detailed how, while the Department did permit homosexual suspects to resign, it prepared "a regular fanfold action" for the arrestee’s Civil Service Commission file, including a separate letter detailing the exact reason for resignation. Chief Counsel Flanagan, however, compelled him to admit that the Department had only noted the true reasons for resignations in personnel files for about one year.52 At the prompting of Senator Mundt, Humelsine brought the Committee up to date on the total number of homosexuals fired. He reported that the 91 terminations which Peurifoy had alluded to in February had been since augmented by fourteen new cases, bringing the total to 105 — a figure Senators Smith and M undt found "very la rg e ."53 In addition, Humelsine noted, there were twenty six employees still under investigation or against whom an accusation had been made. In answer to a question from Senator Smith, he stressed that none of the homosexuals had been in a "policy position," i.e. top officials; Boykin guessed (and later verified) that most of 429 �them had not been employed as long as regular employees. Flanagan rubbed the Department's nose in the mud over the fact that thirteen of the 91 cases had found reemployment in the government, an oversight, in his words, "which might not have happened had the State Department notified the Civil Service Commission of the true reason for their resignations."54 Overall, the State Department fared as well as it could have hoped, given the months'-long hostile climate. As the new man on the watch, Humelsine was treated with respect and did not exhibit the defensiveness of the next witness, the prominent W ashington lawyer and conservative Republican Seth Richardson.55 This aging titan was the founding chair of the President's Loyalty Review Board, which many Republican members of Congress had long opposed on jurisdictional grounds.56 Richardson spent a long time explaining the Loyalty Board's mission to the Hoey Committee, since, as Senator Smith admitted, "we think of our Board as security and loyalty combined." He pointed out, however, that the Board was not assigned to recommend separation based on findings of homosexuality. It could consider an "element of security" (such as sexual misconduct) only if it was "founded in loyalty," as Richardson put it, while the F.B.I. made security evaluations which covered homosexuality. Consequently, the Board had not received "any F.B.I. file" referring to "any instance 430 �of immorality, so-called, certainly none of homosexuality" which bore upon a person's loyalty.57 Richardson thus absolved his board of responsibility for finding homosexuals. Only an amendment of the executive order could expand the scope of the already overworked group. At the same time, he claimed that Senator McCarthy was "right as a guinea" in his recent complaint that Truman still limited the Loyalty Board to its current role. The senator "said he was not particularly interested in loyalty," Richardson paraphrased, though "he was interested in security. I think that was a very germane remark. But our hands were tied, so we could not touch security."58 Richardson's testimony, therefore, could not have warmed the hearts of administration supporters. But it was also frustrating to the Hoey Committee members — especially Senators Hoey and Mundt — who had presumed that the Loyalty Board had been flagging files containing information implying a security risk. In Richardson's words, the Committee would not find "any cure" for the homosexual problem "by looking to the Loyalty Board program."59 MEDICAL WITNESSES The third session of hearings, on July 26, 1950, would bring the Hoey Committee no closer to finding a "cure" to homosexuality than had the second. In fact, the testimony given to Senators Hoey, Mundt 431 �and Smith (all other senators [four] being absent) by the various medical witnesses lived up to Chief Counsel Flanagan's previous warning that they might only further confuse the issue. The U.S. Surgeon General, Dr. Leonard A. Shelley initiated the session by reviewing both the biological and environmental theories of sexual development.60 He admitted that the medical profession had not done "sufficient" research to reach "objective" conclusions -i.e., that there was an information "gap area in large degree." One school of thought found homosexuality "ingrained" and "incurable" while another held that some individuals could be "converted" into heterosexuals; personally, Shelley saw the condition as an addiction. He recognized the power of homophobia in noting that most homosexuals did "not get caught" due to their fear of negative "social customs." Indeed, he suggested that, due to the "tremendous taboo on them," they were "more susceptible" to blackmail than the average sexual m isanthrope.61 Senator Smith's question about "finding cures for this unfortunate condition" led naturally to the testimony of Dr. Robert Felix, the director of the National Institute of Mental Health, who had run the m id-June "seminar" for personnel-security directors.62 He was an expert on (the Americanized version of) Freud's theory of hom osexuality as "an immature stage" of "arrested psychosexual development" but was honest enough to admit that there had been 432 �little study on "cures." Felix described "dominant" and "passive," "masculine" and "feminine" ("queer"), "overt" and "latent" male homosexuals, plus "voyeurism," "fetishism" and "exhibitionism." The "latent" homosexuals were of "great concern," he warned, since they were willing to suppress the taboo feelings (often to the point of m arriage) to keep up the appearance of heterosexuality -- an admirable desire but one which left them prone to "profound neuroses" over time. For the most part, the Committee seemed overwhelmed by Felix’s testimony, which Chairman Hoey politely assured him had been "very enlightening."63 The man who had taught the June seminar for security officers thus m uted his previously expressed concern about treating hom osexuals in "non-sensitive" jobs fairly. Indeed, he never raised his earlier distinction between sensitive and non-sensitive employment. Either he had changed his mind, been misunderstood in June, or despaired of convincing the Committee that this was important. The Committee quickly moved on to Dr. George Henry, author of the progressive work Sex Variants and war-time observer of hundreds of homosexuals screened by draft boards. In answer to Senator Hoey's stock question about security risks, Dr. Henry described "bisexuals" as the greatest problem of definition, noting that overt yet m asculine homosexuals could be "detected" only seventy-five percent of the time. Chief Counsel Flanagan questioned 433 �him at length on whether homosexuality could be discerned by psychiatrists even in cases where the individual denied it; said he thought it could be possible. Henry He even agreed that, though a homosexual supervisor might not "indulge" his desires and attempt to seduce subordinates, he would still be prone to associate with "persons who had similar emotional experiences and trends . . . even though there were no sexual irregularities." He thus confirmed the "birds of a feather flock together" theory, warning that "a social outcast" experienced greater pressure than an ordinary person to be "with his own kind."64 The testimony of Shelley, Felix and Henry was refuted somewhat by the next witness, Navy psychiatrist Captain George Raines.65 A proponent of Kinsey's approach, Raines preferred to use the term "homosexual behavior" since he believed "sexual deviation" to be a range rather than a "strict" condition. Moreover, he was doubtful as to where "any general attack on the homosexual in Government [would] lead" since neither the "habitual, confirmed overt" homosexual nor the occasional hom osexual/bisexual could be changed. He stated that he had had no qualms working with homosexual Navy corpsmen and doctors "as long as they kept their business to themselves," though he officially had to condemn overt acts. He could not have pleased Senator Mundt with his assertion that he "personally no longer treat[ed] homosexuality unless they 434 �[sic] want it treated." Even those seeking change had a "symptom of compulsive neurosis" which made treatm ent "very hard work."66 Raines bluntly criticized the State Department's recently reported attempt to use lie-detector tests to find homosexuals. However, as much as he deplored the test as a first step toward government mind-control, he admitted that it was the best way to determine latent homosexuality. He had just treated one such employee who had failed the test, a patriotic man who wanted to stay in government service and had even worked out "an entire procedure" whereby he would "volunteer for counterespionage" if anyone attempted to blackmail him. Raines extrapolated on the effect of overzealous investigators, rejecting Mundt's complaint that he was contradicting the "unanimous testimony" of security officers that they considered "a homosexual the worst conceivable security risk." If too many homosexuals were fired, Raines warned, they might become "embittered and rebellious" enough to form "a fifth column" intent on avenging their exclusion from society and employment.67 Given his contrary attitude, Raines may have been aware that the Navy had conducted a major review of its homosexual-dismissal policy in 1948. No evidence was found "in the performance records of homosexual soldiers to justify their exclusion as unsuitable for military service or as security risks," the report revealed.68 Despite pressure from the Surgeon General's Office, however, the information 435 �had been suppressed since the head of the Army's Public Information Division feared "serious distortions" in the "public mind" if a more tolerant attitude were adopted; d e s tro y e d .69 later Army studies were If the 1948 report had been available to the 1950 Hoey Committee, the contradiction of evidence against "perverts" would have been even more extreme. Further medical witnesses were on reserve, but the subcommittee never turned to them. The original list of possible witnesses had included Dr. Lawrence Kubie, a proponent of "Momism" and virulent homophobe, but apparently he had been removed at W hite House insistence. The subsequent list included several other prominent figures whose opinions should not have been disregarded.70 Yet since no 'cure' could be guaranteed, the Hoey Committee waited until m ore politically damaging testimony could be heard. ADDITIONAL HEARINGS AFTER SIX-WEEK HIATUS After Chief Counsel Flanagan could report progress with the police and courts, Chairman Hoey resumed his subcommittee's hearings on the homosexual issue, in early September.71 On the first of two final days of hearings, Senators Hoey, Mundt, McClellan and Smith (O'Conor, Schoeppel and Eastland once again being absent) called to task the government agency to which all others seemed to defer, the Civil Service Commission. Commissioner Harry Mitchell, who had 436 �angered Senator Wherry during the preliminary investigation by not directly notifying him of the Commission's failure to prevent the reemployment of thirteen homosexuals, was scheduled to testify before the full Senate inquiry. One can imagine his relief when he was conveniently called to the W est Coast on official business, and therefore unable to appear. He was aptly represented, however, by Commissioner Frances Perkins, former Labor Secretary and survivor of one of the first anti-liberal witchhunts during the New Deal era.72 At the Commission Perkins was seeking to simplify regulations and lim it intrusive personnel inquiries. She had taken a special interest in the testing process for Federal jobs, trying to ensure that applicants understood the basic principles of democracy.73 She was joined before the Hoey Committee by fellow Commissioner James Mitchell, investigations chief James Hatcher, and executive director Lawson M oyer.74 At Chairman Hoey's polite request, Mrs. Perkins discussed the methods which the Commission had used in handling homosexual cases, the intent being to see how such methods could be improved. Perkins stated that the Commission had always sought individuals of "good moral character" and had specified homosexuals as unacceptable risks in its manuals since December 1, 1945. She disclosed that the Commission's "master file index" listed, among others, those arrested for and involuntarily "separated or perm itted 437 �to resign" due to homosexuality. She noted, however, that the Commission's jurisdiction only lasted through an employee's "full probationary period" (18 months), after which the employing agency was required to take "the initiative for removal." "Derogatory" F.B.I. reports on those past probation were forwarded to the employing agency for action.75 Perkins emphasized to Senator Hoey that the files did list the "true reason" for resignations but admitted that past "lapses" in the full-disclosure policy had been corrected only "because of recent pressures." Senator Mundt could not resist pressing her on the timing of the Commission's change of policy regarding file completeness. Was it due to "new awareness of the situation" or to new influences from outside (i.e., Senator Wherry's spring inquiry)? Perkins replied that full disclosure had always been the policy but had not always been enforced; she displayed a departmental circular which stressed the existing policy. The memo was dated April 7, 1950 — undeniably afte r Wherry had begun his attacks on the Commission for its laxity. Mundt drove his point home by asking if there had been "an improvement" since the directive; Perkins' response was that there had "been a very vigorous conformity with it" amongst all agencies.76 Mundt continued by querying Perkins’ assistants on policy regarding Foreign Service Officers (FSO's). 438 He was not pleased to �discover that these employees of the State Department were entirely exempt from Civil Service Commission oversight. FSO files were only "voluntarily" reported through the Commission, although Senator Hoey reminded M undt that Assistant Secretary Humelsine had reported recent "improvements" in disclosing the reasons for separation. Mundt expressed his dissatisfaction, saying he had "received no specific assurance" from Humelsine that the State Department was "relaying" the proper information to the Commission. The North Dakota Senator insisted, and his Maine Republican colleague agreed, that there should be some "direct, formalized procedure whereby the offender in the Foreign Service Department has his name appear in [the Civil Service Commission's] master index with the reason for his so-called voluntary re tire m e n t." 77 The Hoey Committee also heard again from D. Milton Ladd, Assistant Director of the F.B.I. Responding to Senator McClellan's questioning, Ladd supported Perkins' assertion about the new coordination between the local police, the F.B.I. and the Civil Service Commission. Following Lt. Blick's (March 23rd) testimony before the W herry-Hill subcommittee, the F.B.I. had obtained the district records of homosexual arrests and had begun cross-checking them against lists of federal employees. The F.B.I. had also begun checking with police departments from surrounding cities, and a bulletin had 439 �been sent out to all police departments across the country requesting notification of homosexual arrests of government em ployees.78 Ever the determined prosecutor, McClellan kept after the witnesses to find out how effective the new system was. At length James Hatcher, chief of the Civil Service Commission's Investigations Division, admitted that the F.B.I. had ascertained that of Blick's 186 arrests for "disorderly conduct" only 86 were found to be h o m o se x u a ls.79 Blick's Vice Squad had apparently become too eager to label anyone approaching their plainclothes policemen in public-park restrooms as homosexuals. Many of the remaining hundred proved to be mostly loquacious drunks who had come to urinate next to the wrong cop at the wrong time! Flanagan informed the senators that he had met with local judges and the vice squad officers and had urged them to be more careful with their charges and more accurate in their reporting.80 The fact that the bond issue was decided b e fo re the Hoey Committee heard from representatives of the court raises an interesting point. Was Chief Counsel Frip Flanagan truly responsible for initiating the gathering of judges, as he would later claim? The usual procedure was that witnesses testified to the existing problem and then Flanagan was sent to suggest new legislation. However, in this case the Committee only heard witnesses from the court, D.A.'s office and police after this seemingly pro-active judges' meeting took 440 �place. If the courts took the initiative on their own, the Hoey Committee should not have taken credit for the new legal changes, as it did in its December report. The coincidence of timing, therefore, does not necessarily indicate that the Hoey Committee staff was the responsible party. For the final question of the day, Mundt asked the now-stock query about the witness's official stance on the homosexuality issue. Assistant Director Ladd gave him what he wanted, confirming that the F.B.I. "would not employ anyone that had any such tendencies in any position." Director J. Edgar Hoover had said the same day before to thing the the Senate Appropriations Committee.81 The Hoey Committee met one final day on the subject of homosexuals to ascertain more details about the new police reporting and judicial procedures under P.L. 733. that only he, Karl Mundt but noted that Chairman Hoey apologized and Margaret Chase Smith were available "a number of conflicting meetings" had kept the other four members away — an allusion to the furious debates then going on over the Internal Security Act, with which O'Conor and others were heavily involved. Municipal Court Judge Thomas Quinn confirmed that the district judges were changing the procedures for those arrested on sexrelated charges. Not only would the bond amount for such cases be raised from $25 to $300 surety or $500 cash, but forfeiture of bond 441 �would no longer be allowed -- defendants must now appear in court. Quinn reported that he and his fellow judges thought a fine was less effective in preventing sex crimes than jail time, which was not currently allowed under D.C. law. Senator Hoey promised to consider such a change, and thanked Quinn and the entire D.C. court for their pro-active stance.82 The D.C. District Attorney George Fay testified next, dealing with problems of competing jurisdictions. Arrests made in national capital parks (under the jurisdiction of the U.S. Department of the Interior83) were processed by the U.S. District Attorney and carried a stiffer penalty than arrests on public streets under the D.C. city government. The D.A. was willing to lower the penalty to bring it into alignment with D.C. law, thus allowing D.C. judges, rather than the D.A.'s office, to handle the "heavy volume" of disorderly conduct cases. Senator Hoey promised Flanagan's future help in drafting new legislation covering Fay's and Quinn's suggestions. Senator Mundt, who had worked with Fay "over on the House side," heartily agreed to "string along with" him and "follow his advice."84 Police representatives rounded out the day's discussions. Inspector Robert Murray reported that Chief Barrett agreed with the uniform penalty policy. Murray and vice-squad chief Lt. Blick (the only witness to appear three times before the two investigatory committees) then dropped somewhat of a bombshell -- on behalf of 442 �Barrett they requested that all "public comfort stations" in areas frequented by homosexuals be "abolished." The Police Chief was convinced that the restrooms were "a breeding place for crimes of perversion," Murray claimed, adding that he personally believed they invited the blackmail/robbery of homosexuals. B lick added that he had "clocked" the restrooms at night and found that they were used only by perverts or those were were "preying upon the pervert." A skeptical Senator Smith suggested more lighting in parks, instead of "doing away with the stations." In the same spirit, she and Hoey both asked why the restrooms could not be closed at certain hours of the night. Smith also reminded the group that the war-time House Naval Affairs Congested Areas Subcommittee (of which she had been a member) had insisted on m ore "comfort stations" for public convenience. Interestingly, Senator Hoey did not promise Blick and Murray that Frip Flanagan would help draft new regulations in the spirit of their last suggestion.85 After September 15th, only the task of compiling the requested statistics remained before the subcommittee's report could be written. Most of these came from the executive branch. The White House continued to assist in the forwarding of data to Senator Hoey throughout the fall of 1950, though the principal coordinator, Stephen Spingarn, had left for the F.T.C.86 443 �The Hoey Committee received the Defense Department's breakdown of statistics on homosexual "separations" in late September. Military personnel discharged from 1947 to the end of June 1950 totaled 3,645 — of which 432 were due to General Court Martial (indicating charges filed). Statistics for civilian employees (excluding Navy, which kept no such records) had been maintained only since May 1950: 1950. 42 separated and 70 pending through June 30, The start-up date of the new records-keeping system also reflected the fear which the W herry-Hill inquiry apparently put into all branches of the government. Military records for civilian employees before May had not listed the reason for separation and were in such a state of confusion that an attempt at compilation would have been "somewhat unreliable." its records by gender. No branch had organized Percentages of homosexual separations had risen from an average of .34% in 1947 to .79% for the first half of 1 9 5 0 .87 After discussing the figures with the Committee, Flanagan even managed to get Defense to declassify its statistics so the Committee could include a synopsis of them in its report.88 The issue of what type of job homosexual employees might be able to hold was finally resolved later that autumn. Could any non-sensitive positions be considered "safe" from would-be blackmailers seeking homosexual victims? Defense Departm ent Not according to the which complemented its previously furnished 444 �statistics on homosexual separations with new m aterials detailing its complete ban on homosexuals from any position. Defense had informed its forces in 1949 that "homosexual personnel, regardless of sex, should not be permitted to serve in any branch of the Armed Forces in any capacity, and [that] prompt separation of known homosexuals from the Armed Forces [is] mandatory." Furthermore, its Personnel Handbook on the Loyalty and Security Program noted that separation was required in "either sensitive or non-sensitive duties" for anyone who had "been convicted for or manifested tendencies of homosexuality or perversion."89 The fact that the m aterials were submitted to the senatorial committee at the request of Frip Flanagan, him self an opponent of any differentiation between sensitive and non-sensitive positions, suggests that he prompted such a review of Defense policy for the purpose of ending the debate once and for all. At this point there was no civil-rights advocate in the form of W hite House Assistant Steve Spingarn to counter-balance the growing support for complete agreement with the Defense Department's totalist view. The Hoey Committee was ready now to advocate no differentiation between any types of job. MEDIA COVERAGE AND MIDTERM ELECTIONS As if to add fuel to the fire, the arrest of an apparently homosexual diplomat hit the Washington scene right at the height of 445 �the Internal Security Act battle. On September 21, Nebraska Congressman Dr. Arthur Miller, faithful stalwart in the fight against moral perversion since at least 1948, triumphantly reported to the House a news item which had ju st appeared in the local papers.90 Eugene Desvernine, a thirty-four-year-old State Departm ent desk officer, had been booked for committing an "indecent act" with a thirteen-year-old boy in a car parked in East Potomac Park, around m idnight on September 18th.91 Desvernine's lawyer had to arrange a $2,000 bond for his client — a hefty increase from the previous fine of $25, due to the new law but also due to the involvement of a minor. The incident also highlighted the increased vigilance of the National Capital Parks Police, Indeed, the Interior Department denied that it sought to tone down news of cases which would give it adverse publicity.92 Desvernine did not escape punishment completely, however. He was suspended from the State Department during the investigation of his case, and resigned while his hearing was in process, sparing him any concrete judgment from Foggy Bottom's security division. Since his case was listed as "misconduct," he was not blacklisted as he technically should have been. Desvernine later reappeared in the private sector, however, lobbying the W hite House with regard to certain Senate bills relating to excess profits taxation and strategic minerals imports which would affect U.S. business relations with 446 �overseas suppliers. The seeming cover-up never resurfaced in the press, but it did become a by-word for mistakes in later congressional hearings.93 Other cases would occasionally find their way into the papers, hinting at the tenor of the times. On October 15, 1950, Earl R. Howsam, administrative assistant to Senator Edwin Johnson [D-CO] was arrested in Lafayette Park (across the street from the W hite House) by two of Lt. Blick's vice-squad officers who charged him with committing "an obscene act." Howsam later countered that the one o f the officers had asked him to commit an "act of perversion" while Howsam was urinating; the case was dropped when Edward B. W illiams, the same lawyer who had handled the Desvernine case, convinced the jury that the officers had been "overzealous."94 The summer weeks also saw the first magazine expose on the homosexual crisis. The editors of C oronet (circulation 2.5 million copies) purposely billed the cover article as the result of six-months' study by "qualified editors and researchers," which had produced "the m ost comprehensive such survey ever to be published in a national magazine" (they obviously were unaware of Max Lerner's twelve-part series). The editors admirably sought "to demolish a long-standing taboo against a frank and factual discussion of hom osexuality" but their unsurprising conclusion that homosexuals "endanger[ed] the youth of America" hinted more at the biases of the 447 �article’s author, Ralph Major, than at any "facts."95 Major decried the "fast developing" and "sinister threat to American youth" in the form of "more than" eight million "actual or potential homosexuals," a figure he extrapolated from Kinsey's 1948 figures. He lauded the "bally-hooed Congressional investigation" which "put homosexuality in the headlines, however inadequately" -the last phrase undoubtedly reflecting his impatience over the Hoey Committee's drawn-out hearings. He credited Senator McCarthy for •getting the State Department to admit it had fired "91 such persons" but claimed that there had never been "a sober attempt to analyze the nature of these men who, because of sexual deviations, were labelled 'bad security risks.'"96Obviously, Major was unaware of Lerner's series, too . . . Major claimed he had interviewed "sociologists, psychiatrists, clergymen, prison officers — and homosexuals themselves," though he warned that many professionals viewed the "'sex pervert’ merely as a 'queer' who never harms anyone but himself." Major preferred the common, pedophilia-homosexuality equation of a California Attorney General's Special Assistant who condemned the homosexual as "an inveterate seducer of the young of both sexes," a person "not content with being degenerate himself." Major painted scary pictures of adolescents who were sometimes "lured" into the "pathetic" and "unfortunate cult" of "perversion." 448 Only "national �awareness" of the problem and greater parental involvem ent could save the country's children from "sex deviants" who "do not stop with infecting their often-innocent partners" but drag them into "other forms of depravity, such as drug addiction, burglary, sadism, and even m urder."97 The C o ro n e t article thus stands out as a continuation of the "sex-crimes" literature so common in the 1946-47 "scare." It lacks what the editors claim it gave — "a frank and factual discussion of homosexuality." Granted, the author had interviewed practicing homosexuals (two, self-loathing cases, not surprisingly), which is more than could be said for the Hoey Committee. On the other hand, Major's reliance on the child-molester, "degenerate seducer" theory parallels the Hoey Committee's fears of homosexual employees' "influence" over other adult office mates ("birds of a feather flock together"). The article also perpetuated the fearful myths of homosexuals as pedophilic, mentally ill, and violent. Homosexual author D.W. Cory can perhaps be excused, therefore, for engaging in McCarthyite hyperbole when he accused the nation's press of "immunizing" society against "enlightened public opinion" by silencing reports of, much less real debate on the issue. Cory was understandably outraged that the New York Times refused to "report a single word on the Senatorial hearings in which charges of sexual perversion were made against State Department employees." 449 He �appreciated the Lerner series but noted that, in general, only "articles with vague and obscure hints at the true situation" appeared in "major" publications such as E squire and C o sm o p o litan . Cory praised the Ralph Major article in C oronet for having broken the silence, but not for its "one-sided and scurrilous" view of the hom osexual threat.98 Idealists expecting balanced reporting on such scandalous topics were bound to be disappointed in the fall of 1950. Meanwhile, the witchhunt atmosphere of the summer of 1950 gathered steam in the mid-term elections. The man who had chaired the commission which found McCarthy's charges against the State Departm ent "contemptible," M aryland's Conservative-Democratic Senator Millard Tydings, ended up paying for his efforts with his political life. McCarthy took his revenge by heavily assisting a political unknown, John Butler, in his campaign against the "whitewashing Commiecrat" incumbent. Tydings' earlier attempts to return the Senate to its "main work" of hunting Communists were buried by a fabricated photograph depicting him and Communist leader Earl Browder. By the time the scam was found out, Butler had already won the election.99 In addition to the vicious smearing Millard Tydings was taking from McCarthy, the State Department was taking hits from right and left (mostly from the right) over the homosexual issue. The top political commentator of one ultra-conservative newspaper claimed 450 �that diplomat "cookie-pushers" would become the "primary issue" of the mid-term elections since "the foreign policy of the U.S., even before World War II, was dominated by an all-powerful, super-secret, inner circle of highly educated, socially highly placed sexual misfits in the State Department, all easy to blackmail, all susceptible to blandishments by homosexuals in foreign nations."100 Republicans achieved victory in numerous races, and those who did often judged the State Department's "loss" of China and appeasement of the Soviet Union to have been the major reasons for public disillusion with the Democratic Party. The strongly anti-communist sentiment of the day helped Republicans such as Richard Nixon triumph over their Red-baited opponents.101 CONCLUSION The Hoey Committee discovered little that had not either already been known or already decided beforehand. The hearings started and ended with the conclusion that homosexuals in government were a security risk to the nation. Testimony about the possibility of "curing" homosexuals elicited no follow up, and was presumably ignored. The senators all seemed to agree that homosexuals must not only not be employed but, once fired, not be allowed to "escape" without ensuring, ironically, their effective blacklisting from future 451 �government jobs. The senators' chief task, therefore, was simply to call each government agency to task for any apparent laxity in security enforcem ent. Homosexuals, the great majority of the Hoey Committee witnesses agreed, were dangerous due to their susceptibility to blackmail -- a point driven home by the C.I.A. testimony about Alfred Raedl. Admiral Hillenkoetter's account of the the homosexual spy, Russians' use of the Austrian counter-intelligence officer could not have been more perfectly crafted to frighten those concerned about "moral perverts" selling state secrets. Since the C.I.A. downplayed the unique nature of Raedl's case, no one bothered asking if any Americans had ever been found committing similar crimes. magnified by The very possibility, Cold War Russophobia, enabled the "classic case" seemingly to prove the blackmail issue. The Hoey Committee witnesses touched upon various aspects of what we would call the "gay community" today. They recognized, with great concern, that homosexuals (like heterosexuals) tended to "flock together" — in the words of homophobic Nebraska Congressman Arthur L. Miller -- but they saw this occurring only for immoral purposes, not out a sense of being a persecuted minority. No sense of sympathy is evident in the discussion of homosexuals' affinity for each other, even as a means of counteracting blackmailers' schemes. Perhaps this is understandable; since a homosexual could unintentionally lead a blackmailer to another 452 �potential victim. But homophobia laced the witnesses' testimony, betraying their fears about unorthodox sexuality in general even more than specifically Cold W ar fears.102 The hearings also revealed that Senator Wherry was correct in one sense. reasons" for There had been lapses in the reporting of the "true homosexual employees' separations or resignations, and these had prevented the F.B.I. from being able to "flag" files of potentially blackmailable people. The Civil Service Commission had already admitted these "errors," however, in Commissioner Mitchell's April letter to Senators Hill and W herry.103 Thus the F.B.I. actually admitted to more fault d u rin g the hearings than did the Civil Service. All the Hoey Committee hearings did, in truth, was to underline the fact that those who were hiding their homosexuality were not likely to seek employment at other government agencies. However, since perceptions of threat had changed, a firee's embarrassment and modesty was no longer considered enough to ensure that each and every potential security risk was eliminated from the federal ranks. During the Second World War, homosexuals' employment was apparently tolerable, but during the heightened Cold War, their com plete elim ination was demanded. In general, the members of the Hoey Committee did a thorough job of quizzing witnesses and seeking answers to the burning issues of the day. Of course, only Senators Hoey, Mundt and Smith attended 453 �all five sessions, with McClellan present at four. O'Conor and Schoeppel attended one session each, while Eastland attended n o n e .104 But the truant lawmakers presumably reviewed the transcripts and gave their verbal input for the compilation of the subcommittee's report, which would receive the unanimous vote of all seven members. Stereotypes of homosexuals were easily recognizable throughout the hearings. Clyde Hoey referred to "homosexuals" and "sex deviates" but called the condition "homosexualism" numerous times. John McClellan could not even use the dreaded "H" word, preferring "addicts" who were "bad security risks because of these habits and practices." stripe." O'Conor also employed euphemisms for people "of that Karl Mundt referred to "homosexuals" throughout most of the hearings, indicating his comfortableness with the term, but occasionally exhibited a need to indulge in more pejorative colloquialisms like "homos." individuals" as psychotic. Andrew Schoeppel clearly viewed "these Homosexuals were "psychologically or otherwise addicted," he insisted to two different witnesses, adding that they must also be of "a finer and higher temperament" than the "ordinary . . . criminal or weak type" -- revealing the Kansan businessman's anti-intellectual bias and class stereotypes. Senator Smith inquired as to "other types" of "unorthodox" persons who were considered "poor" security risks; possibly curious about rates of �lesbianism, she asked about the gender breakdown of Navy dismissals. Smith also naively inquired if "the mentally deficient" were more prone to "this unfortunate condition" and if a "quick test like an X-ray" might "disclose such things?"105 Chairman Hoey conducted himself in his customary fashion during the hearings. The seventy-three-year-old Senator refrained from asking leading questions and conscientiously informed witnesses that the subcommittee was seeking to determine "whether or not" homosexuals in the Government service "constitute bad security risks" and should be considered "dangerous" in "sensitive positions." The diplomatic Hoey seemed open to the possibility that homosexuals might serve in "non-sensitive" positions, though he heard testimony uniformly unsympathetic to the idea. He reminded witnesses that no names were sought, just numbers of homosexuals fired. On a couple of occasions he even put down impatient remarks from Senator McClellan. Hoey was upset, however, as were Mundt and Smith, to hear of the additional firings in the State Department, since he felt that foreign service officers should have been "selected with a great deal more care" than the average government w orker.106 The hearings further reveal that each senator was rarely "enlightened” by witnesses’ often-conflicting testimony. Schoeppel admitted that he felt "a homosexual should not be employed or permitted to remain in any position of security" in government 455 �agencies, agreeing with the naval intelligence witness. The latter would not go so far, however, as to support Schoeppel's claim that a homosexual was also automatically "a very serious risk to the loyalty factors that we consider cardinal."107 McClellan, in particular, openly admitting his firm bias against allowing homosexuals to be employed in non-security positions. On the first day of hearings, he flatly stated, "This idea of 'Well, you can keep them out of sensitive positions' just does not appeal to me at all." Homosexuality could "under no circumstances . . . add strength" to an individual's moral fiber, he. added (obviously not envisioning an era of "gay pride"). Except in the "temporary employment" of the F.B.I. or C.I.A., he did not see "that we could tolerate them anywhere in Government."108 Like Schoeppel, his mind was made up from the start. Mundt, McClellan and Smith took the lead in pushing witnesses to comment on the government's resignation policy, attempting to show the inadequacy of Civil Service Commission reporting. As Mundt poignantly asked at one point, "In other words, there is nothing done by the C.I.A. to make available to all employing agencies a list of the homos that have been discharged?" McClellan demanded to know whether there was any "central agency" that functioned as a "repository" or "definite source or record" of homosexual-related discharges, and proposed that the C.I.A. request legislation 456 �"establishing some definite policy and procedure" for "keeping a perm anent reco rd ."109 McClellan also strongly condemned the exclusion of homosexuality from Loyalty Board criteria, and the police's laxity in marking arrest records. He pushed the F.B.I. witness to clarify whether the Bureau specifically examined the "character of conduct of an individual" in loyalty inquiries or whether it only reported homosexuality if it "just happen[ed] to stumble across it?" He repeated the point when he was told that the F.B.I. had "to draw a line" somewhere and covered only loyalty-related issues. McClellan was "surprised" to hear that "the character" of "a person addicted to these practices" did not automatically have "direct significance with respect to his loyalty," and asserted that "the harm" a homosexual might do "might be equally disastrous" as that of a disloyal employee. McClellan also attested to the effect of Senator Wherry's crusace in March, ascertaining that the D.C. police had sent flagged records of arrested homosexuals to the F.B.I. only since April of 1950, "after some publicity had been given to this state of affairs."110 Not surprisingly, given his earlier involvement in the HissChambers hearing, Mundt showed the strongest bias on the committee regarding the State Department. The North Dakotan grilled the Civil Service Commission witnesses about their jurisdiction over the Foreign Service, indicating his skepticism as to the 457 �trustworthiness of members of that elite, overseas club.111 He insisted that more homosexuals were employed in government than non-government jobs, and that homosexuals were "inclined" to "recruit or solicit" in the workplace. He also assumed the United Nations did not request homosexuality-related information when it hired former State Department officials. Revealing his fixations of hom osexuals-as-com m unists and/or Soviet blackm ailers, he repeatedly asked whether foreign agents had ever been arrested.112 Margaret Chase Smith proved to be the most vigilant senator on security procedures. She wanted to know if the President always got C.I.A. intelligence reports, implying perhaps that Truman had not been reading his. She also ascertained out that the C.I.A. had never had to fire those confronted with charges of homosexuality; they had "all given their resignations right away" and none had ever been kept on at the request of another agency.113 Smith consistently sought to find out which agency, if any, had "the specific responsibility of detecting homosexuals." She was disappointed to hear that the C.I.A. had no obligation to inform about them — a job which the C.I.A. Director said fell to the F.B.I., whose later witness declined to answer a question as to whether "any one particular agency" should have "responsibility and authority on perverts?"114 Finally, C hief Counsel Flanagan stands out as a forceful advocate for the hard-line stance he had previously indicated to W hite House 458 �advisors that he would take. He demanded a central records-keeping system and strongly criticized the previous, no-cause resignation policy, stating that "security should be handled on a Governmentwide basis rather than an individual agency basis." He also asked the Surgeon General if the Public Health Service could take over the job of identifying homosexuals in government jobs, a daunting task the official politely declined to accept.115 Senator Mundt had had to decline an offer himself, as he testified during the course of the hearings. He recalled how "a homosexual from Washington," a "colored fellow," had come by his office seeking a job with the Committee. The man, who had worked as a solicitor, offered his services as someone who could detect hom osexuals.116 The incident aptly illustrates how word of the Hoey Committee's mission had spread. Moreover, the homophobic perspective had been spreading, too. The hearings do not hint at any "naming of names" as in investigations of communists, but it is clear that the on­ going purge of homosexuals from government was increasing on its own accord.117 The Committee's report — the subject of the next chapter — would compile the Senators' worse fears and stereotypes with the most damaging statistics, creating a statement which became a justification for continuing the anti-homosexual campaign for years to come. 459 �1 See U.S. Congress, Senate, Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments, Investigations Subcommittee (81st Cong., 2d sess,), [Executive Session] "Hearings, pursuant to S. Res. 280," Vols. 26-28, 35-36 (July 14, 19 & 26 and Sept. 8 & 15, 1950), "Report of Proceedings," unpublished transcripts (Ward & Paul, Washington, D.C.) in National Archives I, R.G. 46, Stack Area 4E3, Row 9, Compartment 7, Boxes 6 & 7); hereafter "Hoey Committee Hearings." I am grateful to the office of Senator Susan Collins [R-ME] for assisting me in locating and retrieving this material, and to the National Archives for enabling me to photocopy it at no charge. 2 The hearings were declassified by a March 1992 presidential directive but two months later small portions of the July 19, 1950 testimony were reclassified; see Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), notices stamped on p. 2082. Transcripts for the 1949 & 1950 Hoey Committee hearings were numbered consecutively, which is why the 1950 hearings begin with Volume 26, (page 2,082); transcripts from the 400-page gap between the July 25 and Sept. 8 hearings covered another topic unrelated to the homosexual inquiry. Two earlier historians, John D'Emilio and Allan Berubd, requested declassification in the 1980s, but Sen. Sam Nunn [D-GA] denied their requests. The 1992 declassification came as a matter of routine, based on a 1990 directive. 3 From Susan T. Hatcher interviews with Francis "Frip" Flanagan (Mar. 6, 1981), and Ruth Watt Oral History Interviews (July-Nov. 1979), 91; Hatcher, "The Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoey," 165. cited in 4 Harry B. Mitchell cover letter to Donald S. Dawson (July 19, 1950), and Stephen J. Spingarn, "Memorandum for Mr. Dawson" (July 21, 1950); Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. in "Sex 5 Mitchell letter to [Special Assistant to the Attorney General] Clive Palmer (undated, c.Oct.-Nov., 1950), with attachments "Report on the 341 Persons Named on List Received From Department of Justice on September 12, 1950" (undated), and "Report of Result of Consideration of the Arrest Records of the 192 Persons Named on the Department of Justice List of September 12, 1950, Who Were Employed, Per Records, as of the Date of Search" (undated, data taken from Commission files "through the close of business, October 5, 1950"); in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. 6 Willard Edwards, "Perverts Fleeing State Dept. Under Probe Pressure," W ashington Times-Herald (July 27, 1950). 7 See Donald S. Dawson memo to [Interior Secretary] Oscar L. Chapman (July 28, 1950), with Spingarn's two drafts of same date, including one with typed note at bottom that he had read the draft over the telephone to Chapman, who had approved it; all in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. 4 60 �8 On the beginning of the Korean War, see, among others, U.S. Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States. 1950. 7 vols. (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1976-80); James F. Schnabel and Robert J. Watson, The Korean War. Part I (Washington, D.C.: Joint Chiefs of Staff, Joint Secretariat Historical Division, 1978); Robert Smith, MacArthur In Korea (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1982); Clay Blair, The Forgotten War: America In Korea. 1950-1953 (New York: New York Times Books, 1987); and Alonzo L. Hamby, Man of the People: A Life of Harrv S. Truman (New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1995), 534551. On the war's effects on American domestic politics, see also Lisle A. Rose, The Cold War Comes To Main Street (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1999), 166-206. 9 Demaree Bess, "Why Americans Hate the State Department," Saturday Evening P ost (Aug. 19, 1950), 22. This article - which focuses on the "China Lobby" does not mention the homosexual scandal, only McCarthy's ever-changing statistics about supposed Reds in the State Department and passing references to jokes about "cooky pushers in striped pants." 10 Former Commerce employee Remington was cleared by a grand jury on June 15, and Service was cleared by State Dep't Loyalty and Security Board (the second of an eventual five times) on June 21; McCarthy and others, however, called the clearances cover-ups. See Evening Star (June 15 & 21, 1950), A l; see also Newman, Owen Lattimore and the 'Loss' of China. 319-20, 355, 362, 394, 453, 570, 579; and Harvey Klehr and Ronald Radosh, The Amerasia Spy Case: Prelude to McCarthvism (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1996), 164199. Accused spy Julius Rosenberg was arrested on July 18, the day before the Hoey Committee's second hearing. Rosenberg and his wife were eventually tried and convicted; after Eisenhower refused them pardon, they became the only Americans executed on espionage-related charges, in 1953. 11 Now Room "SR 385" of the Richard Russell Senate Office Building. Despite new carpet and light fixtures from a mid-1990s renovation, its decor remains essentially the same as it was in 1950: high ceilings, a marble fireplace, floorto-ceiling dark-walnut paneling and a semi-circular dias (see photo from 1949 hearings, in previous chapter). From e-mail to author of Dr. Betty K. Koed, Assistant Historian, U.S. Senate Historical Office, Apr. 27, 19^9. 12 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), 2083. Chief Counsel Flanagan had insisted on hearing from intelligence-agency witnesses first, since he distrusted the potentially more "progressive" medical witnesses; see Chap. 5. 461 �13 Rear Admiral Roscoe H. Hillenkoetter [1897-1982] had served as Director of the CIA since its founding in May 1947, under the provisions of Section 102 of the National Security Act of 1947. A 1919 graduate of the U.S. Naval Academy, he came to the CIA with over twenty years' experience in military intelligence, having served as Assistant Naval Attache and Naval Attache in Paris and in Vichy, France (1940-41, under the collaborationist regime); he also served in the Pacific as Officer in Charge of Intelligence on the staff of Admiral Nimitz. Hillenkoetter had frequently testified on Navy intelligence matters before the House Naval Affairs Committee, when Senator Smith was a member of that body; she cordially thanked him for his first appearance before the Hoey subcommittee. See Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), 2089, 2112-13; John P. Quirk, ed., The Central Intelligence Agency: A Photographic History (Guilford, CT.: Foreign Intelligence Press, 1986), 223; and Michael Warner, ed., C.I.A. Cold War Records: The C.I.A. under Harry Trum an (Washington, D.C.: C.I.A. History Staff, 1994). Hillenkoetter had endured much criticism during his tenure as CIA Director, and would soon be replaced by a man seen as a "stronger" leader, Gen. Walter Bedell Smith. See William M. Leary, ed., The Central Intelligence Agency: History and D ocum ents (University [Tuscaloosa], AL.: Univ. of Alabama Press, 1984), 23-24. 14 Quoted in news report of Edwards, "Perverts Fleeing State Dept. Under Probe Pressure." Edwards received only a summary of Hillenkoetter's testimony; the Admiral did not directly link the war and the homosexual inquiry, 15 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), 2084-90, 2094-95; Hillenkoetter's written statement was submitted as a separately numbered appendix. 16 The Senate and CIA documents all used the older spelling "Raedl" -reflecting Nazi sources utilized by the CIA — instead of the "Redl" preferred by subsequent writers. For the sake of consistency with the 1950 American accounts, I have retained the original spelling. 17 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), 2090-94. For the classic study on how closed-group reasoning can preclude consideration of alternative, rational options, see Irving L. Janis, Groupthink: Psychological Studies of Policy Decisions and Fiascoes. 2nd ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1982); see also Janis' comments on "homosexual buffoonery" in the military, in his "Psychodynamic Aspects of Adjustment to Army Life," Psychiatry 8 (May 1945), 159-76 [esp. 170]. 462 �18 For the only English-language biography of Raedl, see Robert Asprey, The Panther's Feast (1959; New York: Bantam, 1969), on whom I have relied for much of my critique. A former U.S. intelligence officer, Asprey cited dozens of Austrian documents not available for the first German-language biography (written by the reporter who broke the story), Egon Erwin Kisch's P er Fall des G eneralstabschefs Raedl (Berlin: Verlag die Schmiede, 1924); a later work also makes full use of archival sources, Georg Markus’s P er Fall Redl (Vienna: Amalthea, 1984). For fictionalized accounts, see S.E. Kelly, P er Meisterspion. Roman: Pas Geheimdossier des Falles Redl (Buenos Aires: Editorial Cosmopolita, 1945); and Heinz Rieder, Todliche Spiele (Innsbruck: Wort und Welt Verlag, 1982). Asprey's book was reprinted in paperback after the success of John Osborne's 1965 play, which was performed without British government license after the author refused to tone down sexual innuendoes, and was published as a book under the same title, A Patriot For Me (London: Faber, 1966). Istvan Szabo's film, Oberst Redl (Mafilm-Objectiv Studio, 1984), was later released on video [German with English subtitles] as Oberst Redl: Col. Redl (Beverly Hills, CA.: PacificArts Corp., 1987); on the making of Szabo's film, see Gyorgy Szaraz, A Kem Meg A Vadkan (Budapest: Magveto, 1985). 19 Asprey, The Panther's Feast. 298, claims that he only obtained access to Austrian records through his friendship with then-President Theodor Kbrner, but it is unlikely that the same President would have refused access to the CIA while giving it to an individual American intelligence officer intent on publishing his findings. 20 Quotes from Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), 2090. 21 Asprey, The Panther's Feast. 44-45, 74-75, 120-24, 256-56, 264; and Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), 2090-91. Hillenkoetter's written statement [loc. cit. , App., 5-6), however, gets the date more correct, at 1900. If the C.I.A. were relying only on publicly released Austrian government sources, it could have more understandably accepted the 1912 date, not knowing the Austrians minimized the damage of Raedl's ten years' worth of spying. 22 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), 2090-91. For the opposing account, see Asprey, The Panther's Feast. 80, 121, 217. Osborne's play, A Patriot For Me. also repeats the same mythological accounts spread by contemporary newspaper accounts, that Raedl was betrayed by a "trick" who passed his hoteiroom key to waiting Russian agents. 23 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), 2094. Asprey, The Panther's Feast. 255-56, discloses that it was the Austrian quasi-official M ilitary Review (May 29, 1913), whose account was later reprinted on the front pages of major newspapers around the world (and in subsequent issues through June 13, 1913), and later in Kisch's 1924 biography [see footnote above]. 24 Asprey, The Panther's Feast. 4, 40-45, 80, 95 , 247, 263. 25 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), 2092-93; F east, passim. 463 Asprey, The Panther's �26 Compare Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), 2093 and App., 13. The written statement clarifies the fact that the Austrians censored mail during the Second and Third Balkans Crises [1911-13] and caught Raedl in the act of picking up blackmail money at a post office box. 27 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), 2094. 28 Asprey, The Panther's Feast. 257-85 [quote from 284], The claim that Austria's efforts against Russia were "neutralized . . . for more than a decade" was especially ludicrous, since by the 1920s the Austrian and Russian empires no longer existed, and the new Soviet Union (weakened by civil war and war with Poland) did not even border the new Austrian state. Asprey's publisher, however, could not resist repeating the C.I.A.'s hyperbole in claiming (on the back cover) that the blackmail's effect was "so deadly" that "its consequences led to the start of World War I," a leap Asprey clearly did not make. 29 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), 2102-03. Hillenkoetter’s written statement substituted the word "dagger" for "weapon." Senator Smith undoubtedly had this scenario in mind when she later asked the Civil Service Commission representative if any individuals in disloyalty cases were also found to have been homosexual; the witness stated that there were "no known cases." See op. cit. (Sept. 8, 1950), 2752-53. 30 The 1906 case of a member of the Kaiser’s inner circle, Count von Eulenberg, being blackmailed for running a "homosexual clique" was a major scandal in a Europe obsessed with masculine, imperial imagery, but sexual details of the case did not resurface in the United States until Congresswoman Katharine St. George (R-NY) revealed it; see Cong. Rec. (May 1, 1952), A265254; see also Hogan and Hudson, Completely Queer: The Gay And Lesbian E n cy clo p ed ia. 246. American coverage of the case was "so veiled as to render superfluous any extensive reprinting of the [homosexually explicit] news stories," as per Jonathan Katz (Gav/Lesbian Almanac: A New Documentary. 322-23), who reviewed New York Times articles on the case. It is possible, therefore, that the Eulenberg case escaped the notice of CIA researchers — but published euphemisms about the Raedl case would have been just as obscure. 31 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), 2094-96, 2099; remarks about heterosexual relations repeated, 2100. Hillenkoetter also described this as a concept of "a government within a government" whereby one would bring another into an agency and advance him or her for solely romantic considerations. On a less insidious level, Miller had admonished, "homosexuals are like birds of a feather — they flock together." 32 Loc. cit., 2095-96, 2098-99. Hillenkoetter's written statement (App., 19) put the phrase to go "straight" in quotations, and juxtaposed it with theterm, the "gay" life, but he chose not to use the latter, then-new, slang term in his verbal presentation. He later [2103] directly admitted the effects of a homophobic society, warning his audience that "blackmail of homosexuals is particularly effective when homosexuality is universally condemned and actively attacked by the society in which the subject lives." 464 �33 Loc. cit., 2096-98. The Director thus implied that the man had solicited a police informant, and later confirmed that the case "became public kno w led g e." 34 On Wherry's rumored Nazi list, see loc. cit., App., 28-29; on the Nazi's other WWII-era cases, see op. cit. , 2100-01, and App., 31-34. For Hillenkoetter's statement about Soviet blackmail techniques, see op. cit, , 2102, and App. 35-36. The next witness, Hamilton Howze, also testified [2125] that the Army had "no information" on foreign governments' use of homosexual blackmail. The Director's written statement [App., 25-26], however, sheds some light to this delicate position; he stated that "while this Agency would never employ a homosexual on its rolls, it might conceivably be necessary, and in the past has actually been valuable, to use known homosexuals in the field" while making use of "appropriate controls." Hoey agreed [2105] that "utilizing homosexuals for getting information" could be "very effective in some instances," leading the Director to reiterate his comments about precautions. 35 Howze, 41, was a 1930 graduate of West Point who had originally trained in the Horse Cavalry. He later moved to mechanized cavalry, however, and served as a tank commander in World War II, leading the First Armored Division in Tunisia and Italy. He spoke in 1950 "not as a specialist" but merely a representative from the office of the Assistant Chief of Staff (G2 [Army Intelligence]), a position he had held "for about a year." See loc. cit., 2124-25; and Richard Goldstein, "Gen. H.H. Howze, 89, Dies; Proposed Copters as Cavalry," New York Times (Dec. 18, 1998), C32. 36 The son of Dr. E.F. Ladd, a distinguished Senator from North Dakota, "Mickey" Ladd [1903-60] attended night classes at George Washington University while working by day as a secretary in his father’s office. In 1928, he received his law degree, was admitted to both the D.C. bar and the U.S. Court of Appeals, and then joined the; FBI. After just three years, Director J. Edgar Hoover noted that Ladd "was an outstanding investigator and administrator" and a "tremendously hard and efficient worker" whose "loyalty, selflessness and devotion" inspired his fellow employees. He served in New Orleans, St. Louis, St. Paul, Washington and Chicago before being promoted, in 1939, to Assistant Director in charge of the Identification [fingerprints] Division and the Technical Laboratory. In 1941, he became head of the important Division 5 (Security Division), and in May 1949, he became an Assistant to the Director. He was renowned for his humorous nature, extensive memory, and impressive analytical abilities. See 1950-55 editions of Who's Who in America: plus "D. Milton Ladd," Investigator (Sept. 15, 1942), n.p.; "Assistant to the Director Ladd Retires," In v estig ator (Mar. 1954), 2, 7 [Hoover quote]; and Milton A. Jones, "Ladd, Rosen and Coffey Served FBI With Dedication for Years," G rapevine (Aug. 1979), 30. I am grateful to Linda Collan, Research Unit, FBI Office of Public and Congressional Affairs, for citations from these internal FBI publications. 37 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), 2131-35. Ladd forgot to mention that American intelligence agencies sought to find the same chinks. 38 Hylant had only held this position since July 1, 1950. Previously, he had "headed up" the ONI's "policy and control section . . . mostly dealing with international relations and disclosure o f classified information to foreign governments and industrial security." See loc. cit., 2145-46. 465 �39 Loc. cit., 2145-54 [quotes from 2152, 2145, 2148, 2150]. Senator Smith later complimented Hylant for compiling figures "up to as of this morning," indicating she had not understood his statement that they were only up to May; he graciously did not correct her. He later repeated [2153] that he felt "a definite responsibility to the mothers and fathers of the boys" on his ship, and he did "not want them exposed to homosexual people" even if he "thought they were loyal fighters." Smith clarified that the discharge was of the "blue" type, "under conditions other than honorable," an effective bar from future governm ent em ploym ent. 40 Lt. Col. subordinate been called scheduled); F. I. McGarraghy was Chief of the General Investigations Division, a of General Carroll, Director of Special Investigations (who had out of town the day before and could not attend the hearing as see loc. cit., 2154-57. The session adjourned at 12:05 p.m. 41 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 19, 1950).. 2165-68. In his first questions of the hearings, O'Conor [2168-69] asked twice if there was any "prior record" of the State Department employee's "being of that stripe." 42 Loc. cit., 2169-70. 43 Loc. cit., 2171-72. Mundt was happy to hear that Flanagan and Hoey said the committee staff had the statistics and were "working on them." In fact, the F.B.I. had sequestered Blick's files on Apr. 2, as testimony in a later (Sept. 15) hearing revealed. 44 Blick's circumspect responses may have been affected by his awareness of the publication of Max Lerner's series, whose respectful but doubt-raising profile of the Vice Squad Chief appeared only the day before his Hoey Committee testimony. Lerner revealed how irresponsibly the reclusive lieutenant had arrived at his guess of 300-400 homosexuals in the State Department when he appeared before the Wherry-Hill subcommittee in March. Wherry had released the damaging figures to the press without realizing that Blick had been indulging largely in guess work. See analysis in Chapter 3, comparing Wherry Report, 6; Hill Report, 2; MaxLerner, "'Scandal' in the State Dept, VIII: Blick of the Vice Squad," New York Post (July 18, 1950), 2, 26; and "Memorandum of Conversation, Participants: Mr. John Finlator PER, Mr. Fred Traband - SI, Lieutenant Roy Blick, Metropolitan Police Dept." (Mar. 29, 1950); copy in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. 45 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 19, 1950), 2174. Mundt admitted his own subjectivity when he agreed that a personal opinion was "all of us can ever give at any time, and that is what I wanted." 46 Loc. cit., 2174-75, 2178-79, 2181-82. Flanagan [2179-80] reported that sodomy and prostitution statutes in Maryland, Virginia and the District of Columbia were difficult to enforce since people had to be caught in the sex act or in clear acts of solicitation. 466 �47 Loc. cit., 2180-83, 2190-91. McClellan claimed that he wanted to know about the issue in order to make "necessary recommendations" to "tighten the situation" and to "identify" those in government jobs who "might be bad security risks because of these habits and practices." Smith [2191] also asked about the recidivism rate; Blick said arrestees came to know his agents too fast for them to catch anyone a second time. 48 Loc. cit., 2173-74, 2184-90. To Blick's credit, he admitted that homosexuals had "cliques" in their "society" just as "we have in ours." Both Lts. Scott and Blick were grilled quite extensively by anxious Sens. Mundt, Hoey, Smith and McClellan, about the files for diplomats' incidents, which were kept in alphabetical, not case, order. 49 Loc. cit., 2176-78. Blick gave the names of the officers (blacked out in transcript) so that the committee could track down when the liaisons had stopped. The current officer was most likely John Finlator, an investigator in the Department of State's Office of Personnel. Along with Fred Traband, a member of the security investigations division of the State Department, Finlator had interviewed Blick on Mar. 29th about the testimony he had given to Senator Wherry's "preliminary investigation" the previous week; see "Memorandum of Conversation, Participants: Mr. John Finlator - PER, Mr. Fred Traband - SI, Lieutenant Roy Blick, Metropolitan Police Dept." (Mar. 29, 1950); copy in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. 58 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 19, 1950), 2193-2200. A 22-year-old, former Commerce Department employee had been arrested three times (the first as a juvenile) on homosexual-related charges from 1944-46 but received only fines and a suspended sentence; he was employed by Commerce for eight months in 1949; the Senators failed to ask how the man had gained employment in government with such an arrest record. The agent, Mr. F.C. Ayres, was superintendent (Assistant Secretary and Manager) of the Mercantile Fidelity Division for the United States Fidelity and Guaranty Company of Baltimore. 51 Loc. cit., 2201. Between them, these four handled security policy for every aspect of the State Department. Humelsine was officially confirmed by the Senate on July 26th. 52 Loc. cit., 2201-04, 2206-07, 2217, 2221-22 [quotes from 2217, 2203]. Peurifoy's 1947 policies, see Chap. 2. On 53 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 19, 1950), 2205, 2211, 2215-16. Humelsine defended the State Department by declaring the 105 figure "pretty low" compared to the national average; Mundt clarified that he thought it "a pretty high number" due to "the sensitive nature of the State Department," a stance defended by Senator Hoey. The White House also noted Humelsine’s corrected figure; see [Spingarn?] memo, untitled (July 20, 1950) which carries a tone of betrayal in its misjudgment of Humelsine's additions: "Carl Hummelsine [sic] told the Hoey pervert committee that Peurifoy was wrong when he testified 91 homosexuals had been dismissed from the State Department — he said the correct figure was 115 [sic]"; in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. Peurifoy had not been wrong -- Humelsine was merely updating his data. 467 �54 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 19, 1950), 2206-14, 2206, 2210, 2220-21 (Smith quote from 2210, Flanagan from 2220-21). From Humelsine's July 24, 1950 letter to Senator Hoey detailing breakdown of statistics [2214A-C], 29 of the 105 separated homosexuals were found to have been employed less than one year, a total of 61 less than four years, and only eight more than ten years. Peurifoy's figure of 91 covered firees from 1947 through Jan. 31, 1950, out of a total of over 20,000 employees; the additional 14 had all resigned since then. Commissioner Mitchell had admitted to the reemployed cases in May. 55 Richardson [1880-1965] had been a partner in a corporate-law firm since 1933, and had served part-time on the Loyalty Board as chair since 1947; see Loc. cit., 2226. Born in Iowa, he had received his law degree from the University of Wisconsin in 1903, practiced law and served in the North Dakota Attorney General's office from 1904 to the early 1920s, when he was appointed U.S. District Attorney by President Harding; he was appointed Assistant U.S. Attorney General by President Hoover. 56 Truman appointed Richardson in an attempt to mute potential criticism of what congressional opponents viewed as an executive-office power grab; by 1951, the Board (working from FBI checks) had dismissed only 212 out of 3 million employees, though several thousand resigned during this period. See David McCullough, Trum an (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), 551-52. 57 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 19, 1950), 2226-27, 2242 [remarks about no loyalty-based homosexuality cases repeated, 2236; Smith quote from 2242). 58 Loc. cit., 2227-40 [department-head quote from 2232, repeated 2240; quote on McCarthy from 2235). Richardson (2232) reminded the Committee that, compared to the "95%" who resigned when faced with accusations of homosexuality, "99%" of those who came before the Loyalty Board gave "absolute denial of any connection whatever with the Communist Party," creating a situation which drew out some deliberations interminably. 59 Quote from loc. cit., 2240. Mundt and Hoey repeatedly asked [2230-31, 2237, 2239-41] whether the Loyalty Board could be expanded to take on the expectedly large number of security cases. 60 Shelley was officially the Surgeon General of the U.S. Public HealthService (PHS), within the Federal Security Agency. He was neither a psychiatrist nor a specialist on homosexuality, but a medical doctor with 18 years' experience as a PHS administrator; see Hoey Committee Hearings (July 26, 1950), 2244. 61 Loc. cit., 2245-54. 62 Smith quote from loc. cit., 2253. 63 Loc. cit., 2253-54, 2257-71 [Hoey quote, 2271]. Felix also testified [2262] that "in some cases" homosexuality developed from overly close parents, a mild form of the "Momism" promoted by later witnesses before the committee. 64 Loc. cit., 2272-80. see Chapter 1. For Dr. Henry's influence on the study of homosexuality, 468 �65 Raines was head of neuropsychiatry for the Navy's Bureau of Medicine and Surgery, having until recently served as Chief of Psychiatry at Bethesda Naval Hospital. He was also Professor of Psychiatry at Georgetown University and one of the directors of the American Board of Psychiatry and Neurology. Raised in rural Mississippi, he had first "encountered" homosexuals while working his way through medical school in a "jazz orchestra.” See Hoey Committee Hearings (Tuly 26, 1950), 2281-82. 66 Loc. cit., 2281-91. Raines looked forward [2288] to Kinsey's second book, on female sexuality, which he thought would be appear "within the next few months." Ironically, the Hoey Committee publicity brought enough disrepute to the subject of homosexuality that funding for Kinsey's research was delayed in August, 1950; the second work would not appear until 1953. See James H. Jones, Alfred C. Kinsev. 639-40. 67 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 26, 1950), 2292-2301. Raines concluded [2302] by saying that "one of the best methods of picking them up on routine examination is to have a homosexual psychiatrist do the examination." 68 Berubd, Coming Out Under Fire. 264. 69 Op. cit. , 278, 359 n 55; an Army report with similar findings was even ordered to be destroyed. The 1948 Navy report was released only in 1977 on the order of a federal judge; see E. Lawrence Gibson, Get Off My Ship (New York: Avon, 1978), 356-67. 70 The [White House] memo, "Qualified Medical Witnesses" (June 26, 1950) listed Kubie, but one of the White House advisors (probably Spingarn) thought Kubie "might not be [the] most useful witness"; see White House memo '"Sex Pervert’ Investigation File, Telephone talk with Surgeon General Shelley (USPHS) on June 27, 1950, 11:15 a.m." Kubie was subsequently removed from the revised "Qualified Medical Witnesses" (June 28, 1950), a copy of which was provided to Spingarn from Deputy Under Secretary Humelsine on June 29. All in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. The two lists and memo of additions listed the following professionals who did not testify: "Gen. William Menninger, Topeka, Kansas"; "Karl Menninger (brother of General)" [removed from June 28 list]; "Dr. Frank Braceland, Head Psychiatrist at Mayo Clinic" [added to June 28 list]; "Col. Inwood, USA, Head of Psychiatry, Navy Bureau of Medicine"; "Cmdr. Thomas Harris, Chief of Psychiatry, Navy Bureau of Medicine"; Kubie [removed from June 28 list]; "Dr. Robert Knight, Head of Riggs Foundation, Stockbridge, Mass., and President of American Psychoanalytic Association"; "Dr. Leo Bartemeier, Detroit; Pres., International Psychoanalytic Association"; "Dr. Calvin Drayer, Philadelphia Institute of Psychiatry" [added to June 28 list]; and "Dr. Rex Burton, Pres., Washington Psychiatric Association." The memo of the June 27th telephone conversation with Surgeon General Shelley also listed another who did not make the June 28 revision: "(c) Joseph Weisskoff, Treasury (?) Physician (USPHS office)." 71 The subcommittee held hearings on an unrelated matter, the Signal Corps, on six days between the third and fourth hearings on homosexuals (between July 25th and Sept, 8th). I am grateful to Ed Schamel of the Center for Legislative Archives, National Archives I (Washington, D.C.) for confirming this; from author's telephone conversation of Apr. 27, 1999. 469 �72 Frances Perkins [Mrs. Paul Wilson, 1880-1965] earned her law degree from Columbia University in 1910. Partly inspired by the 1911 Triangle Shirtwaist factory tragedy, she served in numerous progressive causes and authored books on labor conditions and womans' and immigrants' rights. Appointed the first female member of the Cabinet on Roosevelt's first day in office in 1933, she had endured severe criticism over her fair-handed approach to the 1934 longshoremen's strike and her refusal to deport its leader, Harry Bridges. That controversy led to a failed attempt to impeach her, initiated in 1938 by Congressmen J. Parnell Thomas [R-NJ] and Martin Dies [D-TX], later of HUAC. Truman appointed her to the Civil Service Commission in September, 1946. See George W. Martin, Madam Secretary. Frances Perkins (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1976), 398, 407-17, 441; Bill Severn, Frances Perkins: A Member of the C abinet (New York: Hawthorn Books, 1976), 194-204, 230-37; and Penny Colman, A Woman Unafraid: The Achievements of Frances Perkins (New York: Atheneum, 1993), 92-95, 106-07. 73 Perkins' impeachment experience had left her with "no confidence in the government's ability or desire to keep confidential any information, however personal or tentative." She was also upset when a seemingly sexist Commission (over her objections) granted immunity to a policeman who was informing on a woman whom he had asked to perform oral sex on him. Perkins found the act disgusting but also believed that the policeman had a "degraded" character if he expected immunity, having initiated the act and knowing she would lose her job and reputation. See Martin, Madam Secretary. 477-48. On Perkins' attitudes toward cutting Commission red tape, see Severn, Frances Perkins. 237; and Colman, A Woman Unafraid. 107. 74 Hatcher was the same man whom White House Assistant Steve Spingarn had reprimanded for not carefully sanitizing the lists of firees in July. Moyer [incorrectly spelled "Mayer" in the transcripts] had advised the White House on the Hoey Committee staffs preparatory work during the previous month. James Mitchell was no relation to Harry Mitchell. 75 Hoey Committee Hearings (Sept. 8, 1950), 2727-33. Having in mind the previous week's police testimony about the low collateral issue, Senator Smith later asked if the Commission had removal authority in the case of an employee's "misdemeanor" arrest; Perkins reiterated that the employing agency "must take the initiative in removing him, if he has served his probationary period." Her assistant, Hatcher, added [2749-50] that the Commission had jurisdiction "in the event of a transfer to a competitive position" which Smith clarified as meaning "reemployment." 76 Loc. cit., 2733-40. The circular noted that the full-disclosure policy could "be found on pages R-116 and R-129 of the Federal Personnel Manual." Perkins [2738] read from page R-129, which stated that "sufficient detail" of an employee's separation or resignation must be given "to determine his reemployment eligibility and retirement rights" (page R-116 demanded immediate notification). 77 Loc. cit., 2741-48. Mundt was chagrined to admit [2746] that he had been "a member of the Committee in the House that wrote the Foreign Service Act" which allowed for only voluntary reporting. 470 �78 Loc. cit., 2756-58. The F.B.I. obtained the police list on Apr. 2, 1950; the nation-wide notification to "identification officers in Police Departments" was included in the F.B.I.'s Law Enforcement Bulletin of May, 1950. 79 Loc. cit., 2754-61. Mundt clarified [2760] and Flanagan reiterated [2764] that Blick's list was actually of disorderly conduct cases where the perpetrator had later forfeited the $25 collateral bond — a good indication that the true reason (not always specified on police reports, prior to April 1950) were for homosexual charges. Ladd later admitted [2766-67] that since the F.B.I. had (before April) filed as "non-criminal" the fingerprint records of disorderly conduct cases; the F.B.I.'s original cross-check against Blick's list of 186, therefore, revealed no matches in the criminal file for sodomy charges. A second check against disorderly conduct charges in the non-criminal file revealed the 86 federal employees. N.B. -- Sodomy was a very rare charge since the officers had to catch the two men in the act, and the penetrated person (the "passive partner") had to press charges along the lines of anal rape. In most sodomy cases, both men were consenting actors, so neither would press charges. The police were left with no choice but to charge both with only disorderly conduct. 80 Loc. cit., 2760-64. Some of the remaining 100 were still under investigation, Hoey noted [2761], and the full 186 would be soon accounted for to the Committee. Perkins [2760-61] defended the drunks charged by the overzealous officers, saying that "happening to be a little tight in Lafayette Park" (the site of many homosexual arrests) did not "completely prove" one's habitual or even occasional tendency toward "irregular practices." After Mundt admitted a possible "improper attitude on the part of the police" [2762], Perkins requested Flanagan's "influence" in curbing this "very unfortunate" police technique which had considerably muddied Civil Service investigations [2764-65], 81 Ladd cited Hoover as calling homosexuals "a definite security risk" during his out-of-committee remarks following his Sept. 7, 1950 testimony before the Senate Appropriations Committee; Senator McClellan agreed that Hoover's declaration was "very emphatic," indicating he had heard it him self (though he was not a member of the Appropriations Committee); see loc. cit. , 2768-69. Hoover was requesting an 11% increase in the F.B.I.'s budget, including funds for background & fingerprint checks; see U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Appropriations (81st Congress, 2d session), "Supplemental Appropriations for 1951," Hearings, Sept. 7, 1950 (Washington, D.C.; U.S. G.P.O., 1951), 733-41. 82 Hoey Committee Hearings (Sept. 15, 1950), 2772-77. Quinn testified on behalf of Chief Judge George P. Barse, who had earlier met with Frip Flanagan on the bond issue. Quinn also corrected the date of the judges' decision — Aug. 18, effective Aug. 21 — which Flanagan had stated as Aug. 15 during the previous week's testimony [pp. cit. (Sept. 8, 1950), 2764]. Quinn supplied the Committee with a copy of Barse's order, which stated "$500 bond or $300 cash," the reverse of what Quinn stated before the Committee; see Hoey Committee Hearings (Sept. 15, 1950), insertion between 2774 & 2775. 471 �83 As part of the National Park Service's "Pervert Elimination Campaign," the Interior Dep’t briefly compiled monthly reports on Lafayette Park, a popular homosexual cruising ground since the turn of the century, and right across from the White House, See U.S. Department of the Interior, Records of the Office of the Secretary of the Interior, Central Classified Files, 1937-1953, File No. 12-41 - Administrative - {Part 7), Jan. 20, 1950 - Dec. 18, 1950; in R.G, 48, Box 3838, National Archives II, College Park, MD. On the sexual history of Lafayette Park, see also David K. Johnson, "Homosexual Citizens: Washington's Gay Community Confronts the Civil Service," Washington H istory (Fall/Winter 1994-95): 45-63, 93-96. I am grateful to Franklin Kameny & David Johnson for alerting me to this history and to the Interior Department file. 84 Hoey Committee Hearings (Sept. 15, 1950), 2778-83 [Fay & Hoey], 2792-93 [Mundt]. Fay and Assistant D.A. Warren Wilson detailed how the parks were covered by a "catch-all" statute (against committing "an obscene or indecent act" — immorality, profanity, or indecent exposure) which carried a sixmonths' jail term and/or $500 fine; they were willing to allow D.C. judges to give one punishment or the other, but not both. The jurisdictions did then and still today overlap in a unique, quilt-like geography irrelevant to those committing crimes; Quinn [2775] had briefly mentioned the issue at the end of his testimony. The Hoey Committee heard briefly [2790-91] from one final witness, D.C. Corporation Assistant Counsel Clark King, who also urged a uniform (D.C. city capital parks) penalty policy for sex offenses, but suggested "a separate and distinct provision of law aside from disorderly conduct that would cover indecent acts.” The senators remained non-committal on the issue. 85 Loc, cit., 2784-87 [Murray], 2787-89 [Blick], 2785-86, 2788 [Smith], 2787, 2789 [Hoey]. The inspectors named Lafayette and Franklin Parks, Du Pont Circle, and the (three) Monument Grounds — totaling a large percentage of restrooms — no wonder the suggestion was met with skepticism. 86 See Francis D, Flanagan letter to Donald S. Dawson (Oct. 7, 1950), thanking him for information sent to Senator Hoey in Dawson's letter of Oct. 2 [not retained in files]; in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. On Spingarn's departure, see Chapter 4. 87 The Army was up from .18% to .59%; Air Force [from 1948] up from .43% to .68% in early '50; and Navy [inch Marines] up from .61% to 1.16%. See Felix E. Larkin [Defense Dep't General Counsel] to Francis D. Flanagan (Sept. 20, 1950), with attached memos of Office of Secretary of Defense, "Department of Defense, Analysis Of Military Separations Due To Homosexual Tendencies: By Service, Year and Month, 1 January 1947 through 30 June 1950. Progress Reports and Statistics, 22 August 1950," and "Department of Defense, Analysis Of Civilian Separations Due To Homosexual Tendencies. Progress Reports and Statistics, 23 August 1950," in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. Larkin sent carbon copies to White House Assistant Steve Spingarn, who passed them on to Don Dawson for filing; see Spingarn's handwritten note to Dawson (Oct. 2, 1950), loc. cit. The Air Force only kept statistics for officers in 1948 & '49, and had to extrapolate estimates on enlisted separations for those years based on the Army Air Corps figures from 1947. 472 �88 Felix E. Larkin to Francis D. Flanagan, with copy to Stephen J. Spingarn (undated; stamped received Nov. 2, 1950), attached to Spingarn's handwritten note to Dawson (Nov. 6, 1950); in "Sex Perversion File, 1950,” HSTL, WHCF/CF. Larkin specified that the Department could not declassify figures (included in the Sept. 22-23 reports) on the total number of personnel in the military, including the percentages for security reasons. The full tables were not declassified until 1979 (E.O. 12065, Sec. 3-402; DOD Directive 5100.30). 89 "In any capacity" quote from memo of [Defense Department Personnel Policy Board Chairman] Hubert E. Howard, "Memorandum for the Secretary of the Army, the Secretary of the Navy, the Secretary of the Air Force. Subject: Discharge of Homosexuals from the Armed Services" (Oct. 11, 1949), 1. Handbook [Section 4910] quote from [DOD General Counsel] Felix E. Larkin letter to Flanagan (undated, stamped received Nov. 8, 1950), I. Both in loc, cit. 90 See A.L. Miller, "Sex Perverts," Cong. Rec. 96, 17 (Sept. 21, 1950), A6775-76. 91 See "State Dept. Man Faces Sex Charge," New York Daily News (Sept. 20, 1950); unpaginated copy in National Archives II, R.G. 48, Records o f the Office of the Secretary of the Interior, Office Files of Secretary Oscar Chapman 1933-1953, Central Classified Files 1937-1953 [Entry 768], Box 3838, File "12-41 Administrative (Part 7, Jan. 20-Dec. 18, 1950)." Desvemine was bom in New York City on November 15, 1915, and had earned a bachelor's and a law degree from Duke University by 1939, when he was admitted to the New York bar. He was appointed a special assistant to the Department of State and served in San Josd, Costa Rica (1942-44) and thereafter in Havana, Cuba, where he rose to vice consul and second secretary by June 1947 and consul by April 1949. He was married with one child as of 1950. See U.S. Department of State, Biographic Register (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1949), 112. 92 The article "State Dept. Man Faces Sex Charge," New York Daily News (Sept. 20, 1950), had claimed that "an order came from upstairs" to suppress information on the Desvemine case. 93 Quote from Assistant Secretary of State Carlisle Humelsine, in U.S. Congress, House Committee on Appropriations, (82d Congress, 1st Session), "Departments of State Appropriations For 1952," Hearings, Mar. 2, 1951 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O. 1951), 395. Se<_ also Desvemine's letters to [White House Assistant] Steelman (June 2 & 12, 1950, Mar. 8, 1951, July 2 & Aug. 1, 1952), and [National Security Resources Board chairman] W. Stuart Symington letter to Steelman (Oct. 6, 1950); in HSTL, O.F. Box 613, File "Desvemine, Raoul E. (only)." His 1948 FBI file is listed in the index for the Confidential File on Loyalty Program [HSTL, WHCF, Box 23, folder Loyalty Program] but the actual file was apparently not sent to the Truman Library. On later hearings, see Chapter 8. 94 Howsam, 35, of Fall Church. Virginia, was a former Air Force and airline pilot; seven witnesses, including Senator Johnson, testified as to his "impeccable" character before the D.C. Municipal Court. Howsam claimed he had had trouble urinating due to "a severe bladder injury after a jeep accident in Italy during the v ar," and had thus been lingering at the urinal longer than someone afflicted with such "physical infirmities." From "Jury Clears Senator’s Aide in Sex Case," Washington Post (Dec. 22, 1950), 5. 473 �95 See editors' note leading into Ralph H. Major, Jr., "The New MORAL MENACE To Our Youth," C oronet (Sept. 1950), 101. The front cover contained the by­ line, "Read the Revealing Expose: The New Moral Menace," 96 Major, "MORAL MENACE," 101. 97 Major, "MORAL MENACE," 102-108. Like many conservative commentators, Major misread Kinsey's remark (that he nonetheless quoted, 102) that Kinsey had been "totally unprepared to find such" high numbers of homosexuals in American society; Kinsey had meant to suggest that homosexuality should be accepted. The California Special Assistant to the Attorney General was Eugene D. Williams, later an assistant to Karl M. Bowman, who published the monograph "Sexual Deviation Research" for the California State Assembly, Committee on the Judiciary, Subcommittee on Sex Research (Sacramento: California State Assembly, March 1952). Bowman was also co-author with Bernice Engle of "The Problem of Homosexuality," in Journal of Social Hygiene 39, 1 (1953), in which they suggest castration as a "valid" cure. 98 See Daniel Webster Cory, The Homosexual in America: A Subjective Approach (1951), 2nd ed. (New York: Castle Books, 1960), 45-46 [103-04 for further discussion of society's homophobic "conspiracy of silence"]. Washington papers covered the issue as well as could be imagined, given the myriad of attention-competing congressional debates during that first summer of the Korean War. Cory was the first, self-proclaimed homosexual American to publish an account of his "condition." Inspired by the NAACP, he declared that homosexuals should seek "minority" rights; see Steve Hogan and Lee Hudson, Completely Queer: The Gay and Lesbian Encyclopedia (New York: Henry Holt, 1998), 154-55. 99 See Keith, "For Hell And A Brown Mule". 85-113, 403, 457 (91 on "Commiecrat" charge); see also Washington Post and New York Times (Dec. 20-21, 1950), on the photo-debunking scoop. See also U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Rules and Administration, Subcommittee on Privileges and Elections (82nd Congress, 1st sess.), "1950 Maryland Senatorial Election Investigation," Hearings, and "Maryland Senate Report," Report (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1951); and ibid. (82nd Congress, 2d sess.), "Investigation of Senators Joseph R. McCarthy and William Benton Pursuant to Senate Resolution 187 and Senate Resolution 304," Hearings (Washington, D.C,: U.S. G.P.O., 1952). 100 Quote from John O'Donnell, chief political commentator of the New York Daily News : cited without exact date in both Whitfield, The Culture of the Cold W ar. 44, and Von Hoffman, Citizen Cohn. 127. 474 �101 Sen. Andrew Schoeppel was one of many Republicans to declare the election a reaction to reports of Communist infiltration of the State Department; see B.A.L. Shultz, "Inflation Brakes in Turn to Right, Schoeppel Hopes," Topeka Journal (Nov. 18, 1950), unpaginated clipping in Schoeppel Vertical File. Senator John Bankhead [D-AL] also agreed that the "success of the Republican candidates for the Senate" was "pretty well attributed to the failure of the Administration's handling of the Far Eastern question in the past five years." See his letter of Nov. 13, 1950, to Senator Styles Bridges [R-NH]; in Mundt Papers, R.G. VI, Box 915, Personal File (Roll 151). The campaign of HUAC veteran Richard M. Nixon combined anti-communism with an attack on the gender of his liberal-Democrat opponent, Representative Helen Gahagan Douglas, who stood accused as the "Pink Lady” for having been manipulated into voting in a fashion that was "most pleasing to the Kremlin." On Nixon's 1950 campaign, see Greg Mitchell, Tricky Dick and the Pink Ladv (New York, N.Y.: Random House, 1997). 1°2 Entirely missing, as well, was the nuanced awareness of White House Assistant Steve Spingarn, who noted that homosexuals "live in a milieu of their own, a sort of separate world of their own which crosses all sorts of caste and cultural lines, [where] a chauffeur and a Cabinet officer might have a homosexual affair" but which he felt was "also true of heterosexual males" who could have "an exceptional weakness for women . . . and it is more likely, in my opinion, to happen this way." Apparently, for an Ivy Leaguer like Spingarn, the thought of class mixing was as intriguing as the thought o f sexual misconduct among government employees. See Spingarn Oral History, 801. 103 civil Service Commission witnesses maintained Mitchell's earlier claim that the omissions were allowed out of a diplomatic desire not to permanently tarnish the reputation o f an employee, through the face-saving, no-cause resignation policy; see Chapter 4. 104 O'Conor expressed a knowledge of the 1948 Miller Act during discussion of homosexual-related arrests. Maryland had a statute against "perverted sexual practice" that he implied should replace the "disorderly conduct" charge in D.C. See Hoey Committee Hearings (July 19, 1950), 2179. The 1948 act had increased penalties for sodomy and child-molestation charges. McClellan was a close associate and likely conduit of information for his absent Mississippi colleague, Eastland. 475 �105 Hoey Committee Hearings, 2113-14, 2134, 2169, 2734. Schoeppel found it "interesting" that the C.I.A. Director reported that homosexuals were found "in all strata of society" (urban and rural), were usually not also "serious drunkards" and almost never also dope addicts. Schoeppel [2152] asked the naval intelligence witness about "psychological affliction," insisting that there must be some "tie in to a degree" with loyalty risks. His thinking along these lines could have been based on one of the few, existing commentaries on this question at the time, written by prison official Samuel Kahn, in his Mentality and Homosexuality (Boston: Meador, 1937), 52. Schoeppel referred to "my books" in reference to morale risks posed by homosexuals in the military; see Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), 2154. For Smith's quotes, see op. cit. , 2112, 2142; the C.I.A. Director described "perpetual drunkards" and excessive debtors as other types of equal risk, and the F.B.I. witness declined to answer her similar, "rather general" question, though he declared that "perverts would be more subject to blackmail than any other group." On the gender breakdown (unavailable), see op. cit. (July 14, 1950), 2148-49; on x-rays, see op. cit. (July 26, 1950), 2249, 2253, 2256 [the Surgeon General reported (2257) that diagnosis was "a long interview affair"]. 1°6 Hoey Committee Hearings, 2083, 2103, 2145, 2204, 2216, 2761. McClellan had wondered why the compilation of statistics had taken so long; Hoey replied, "I think that is a fact." Hoey later [2769] cut off McClellan after the Arkansan asked about F.B.I. testimony already submitted. 1°7 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), 2151-52. The Navy witness, Hylant, claimed he was incompetent to answer the loyalty question, saying he did "not know where you would draw the line between a bad security risk and a man who might die fighting for his country, even if he were a homo." 1°8 Op. cit. , 2104, 2105-06. Hillenkoetter [2108, 2117] attempted to defend the current policy by saying that dismissed employees knew their records would be made available upon request, a "polite form of blackmail" by the U.S. government which had worked well in most cases. He reasoned that if "if somebody in a foreign embassy would try to blackmail him, he can come to us for protection and we will stop it on that. That gives us a control over that man where if he were discharged, fired, and his name was put out as a homosexual, we would lose all control of him. He could talk absolutely freely . . . If he behaves, this will not be known to anybody outside the Government." 109 Op. cit. , 2107-09, 2117-20 [quotes from 2109 (Mundt) & 2117-18 (McClellan)]. The C.I.A. Director admitted that the reemploying agencies had to come to the C.I.A. first; the Civil Service (unlike the military) did not automatically request reports of homosexuality from the C.I.A. He passed the buck on McClellan's question, saying the F.B.I. came closest to having a central record, to his knowledge. Hillenkoetter promised to submit legislative proposals for a central record-keeping agency to Chief Counsel Flanagan. Mundt [(Sept 8, 1950), 2746], also stressed the need for a "direct, formalized procedure" to ensure full disclosure of reasons for resignation or dismissal. 476 �HO Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14), 2136-39, 2143-44, and (Sept. 8, 1950), 2754-55. The new policy mandated D.C. police reporting of homosexual-arrest cases to the F.B.I. and Civil Service Commission; the F.B.I. admitted that there was no prior liaison for such cases. McClellan later reexamined the issue with the Civil Service witnesses, just to check that the new reporting procedure was working properly. Senator Smith [(Sept. 8, 1950), 2752-54] also quizzed witnesses regarding homosexuals who possibly were disloyal; no individuals were known to the Civil Service Commission. 111 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 19, 1950), 2207-08. Mundt [(July 14, 1950), 2110] tried to use his experience from the Hiss case to find out whether all military and State Department employees had to have C.I.A. background checks. Mundt also related the story of "a colored boy who carried a certain box in which they kept secret documents" through Alger Hiss's office. 112 See esp. Hoey Committee Hearings (July 19, 1950), 2171-74, 2183, 2197, 2207OS, (July 26, 1950), 2296, 2298, and (Sept. 8, 1950), 2734. Like Mundt, Schoeppel asked if there were a "greater concentration of homosexuals" in Washington. 113 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), 2086, 2112. Recipients of intelligence reports included the President, plus the chief o f the government agency concerned with the suspect employee, and the Security Council. 114 Op. cit. ,2111 [question to CIA repeated by McClellan, 2117], 2128, and 2141 [question to FBI repeated by McClellan, 2144, to clarify that there had been no agency with "that definite responsibility"]. The CIA's discussion of the number of homosexuals discovered by the FBI went off the record; Flanagan noted that all government agencies had been requested to report their figures. Army intelligence, about which Smith also asked, had no specific duties. ‘ •'I5 See Hoey Committee Hearings (July 14, 1950), 2109, 2121-22, (July 19), 217174, 2183, 2197, 2207-08, (July 26), 2256, 2296, 2298, and (Sept. 8), 2734. 116 Hoey Committee Hearings (July 26, 1950), 2302; presumed refusal of the offer. Mundt did not record his 117 The Hoey Committee Report indicated a twelve-fold increase in separations during 1950. On coerced confessions as a means of atoning for political sins, see Victor S. Navasky, Naming Names (New York: Penguin Books, 1980). 477 �CHAPTER 7 The Hoev Committee Report. December 1950 The "Interim Report" officially authored by Senator Hoey on behalf of his subcommittee adequately reported the tenor and subject m atter of the previous summer's hearings and reflected the anxiety-plagued context in which it was written. Fueled by Korean war tensions and increasingly bitter battles such as the Internal Security Act veto override, the Hoey Committee ended up delivering a blunt critique of the entire Federal system in a thinly veiled, anti-administration attack. Not partisan in the normal sense, but a combined Republican-Southern Democrat assault on the liberal Democratic Administration and its "lax" civil service, the "pervert" report paralleled McCarthy's anti-communist charges and was driven by much the same motive. While it did not single out the State Department for special criticism (since its own statistics showed State to have been more diligent than most other agencies in "eradicating the menace" of homosexuals), press reaction and constituent comments reflected the previous spring's popularized conception of the State Department as having failed to safeguard the nation from potential subversion. The Report, therefore, can be seen as a type of purge-trial document, notifying the nation of Congress's vigilance in policing the national body politic in general and executive-branch agencies in particular. 478 �Ironically, the war in Korea had a dual, conflicting impact with regard to the 1950 Hoey Committee inquiry. The war had increased paranoia about potential "subversives" within the United States, spurring Congress to adopt one of the m ost draconian internal-security laws in American history. But the war also shifted public focus away from the sedate hearing rooms of the Old Senate Office Building. In the end, news of the Hoey Committee's December 1950 Report would be obscured by the attention given to the discouraging and deteriorating situation in Korea. WARTIME CONTEXT OF REPORT'S SUBMISSION Communist gains in Korea gave the U.S. and its leaders plenty to discuss at the time the Hoey Committee released its findings on homosexual security threats. The Chinese-led counter-attack pummeled U.N. forces throughout the month of December, erasing the gains the American-led allies had made over the previous ten weeks since the landing at Inchon. Some Americans dared to criticize General Douglas MacArthur for having incited Red China to assist North Korea by ordering American forces to shell Chinese territory across the Yalu River.1 The majority of complaints on Capitol Hill, however, were directed at the President and the Secretary of State. By the end of the first week in December, Senator 479 �Joseph McCarthy had called for the impeachment of President e Truman; the following week, a few Democrats joined a nearly unanimous block of Republicans (led by Senators Taft and Wherry) in both houses of Congress in calling for the resignation of Dean Acheson. On the evening of December 15th, President Truman gave a radio broadcast from the White House declaring a national emergency, imposing price controls and calling up an additional 3,500,000 soldiers to show the world that America would not capitulate to Communist aggression. Meanwhile, following up on his earlier efforts to isolate "Red" China, Hoey Committee member Senator Herbert O'Conor introduced an even more stringent "trading with the enemy" bill than those previously passed.2 Such was the atmosphere when Senator Hoey returned to Washington after being feted with a fifty-pound cake for his seventy-third birthday at a dinner given by his hometown's Chamber o f Com merce.3 Late in the day on Friday, December 15, 1950 (the same day in which the House formally requested Acheson's resignation), Hoey submitted his investigatory committee's "Interim Report" to the Senate in its temporary meeting quarters, the Old Supreme Court Room in the basement of the Capitol. The Senate voted to accept the Report without dissent.4 Senator Hoey briefly reviewed his committee's findings. He proudly disclosed that only $7,000 of the allotted $10,000 had been 480 �spent on the investigation. Recalling criticism over his subcommittee's "interim" report on the 1949 "Five-Percenters" inquiry, he also headed off potential charges that his twenty-five-page "Interim Report" would be its final statem ent on the subject of homosexual government employees. "It is not the intention of the subcommittee to drop this entire subject with the submission of this report," Hoey declared. "The subcommittee will from time to time reexamine the handling of this problem by the various agencies of government to determine whether these agencies are handling properly the cases of sex perversion which might arise in the future."5 This claim functioned more as a school-marmish threat, however, than as a realistic plan for regular reinvestigation. The elderly gentleman's subsequent actions underscored his relief at having finished with the "Interim" Report. No further investigation was ever initiated. REPORT ANALYZED: INTRODUCTION TO "SEX PERVERTS" Senate Document 241, the Hoey Committee Report, began by summarizing the hearings of the previous summer. Its introduction credited the "preliminary inquiries" of Senators Hill and Wherry and indulged in self-congratulatory hyperbole by claiming that such a study "on a Government-wide scale" had been "unprecedented." 481 �W hat the writer(s) did not point out was that the hearings had not truly been "government-wide" but had merely covered agencies of the executive branch. The legislative branch received but two small paragraphs of coverage in the Report, another indication of the politicized nature of the inquiry.6 The document also denied years of efforts by executive security officers, claiming that "the subject as a personnel problem until very recently has received little attention from Government administrators and personnel officers." According to the Report, the only serious concern expressed during the course of 1950 had been from administration opponents and the press! In truth, of course, "personnel officers" for most agencies (including the m uch-slandered State Department) had been diligent in "eradicating the menace" of homosexuals, a fact even Senator W herry had grudgingly admitted; the Report's figures also showed how effective governmental agencies had been.7 Inconsistencies between agencies were the main problem, one which the report would fully detail. The effects of the homophobia of Senators Mundt and McClellan can be seen in the Report's discussion of the committee's "primary objective" under Senate Resolution 280. the tempering tone of Senator Hoey. Almost totally absent was The Report now claimed the inquiry had received the mandate "to determine the extent of the employment of homosexuals and other sex perverts in Government; to determine why their employment by the Government is 482 �undesirable; and to [look] into the efficacy of the methods used in dealing with the problem." S. Res. 280, however, had only mandated a study of "alleged" employment and of "the preparedness and diligence" of agencies in protecting "life and property against the threat to security. "8 The Report went beyond the mandate, therefore, in two important aspects. First, reference to allegation was dropped, since agencies had admitted that homosexuals had been inadvertently employed. Second, while the subcommittee had been mandated to review agencies' "preparedness and diligence" against security threats, the Report expanded that mandate into consideration of "why" homosexuals were "undesirable," not "if." Since all seven senators voted for the Report, one may assume that even Senator Hoey had changed his mind along the way to allow a no-holds-barred discussion of "why" versus "if." Still, the Report thus displays a certain arrogance and even deceit in presenting its conclusions as its m a n d a te . Perhaps with these potential criticisms in mind, the subcommittee justified its expansion of the inquiry from "a mere personnel inquiry" into one covering "the basic medical, psychiatric, sociological and legal phases of the problem." The Report claimed that "a number of eminent physicians and psychiatrists" had testified during the hearings, along with "law-enforcement officers" and "prosecutors" 483 �who had supposedly dealt with "the problem in 10 of the larger cities in the country."9 Either there were more witnesses than the hearings record, or the suburbs around the nation's capital somehow qualified as "10 of the larger cities." Such an anomaly is one of many unexplained exaggerations in the Report. Senator Hoey's ultimate authorship can be seen, however, in the Report's reminder of the subcommittee's desire to avoid waging a witch-hunt. "Being well aware of the strong moral and social taboos attached to homosexuality," the group had, indeed, "made every effort to protect individuals from unnecessary public ridicule and to prevent this inquiry from becoming a public spectacle." Reflecting Hoey’s statements in late May and early June, the Report justified executive-session hearings "to avoid the circus atmosphere which could attend an inquiry of this type..."10 For this Hoey must be commended, especially given the increasing virulence of McCarthyite attacks on the administration. W hether the protection of individuals went too far, though, is a m atter of debate. By not allowing homosexuals to testify, the inquiry paternalistically silenced the voices of those supposedly victimized by "this problem." The Report's subsequent claim that it "sought to make a thorough, factual study of the problem at hand in an unbiased, objective manner" is therefore very questionable.11 inquiry stacked with senators and witnesses who declared from 484 An �outset that homosexuality was an across-the-board security risk could not, by any definition, legitimately declare itself "unbiased" and "objective." To its credit, the Report's introduction admitted that "considerable difference of opinion [existed] concerning the many facets of homosexuality and other forms of sex perversion." It also deserves some commendation for attempting to define the difference between two of the terms it used. Dr. Felix had been the chief witness, during the hearings, to discuss sexual practices other than homosexuality. Building on Felix's far-ranging discussion in July of bisexuality, fetishism , voyeurism and other abnormalities, the Report declared that "sex perverts" were "those who engage[d] in unnatural acts" — never defined in the report — while homosexuals were adults who "engagefd] in sexual activities with persons of the same sex." In practice, however, "other moral perverts" still remained a catch-phrase used to satisfy both those who knew there were other "deviant" practices besides homosexuality and those who wanted an explicit definition beyond the standard, clinical term .12 The subcommittee also maintained the conception of homosexuality as behavior instead of an innate identity — a then-common view of sexual deviants as well as of alcoholics. In language that sounds naive by the standards of later psychiatry, the inquirers had not been concerned with "so-called latent sex perverts" 485 �who "knowingly or unknowingly" had "tendencies or inclinations" but "who, by the exercise of self-restraint," did "not indulge in overt acts of perversion." The 1950 inquiry thus indirectly admitted the impossibility of weeding out the millions of homosexuals predicted by Dr. Kinsey's famous projections and Lt. Blick's guesstimate, concerning itself "only with those who engage[d] in overt acts."13 The inherent contradiction in this cop-out, however, was never explained. If government agencies could be taken to task for not having discerned those "latent" homosexuals who turned "overt," why should the Senate inquirers be able to exclude themselves from the same dilemma? The Report also perpetuated the "cure" myth, clearly slanting or ignoring the testimony of various medical witnesses. "The authorities," the text proclaimed, "agree[d] that most sex deviates respond to psychiatric treatment and can be cured if they have a genuine desire to be cured." The inquirers covered all the bases, however, warning that "many overt homosexuals have no real desire to abandon their way of life," making "cures . . . difficult, if not impossible." Following in the footsteps of Senators W herry and Hill, the Hoey Committee members even "sincerely" expressed their hope that "overt" homosexuals would seek "medical and psychiatric treatment," though since "sex perverts" willfully "violate[d] moral codes" by their "overt acts," they "must be treated as transgressors 486 �and dealt with accordingly."14 The blame, therefore, still rested entirely with the victim and not the society which refused to allow legitimate expression of "the condition." Advocating "treatment" over incarceration — though never criticizing incarceration — was the closest approach to "progressive" psychiatry the legislators would make. "UNFIT" GOVERNMENT EMPLOYEES After having sketched out the subcommittee's mission and basic definitions, the Report next turned to an explanation of why homosexuals were unfit for government service. The issue of whether employment of homosexuals could be desirable was never addressed. Like the anonymous, critical "graduate" of Dr. Felix's Federal Security Agency seminar on "Perversion Among Government W orkers" the previous June, the Report gave no serious consideration to differentiating between "sensitive" and "non-sensitive" jo b s.15 Even a janitor or elevator operator could betray the nation in the eyes of the Hoey Committee. All "perverts" must be swept from government employment, at every level and across the nation. This m ust be accomplished immediately. Two reasons were given for the total exclusion. A deviant was "generally unsuitable" due to the fact that he or she violated known laws and moral codes, and therefore could be blackmailed — a kind 487 �of moral Catch-22. Ironically, the Report fully admitted that it was a homophobic society which enabled "the blackmail racket" to exist in the first place, noting "the social stigma attached to sex perversion is so great that many perverts will go to great lengths to conceal their perverted tendencies."16 Yet, possibility of blackmail stands out as the true reason for concern — F.B.I. testimony about the "frequent" appearance of blackmailers who impersonated police officers was cited specifically. The Report also employed disease rhetoric in its condemnation of employment risks. "One homosexual can pollute a Government office," it declared. Senator McClellan's hand can be seen in the description of "victims" as those "addicted" to homosexuality; even these "victims," however, were "unsuitable" since they were "generally believed" to "lack the emotional stability of normal persons." In its greatest rhetorical flourish, the Report claimed that "indulgence in acts of sex perversion weakens the moral fiber of an individual to a degree that he is not suitable for a position of responsibility." Lacking this self-control, "perverts" would "frequently attempt to entice normal individuals to engage in perverted practices," particularly the "young and impressionable" who came under their "influence." Like the 1921 inquiry into the hom osexual-entrapm ent scheme at the Newport naval training station, the Report declared the government's responsibility to 488 �protect from "that type of influence" all "the thousands of young men and women who are brought into Federal jobs."17 The implication was that one "caught" the disease, or need not have a homosexual inclination already, in order to be vulnerable to seduction — again, a reflection of the then-reigning social construction of homosexuality as a behavior issue, not an orientation. But if "normal" people could be so easily "influenced," one would think (as the C.I.A. Director had noted upon in his July testimony) that security agencies would want to keep homosexual employees in place as a way of finding vulnerable individuals. Not surprisingly, the Report made no mention of this option. The "general unsuitability" argument also included a sense of conspiracy. "Eminent psychiatrists" had "informed the subcommittee" about a pervert's "tendency to gather other perverts about him" and to "seek his own kind" due to the "pressures of society." Given this, "if a homosexual attains a position in Government where he can influence the hiring of personnel," the Report warned, "it is almost inevitable that he will attempt to place other homosexuals in Government jobs."18 As if the "good old boys" network of equally loquacious, beer-drinking, womanizing heterosexuals had never existed! The report thus aptly reflected how the inquiry's focus had highlighted one particular security threat over all others but backhandedly supported Senator 489 �McCarthy's insinuations that Communists and hom osexuals were somehow linked in a purposeful effort at subversion. Congressman Arthur L. M iller had also claimed that "birds of a feather flock together" in his 1948 and 1950 bills increasing "sex crime" penalties and in his April 1950 discussion of the summary-dismissal bill. G.O.P. chairman Gabrielson had warned in his April newsletter that "sexual perverts" who had "infiltrated" Washington "were perhaps as dangerous as the actual Communists." Senator W herry had further insinuated that Communists and homosexuals were likely partners, given their mutual position as social outcasts.19 Now, these conflations seemed to be believable. The second reason for total exclusion of homosexuals from Federal employment was the security-risk factor. Or rather, "fact," since the Hoey Committee claimed to base its reasoning on a "careful review of the opinions of those best qualified to consider matters of security in Government." The inquirers further sought credibility by emphasizing that "all" security agencies interviewed, including the C.I.A. and military intelligence, were "in complete agreement that sex perverts in Government constitute security risks." The unique yet somehow "classic case" of Colonel Alfred Raedl was summarized for the American public as proof of the blackmail potential, especially by the devious "Russians." The Report referred to, but did not and could not substantiate, the (rumored) instances of 490 �"Nazi and Communist agents" who had "attempted to obtain" secrets from homosexuals. It conceded that "habitual drunkards," criminals, and "those who indulge[d] in other types of infamous or scandalous personal conduct" were "also unsuitable" but reiterated that the seemingly air-tight case against homosexuals was this inquiry's "proper" focus.20 THE NUMBERS GAME AGAIN BLAMES "LAX" AGENCIES The Hoey Committee Report continued a type of war over numbers which Senators McCarthy and Wherry had initiated the previous spring. To be sure, Lieutenant Blick's dubious estimate of 5,000 homosexuals in W ashington was omitted from the December report, which admitted that "not even the experts" were "in agreement as to the incidence of homosexuality." The Report also allowed that one should not expect to find the same percentage of homosexuals in "the general population," since the F.B.I., State Department and other agencies "thoroughly investigated" applicants for "sensitive jobs" prior to employment. It cited the combined (armed forces and civilian) figure of "4,954 cases involving charges of homosexuality" and extensively discussed two appendices of statistics, enumerating the agencies it considered most lax in enforcement. Interestingly, the Report excused the Defense Department for having the most homosexuals separated (by a 491 �significant margin), explaining that the military had been most "aggressive in ferreting out and removing sex perverts."21 Civilian agencies, by contrast, were severely criticized for their failure to consistently dismiss "perverts." It was "significant," the Report asserted, that of 574 homosexual-dismissal cases in civilian agencies between January 1947 through October 1950, 192 were filed in the three years prior to April 1, 1950 and 382 in the six months following that date; of the 192 cases, 133 had "involved the ECA and the State Department," leaving the remaining "59 perversion cases" scattered throughout all other departments. This "clearly indicate[d] that many of the civilian agencies" (compared to the more consistent military) "were either negligent or otherwise failed to discover many .of the homosexuals in their employ until after this situation was brought to light as the result of congressional action."22 The statistics on the numbers of firings, therefore, actually revealed the effectiveness of the "pervert purge" in the State Department even before Senator W herry's hearings nine months earlier. Current security checks were "believed" to be "adequate" given the im practicality of making "a complete preemployment investigation of every employee." The Civil Service Commission's efforts to screen the "90 percent of the civilians employed in the Federal Government" under their care were noted, along with the fact that 1,700 applicants had been rejected following F.B.I. checks 492 �which revealed "a record of homosexuality or other sex perversion." The Commission's long-standing regulations ordering agencies to specify the true reason for dismissal were also discussed.23 To this extent, the Report fairly demonstrated the difficulties agencies faced in attempting to rid themselves of undesirable employees. Continuing its insinuations of a conspiracy on the part of personnel supervisors, however, the Report extensively criticized the tendency of "many" of the forty-one civilian agencies to disregard the existing regulations. The subcommittee hypothesized reasons for the security failures, claiming it had "found" that officers had not taken "an entirely realistic view" of the security problem, had acted "in outright disregard of existing rules," had "condoned the employment of homosexuals for one reason or another" (especially where the suspect person kept a low profile), or had otherwise allowed "known homosexuals" to resign without having a permanent mark placed on their record. No mention was made of the kindness involved in allowing someone to save face by resigning gracefully. Instead, the senators judged such niceties as based on "the false premise that what a Government employee did outside of the office" was "his own business." To prove their fearful claim that allowing an employee to be "quietly eased out" would allow him to "promptly obtain employment" in another agency, the writers cited the example of the twenty-three State D epartm ent employees dismissed between 493 �January 1947 and January 1950 who had "found their way into other departments," including six about whom the State Department had failed to notify the Civil Service Commission until March of 1950.24 On such matters, the Report reflected the intense frustration of Senators Mundt and McClellan, those committee members who (following in the footsteps of Kenneth Wherry) had most fervently sought to identify every possible lapse during the course of the h earin g s. The inadequacies of D.C. police procedures were also extensively reviewed, especially the confusion over "disorderly conduct" charges and the low collateral-bail fee. The Committee even "drafted a proposed amendment" to the D.C. Criminal Code to increase lewdconduct penalties to $500 and/or six months in jail (the same as those of the Park Service law). Indeed, the Report indulged in a chronological slight-of-hand to emphasize the need for this. On page one, it claimed that the $25 fee for disorderly-conduct bail still held in all cases, but four pages later it admitted that the mid-August meeting between the Hoey Committee Counsel and D.C. judges had, in fact, raised the fee to $300 for homosexual-related charges. The four-page delay thus neatly allowed the authors to rant and rave about a fee of "only $25" (mentioned five times in four pages).25 A slight "progressive" concession was offered in the Report's section on review procedures. A civilian’s right to appeal loyalty 494 �cases was noted, but the document criticized the lack of review available to security-case suspects, and it proposed that a "board of review" by established to enable appeal to be made to an outside authority. W hat the Report failed to disclose was that this inconsistency had been created — and the reemployment dilemma was resolved — by the summary-dismissal bill (P.L. 733) adopted by Congress in August.2^ The Report concluded by reiterating its complete intolerance of homosexual employees. "There is no place in the United States Government for persons who violate the laws or the accepted standards of morality," the Senators declared. "Errors of judgment" must be "resolved on the side of caution" to safeguard the government from "persons who indulge in such degraded activity." Had existing Civil Service regulations been enforced earlier, "many of the perverts" now forced out "would have been long since removed from the Federal service." Instead, the subcommittee repeated, officials' past "failure" to "take a realistic view of the problem" had allowed quietly dismissed employees to "promptly" find employment in other agencies, a "deplorable situation" facilitated by the D.C. police's "slipshod method of disposing" of sex-related cases. Vigilance had increased since the spring inquiry, yet if "responsible officials" continued "to pussyfoot or to take half measures" then some 495 �"known perverts" would "remain in Government," a scenario which the Committee judged completely unacceptable.27 NEWS COVERAGE OVERSHADOWED BY KOREAN WAR News of the Hoey Committee's report was largely buried by the on-going emergency over the Korean situation. There were no headlines like those of the previous spring, when the Communist and pervert hunts had fewer international news rivals for local attention. The Associated Press's account was picked up by a respectable number of newspapers, but coverage was reduced to the inside pages of the major papers and that of Senator Hoey's home state; the story ran its highest rating on page three of the New York Tim es. Coverage lasted only for a single day before war news and a sense that the problem was being corrected doomed further interest. Nonetheless, a few of Hoey's constituents also took note of the story, providing a glimpse into the world of the fears and visions of a self-selected portion of Am erica’s heartland. The focus of the Associated Press (A.P.) account was that the Senate investigatory group had officially declared homosexuals a "dangerous security risk" due to their "unsuitability." As with the coverage in the W ashington Post, the New York Times gave a brief summary of the reported figures, including the ostensibly damning 496 �numbers from the State Department, noting that the subcommittee had admitted its inability "to determine accurately how many perverts now held Federal jobs." Citing the (unsubstantiated) claim regarding Nazi and Communist blackmail lists, the A.P.-based articles also noted the Report’s assertion that "sex perverts" were "easy prey to blackmailers" due to the lack of emotional stability and weakness of moral fiber inherent in "homosexualism." The articles concluded with a review of the subcommittee's recommendations for tighter D.C. laws, "closer liaison between the Federal agencies and the police, and a thorough inquiry by all divisions of the Government into all reasonable complaints of perverted sexual activity." The A.P. account accurately read between the lines in declaring that the "subcommittee criticized the State Department particularly for 'mishandling' 91 cases of homosexualism" among its employees. "It said that many of the employees were allowed to resign 'for personal reasons' and that no steps were taken to bar them from other government jobs." The Report had only singled out the State Department in only one paragraph out of twenty-one pages of text and had elsewhere even backhandedly praised the Department for maintaining a consistent separation rate. The A.P. account's authors, therefore, knew the background o f the inquiry enough to highlight the broader intent of the anti-State Department critique.28 Embellishing the A.P.'s account, an editorial in the moderate-right 497 �Evening Star praised the Hoey Committee's recommendations for laws closing "some glaring loopholes in local sex offense laws," ending "unrealistic practice of charging some sex offenders with disorderly conduct," and placing "a lot of sex psychopaths beyond the purview of the District's Miller Act (which had been designed to afford psychiatric treatment to habitual offenders)." The S tar piece also cited, without comment, the low $25 collateral-bail fee (not crediting the courts with having altered this), the proposal to increase the lewd-conduct penalty to $500, and the Report's criticism of federal agencies' "head-in-the-sand" attitude toward homosexuals. The Star judged the disclosure of the twenty-three rehired former State Department homosexuals to be "particularly amazing," displaying deep disappointment at the government's "proven failure" to m aintain proper safeguards.29 The leading newspaper in Senator Hoey's home state, the m oderate-liberal Raleigh News and Observer, attempted to calm the obviously troubled waters. "If government agencies will investigate properly each complaint of sex perversion and thereafter follow the present adequate civil service rules," the paper reported Chairman Hoey as saying, "these perverts can be put out of government and kept out. Many perverts have already been ousted." The impetus for the investigation was traced back to the earlier inquiry following McCarthy's original charges that "sexual perverts were employed by 498 �the State Department." But the News and Observer offered no criticism of the subcommittee. The issue had been framed in terms of a general critique of bureaucratic practice in a time of growing threat, so outright disapproval of the under-budget inquiry would have appeared unpatriotic and sympathetic to crim inals.30 The most aroused coverage appeared in the conservative W ashington T im es-H erald. which extensively excerpted the "strongly worded" Senate report. The article dwelt upon the "peril" of "perverts in Federal Agencies," citing the now-popular news-bite that "One homosexual can pollute a government office." Senator Hoey was quoted as criticizing the agencies for not being "more aggressive" in weeding out homosexuals. The article detailed the low-bail issue, dredged up the "5,000" estimate (not actually in the Report, but from Lt. Blick the previous spring), and applauded the Committee's criticism of the '"head-in-the-sand1 attitude" at the "State Departm ent and other agencies." It reported that State Department "was cited as a glaring example of how homosexuals find their way from one government job to another," and unfairly called the Department's separation figures the "largest three-year total" — ignoring the catch-up efforts of the Veterans Administration and Commerce Department. Not surprisingly, the Times Herald piece met the approval of a Pennsylvania Republican congressman who voiced his 499 �concern over the employment of homosexuals in federal employment and submitted the article into the Congressional R ecord.3 1 HOEY'S CONSTITUENTS REACT Following publication of the Hoey Committee Report, the North Carolinian received several notes from constituents mentioning his efforts. His replies usually referred to the hearings as involving "homo-sexuals," showing how uncomfortable he was, still, with the use of the term. He also received a request from a reporter at the New York W orld-Telegram for "all the material published on the Senate investigation of homosexuals in government." Hoey sent a copy of both the Report and of his Senate statement.32 Senator Hoey did seem proud of his work on the homosexual inquiry, however distasteful the subject matter. He wrote to an old friend, Holt McPherson, editor of the Shelby, N.C., Daily Star. I happened to run across a very good article today written by Bruce Jolly in Washington for the Greensboro Daily Record, in regard to a report I filed covering the homosexual investigation, which I am herewith enclosing . . . as I thought you might be interested in glancing over it. The most unusual thing in connection with this Report is that I succeeded in getting it unanimously approved by the Committee including all of the Democrats and all of the Republicans, which was a great surprise to many of the Senators, but which seemed to be appreciated by all.33 Hoey repeated his belief in the inquiry's fairness in his replies to other constituents' letters. One such letter was rambling note from a 500 �longtime friend in Greensboro, who declared her political affiliation as "ex-Trusevelt D e m o crat." berated Secretary of State Acheson, and urged the use of the "atom bomb" against China, concluding her tirade by complimenting Hoey for his "masterly handling of the pervert investigation. day before yesterday. I read a report of it in a W ashington paper You certainly covered the situation thoroughly, and im partially. a Good work!" Hoey replied by enclosing copy of the Report, thanking her for her views on Acheson and China as well as her reference to his report dealing with homosexuals. It was a very explosive subject but I was pleased that we could handle it in such a way as not tohave the fanfare of publicity that ordinarily would attach, and at the same time I was likewise gratified that I succeeded in getting unanimous agreement to the Report which I filed from my Subcommittee, composed of four Democrats and three Republicans.3 ^ Another of Hoey's old friends, Arthur Stewart, treated him to a sarcastic attack on Secretary of State Acheson. The man noted that one of his sons had recently been sent to Korea "to fight the heathen . . . at the instigation of that Imitation Faustus and His Court of Phalic [sic] Worshippers in the State Department" and asked the Senator, "What happened to your committee investigating said worshippers, anyway?" Hoey thanked Stewart for his foreign policy views, regretted that he was "so busy with the pressing matters now before the Senate" that he could not write "in detail," and sent a copy of the report "on homo-sexuals and other sex perverts in Government."35 501 �Despite his prudishness towards the subject of homosexuality, Hoey was adept at picking up comments intertwined with complaints not directly concerning the homosexual issue. At the end of a long letter about the China debacle, one friend from a small town joked about her supposed address. She had demanded the withdrawal of U.S troops from "amongst savages" in Korea, and called for the impeachment of both "Atheson" and the President, warning that "People [we]re not convulsed in fear, but literal hatred of Truman and his regime" of "gangster rule" where, somehow, even "the Negro is hoping to come into supremacy by mixed-races" via "non-segregation!" She ended with a postscript expressing sarcasm in a self-deprecatory fashion. "Pardon, but I live in Gomorrah, under Gillespie's God 8/10 mi. north Sodom, Spruce Pine, N.C." In reply, Hoey did not comment on the racial views of her "interesting" letter but credited her "very definite and intelligent opinions." Hoey promised to send her, "under separate cover, the Report of my Committee on Homo-Sexuals." He then repeated his brief, but unique, elaboration on the "very explosive subject," declaring that he had been "much gratified that [he] succeeded in getting a unanimous report" from his bipartisan committee, "and the Senate was much pleased by this accomplishm ent."36 Hoey's segregationist constituents also linked the painful effects of the Korean war to their appreciation of Hoey's efforts to safeguard 502 �the nation from homosexuals. A Washington, D.C. needlecraft worker expressed her homophobic paranoia and suggested a solution which the Defense Department would hardly have found acceptable. "Washington is infested: there should be some way to put these perverts to work in the Army. Segregated of course. Our best boys are being killed off and what will we have left is a nation of those people," she warned. "Keep on firing away, Senator, I certainly wish there were more people like you, willing to do a real job. I am in business in Washington for the last twenty years and see more of them around as time goes on ~ Washington, from all one reads in the newspapers, m ust be their happy hunting grounds with good jobs besides. There should be a law" according to which "they could be shot at random. Wish there was something I could do. them a mile away."37 I can spot Hoey replied that he appreciated her taking the time to write "in regard to sex perverts and their prevalence in Washington," since he could "understand [her] feeling about the matter." He tried to comfort her with the comment that his committee had "gone into this matter pretty fully, and we have submitted a Report which indicates that many have been removed from government service and many others who have not yet been detected will be removed as soon as they are located."38 Despite the aging senator's pride in the non-explosive outcome of the homosexual inquiry, he did not see it as one of his greatest 503 �achievements. When Hoey bragged about his investigations subcommittee work soon after the new year, he omitted reference to the unmentionable, altogether, preferring to refer merely to his chairmanship "of the Senate Sub-Committee on Investigations into all sorts of expenditures in Government Departm ents."39 In Walter W inchell’s New Year's Eve broadcast, the columnist seemed to agree with the silencing act, commending Hoey for his work on the 1949 "Five-Percenters" graft probe but not on the recently completed hom osexual inquiry.40 The senatorial Bible teacher certainly did not display much empathy for the fired homosexuals. He sidestepped entirely the issues raised in a letter by an Oregon woman who told him "shame on you" for "furthering the plight" of homosexuals. She disagreed with "Senator McCarthy that sexual pervert and homosexual" were "one and the same," citing her Webster's Dictionary on those terms and on "invert," her preferred, non-pejorative term. Why shouldn't a homosexual, she angrily asked, have "just as much right to hold a good paying job as any other in a MINORITY group? as decent as any other 'girl happy' man." He can be just Indeed, a homosexual would be "acting perverted" if he tried "to live as society tells him he must." The only point the diplomatic Hoey could find to agree with her, in his reply, was that "drunkenness and other violations of the moral code" were also "poor security risks," which he reminded her 504 �that he had "so stated" in his report. The senator avoided her defense of "inverts" altogether and sent her a copy of the report so that she might "have a better understanding of the situation."41 Senator Hoey himself, after submitting his subcommittee's report, soon returned to North Carolina for the Christmas break. W hether or not he mentioned the recently concluded inquiry during his radio-broadcast Sunday School classes remains unknown, but in any case, the adults in his class would surely have appreciated their faithful leader's efforts to keep the country safe from homosexuals and other moral perverts.42 NEW BUSINESS Once the homosexual inquiry was completed, Hoey's investigations subcommittee quickly moved on to other matters, after a slight reorganization. The composition of the group became a matter of political debate, briefly, at the beginning of the new Eighty-Second C o n g ress.43 Senator McCarthy, who had recused himself from the homosexual inquiry, now returned with a vengeance. As ranking minority member of the investigations group, McCarthy insisted that incoming freshman Senator Richard M. Nixon (sworn in on January 3, 1951) replace M argaret Chase Smith as one of the subcommittee's three Republicans -- McCarthy's revenge, at last, for Smith's "Declaration of Conscience" speech seven months before. 505 Smith �appealed to the executive committee of the Executive Expenditures Committee, but to no avail. Chairman John McClellan refused to take sides and allowed the Republicans to replace Smith with Nixon. Hoey's "good friend" Karl Mundt, however, remained to assist his North Carolina colleague.44 Bereft of its only female member, Hoey’s investigations subcom mittee moved on to numerous and largely unnewsworthy investigations over the next two years. Topics covered included the government's purchase of land for an airport in Alaska, potential Federal job-selling in Mississippi, the Republican Party chairman’s ties to the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, excessive paperwork in the Commerce Department, and the questionable sale of eight surplus tankers by the Maritime Commission.45 Only in the Eighty-Third Congress would the investigations subcommittee return to the limelight, now under the direction of Hoey's successor as chairman, Smith's backstabber, Joe M cCarthy.46 CONCLUSION The tone of the Hoey Committee's December 1950 "Interim Report" was largely dictated by the prejudices of the senators, staff members and witnesses who effectively colluded in creating an exaggerated scenario of threat. The Report clearly goes beyond what 506 �might have been expected of a truly "balanced" and non-partisan effort to determine the extent of the homosexual-security risk issue. Granted, the increasingly homophobic nature of American society after the Second World War had already encouraged the existing and on-going purge of homosexuals — though this would not necessarily have led to some type of Congressional investigation. The Korean War, as well, had understandably heightened fears of internal subversion and allowed an anxiety-ridden Congress to push through excessive measures such as the McCarran Act. Above all, however, the Hoey Committee Report stands out as a reflection of the McCarthy-era's preoccupation with American weakness. The senators could not overcome their preconceived views of the U.S. State Department and America's "weak-minded" diplomats overseas, and this warped their ability to create a respectable assessment of the sexually related security issues facing the country. Perhaps this is the real reason why Senator Hoey was eager to move on to other inquiries. Despite his braggadocio to the contrary, he had really lost his ability to mount a truly balanced and fair probe, such as he had done in the summer of 1949 to the praise of his fellow senators and even of the Truman administration. The question remains, therefore, as to why the Committee insisted on spending weeks of time and effort hearings dozens of witnesses, given its seemingly preordained conclusion. provides many clues. The Committee's Report Both the Wherry-Hill and the Hoey Committees 507 �were attempting to build air-tight cases about normality and strength on the basis of myths, traditions and stereotypes, and in the face o f increasing uncertainty about the subject at hand. Hoey's inquiry might have been "fair," therefore, in terms of avoiding a public witch hunt, but it was but hardly more enlightened in practice than any of the other McCarthy-era witch-hunts. Any alternative views presented were omitted, excised entirely from the supposedly "balanced" Report. Secret as they may have been, therefore, the Hoey Committee hearings provided a powerful buttress to the national, m asculinist and heterosexist paradigm which had been developing since the beginning of the Cold War. Senator Hoey can be given credit for having closed-session hearings and for avoiding having to publicly ridicule Truman administration leaders and agency heads, but the public and heavily politicized nature of the inquiry stands was a logical supplement to the anti-communist hearings in which the supposed "sinners" were brought before a national, political confessional to purge themselves of their left-leaning crimes.47 No such overtly homophobic hearings beset federal employees, but the officially sanctioned threat of exposure and complete socioeconomic, political and moral marginalization loomed large in the minds of all potential suspects. 508 �Senator Hoey's comments to his constituents about his gratitude for the unanimous adoption o f the Report provide a rare hint about his expectations of internal Senate dissent over the homosexual inquiry, expectations he did not otherwise express in public. Hoey had started out the investigation, in June, by clearly warning that it would not mimic the witch-hunt atmosphere of M cCarthy’s charges. Still, he had seemed to expect strong debate over the nature of the inquiry and its outcome. been pleasantly surprised. His December tone indicates that he had The more paranoid, security-obsessed faction within the subcommittee had won out, and yet in the course of the six-month investigation other factors — possibly the Internal Security Act debate, and/or the deteriorating Korea situation — had incensed all the senators to the point where the uniformly critical focus of the Report went unchallenged. The unanimously adopted "Interim" Hoey Committee Report also gave official approval to contemporary myths about homosexuality. The blackmail potential was reaffirmed, based on the single Austrian case of 1912 which conveniently also strengthened the demonization of the same Russians who were now battling America for global supremacy. Similarly, the Report repeated the disease-rhetoric conceptions of G.O.P. chief Gabrielson ("one homosexual can pollute a Government office") in its claim that a homosexual had a "corrosive influence upon his fellow employees" and would attempt to "entice" the "young and impressionable" to "engage in perverted practices." 509 �Of course, the "influence" myth overlooked an implicit contradiction. If "pervert" personnel directors tried to hire other homosexuals, they would have a difficult time doing so, since, in a homophobic society, new applicants would have an overwhelming interest in covering up any past discretions — a fact pointed out by the C.I.A. Director during the hearings. The Report ignored these breaches of logic, however, in its insistence that any and all homosexuals would instantly betray their country and give in to blackmail. The paranoia illustrated by these assumptions cannot be understood except as the neurotic hyperactivity of the Cold Warrior mind. The Hoey Committee members did not seem to need elaborate explanations for their total ban on homosexual employment in government. All they were doing, essentially, was extending to civilian agencies the 1949 Defense Department policy against homosexuals serving "in any branch of the Armed Forces in any cap acity ."48 The Committee's reliance on the pathology model forbade any distinction between employees in sensitive or non-sensitive jobs — in either case, a homosexual's "character" made him unfit, morally weak, emotionally unstable, and a likely seducer of "normal persons" (especially "young people") — the worst of the 1940s-50s demonized images all rolled into one. By inference, therefore, those homosexuals who did not engage in "overt" acts were more stable, more like "normal" (i.e. heterosexual) persons who were 510 �ostensibly never vulnerable to blackmail for their peccadilloes — another oversight of logic. But the message was clear. Stay "in the closet" and attempt to act or become heterosexual (though this form of deceit ran contrary to the security concerns of the nation), deny one's sexuality, treat one’s homosexual thoughts like desires to drink or eat too much, individual acts of "indulgence" which would presumably go away if one suppressed the temptation enough. In this regard, the senators simply added one more official voice to the heteronormative and homophobic chorus of Cold W ar conformity. Such myth-perpetuating indulgence did not escape fully critical notice. Former White House Assistant Steve Spingarn later recalled, with great frustration, how President Eisenhower would use the extremist definitions adopted by the Hoey Committee to extend the anti-homosexual purge. Spingarn noted the dilemma faced by perspective and existing Federal employees who sought to mollify the Hoey Committee's fears. He facetiously offered a definition of "a non-subversive, non-sensitive" security risk as "a deaf, dumb, blind eunuch, who doesn't drink, smoke or take narcotics — everyone else is a security risk; anyone who has any human sensations, feelings, and emotions is a security risk."49 Spingarn was undoubtedly relieved that the Hoey Committee never fulfilled its promise to "reexamine the situation from time to time" to see if "other steps" were "necessary" to "protect the public interest."50 511 �The Hoey Committee Report can also be read as an affirmation of America's official and institutionalized homophobia. Comments like "the social stigma attached to sex perversion is so great," used to preface tautological warnings about blackmailers' making a "regular practice of preying upon the homosexual," testify to the strength of a nationally internalized attitude. So firmly were taboos against homosexuality accepted that no consideration could be given to challenging them -- there could be no "education" suggested, albeit tentatively, by Dr. Felix in his June seminar or by a few, rare professionals like him. The Report thus also provided a backhanded, early recognition of what some would see as the fundamental nature of sexual orientation. As one historian has already noted, the Hoey Committee assumed that homosexuals were so terrorized by the thought of exposure that they would rather betray their country than be "outed" as a "moral pervert."51 Homosexuals were presumed to lose all sense of national identity and morality in an effort to prevent disclosure of their "deviance." Finally, the Report must be seen as a "bipartisan" (i.e. Republican and Southern Democrat), highly politicized slap at the Truman administration. Had the Hoey Committee desired a full accounting of which agencies had allowed suspected homosexuals to remain on their rolls, there should have been an inquiry into every organization. Security officers and/or office managers who had 512 �retained known homosexuals after having received warnings should have been called to task for their oversight. Instead, their conduct received only a few harsh words in a document primarily aimed at the liberal leaders at the top who had allowed the situation to exist in the first place. The Hoey Committee investigators took comfort in the fact that their inquiry had initiated a more aggressive removal of homosexual security threats, but their failure to hold individuals responsible at the hiring level shows their lack of concern for true acco u n tab ility . Senator Hoey did attempt to achieve some accountability on the general level. As the T im es-H erald article noted, Hoey soon "introduced a pervert-control bill containing the subcommittee's legislative recommendations," an apparent reference to Hoey's request that such legislation be developed.52 The new bill was largely ignored since Congress adjourned within a few days, but the subcom mittee's recommendations were later adopted in various appropriations bills which required that all agencies of the federal government institute rigorous screening processes against hom osexuals. In the end, the Senate inquiries precipitated an expanded purge of known or suspected homosexuals from every branch of the Federal government. Kenneth W herry would certainly have been proud of this extended fruit of his earlier labor. 513 The process of "eradicating �this menace" would continue not only into the following year but through the next few decades — the subject of the following chapter. 514 �1 Only after the deployment of new tactics by General Matthew Ridgeway, towards the end of January, 1951, would the ground war turn into a relatively stable stalemate. On this stage of the Korean War, see, among others, U.S. Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States. 1950. 7 vols. (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1976-80); James F. Schnabel and Robert J. Watson, The Korean War. Part I (Washington, D.C.: Joint Chiefs of Staff, Joint Secretariat Historical Division, 1978); Robert Smith, MacArthur In Korea (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1982); Rosemary Foot, The Wrong War: American Policy and the Dimensions of the Korean Conflict. 1950-1953 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985); Clay Blair, The Forgotten War: America In Korea. 1950-1953 (New York: New York Times Books, 1987); David McCullough, Trum an (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992), esp. 798-834; and Lisle A. Rose, The Cold War Comes To Main Street (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1999), 249-308. On the Chinese counter-attack, see Allen S. Whiting, China Crosses the Yalu: The Decision to Enter the Korean War (Stanford, CA.: Stanford University Press, 1960); and Sergei N. Goncharov, John W. Lewis, and Zue Litai, Uncertain Partners: Stalin. Mao, and the Korean War (Stanford, CA.: Stanford University Press, 1993). For administration perspectives, see Harry S. Truman, Memoirs. Vol. 2: Years of Trial and Hope (1956; New York: Signet Books, 1965); and Dean Acheson, The Korean War (New York: Norton, 1971). 2 On McCarthy's impeachment call, see New York Times and Washington Post (Dec. 4-19, 1950), and N ew sw eek 36, 24 (Dec. 11, 1950), 24. The resolution calling for Acheson's dismissal prompted Majority Leader Senator Scott Lucas to declare the action an invitation to Stalin to strike wherever he liked, since he knew America was not united; see Evening Star (Dec. 15, 1950), A l; and New York Times (Dec. 16, 1950), 1. Related news included the announcement, on the day before the Hoey Committee Report appeared, that convicted perjurer Alger Hiss had lost his appeal and would soon be preparing to serve his 44-month term. Joe McCarthy was busy attacking liberal columnist Drew Pearson as "a fiendishly clever voice of international Communism assigned to task of smearing enemies of Communism," and "a prostitute of journalism," in libel-proof speech on Senate floor (though he offered to repeat allegations elsewhere under certain conditions). McCarthy urged newspapers to boycott Pearson's column and the Adam Hat Company to stop sponsoring it. Pearson responded by citing his record in fighting Communism, and publicizing the fact that McCarthy had physically assaulted him in the exclusive Sulgrave Club earlier that week. McCarthy continued attacking Pearson in print over the next few months. 3 See "Hoey Cuts Birthday Cake" [photo with caption], Raleigh News and Observer (Dec. 15, 1950), 20:1-2. Hoey's birthday was Dec. 11th; his fellow subcommittee member, Margaret Chase Smith, celebrated her 53rd birthday, on Dec. 14, 1950. 515 �4 See U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments, Subcommittee on Investigations (81st Cong., 2d sess.), "Employment of Homosexuals and Other Sex Perverts in Government, Interim Report . . . pursuant to S. Res. 280 . . Senate Document No. 241 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., Dec. 15, 1950); hereafter "Hoey Committee Report." Reprinted in Government versus Homosexuals (New York: Amo Press, 1975). For previous reviews of the Hoey Committee Report, see John D'Emilio, Sexual Politics. Sexual Communities: The Making of a Homosexual Minority in the United States. 1940-1970 (1983; 2nd ed., Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1998), 42-45; and John D'Emilio and Estelle B. Freedman, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (1988; 2nd ed., Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1997), 292-93. Efforts to declassify background information to the Hoey Committee Report have proven unsuccessful. Bdrube, Coming Out Under Fire. 284-85, reports that the National Archives and Records Administration did confirm the existence of "20 linear inches of correspondence, memoranda, exhibits, and other unpublished materials relating to the subcommittee’s investigation." Berubd's 1982-89 requests for the material's declassification, however, were rebuffed by then-subcommittee chairmen, Democratic Senator Sam Nunn and Republican Senator William Roth, Jr. The current chair, Senator Fred Thompson (1998-99) insisted to this author the material "had already been made available in 1996" by Roth, though the National Archives’ Center for Legislative Archives claims this not to be the case; see letter to author of Fred Thompson (May 14, 1999), and author's telephone conversation with Ed Schamel, NA I (Apr. 27, 1999). N.B. — The Senate was meeting in the basement because the Senate Chamber was being remodeled and would not reopen until January, 1951. 5 Hoey's announcement of the Report is in Cong. Rec. 96 (Dec. 15, 1950), 1658788; he praised the Committee (and thus himself) for not allowing the discreet inquiry to become yet another, discreditable "witch hunt." 6 Hoey Committee Report, 1 ["government-wide"], 14 [legislative branch cases]. Employees of Congress, the Botanical Gardens and the Library of Congress had been inadequately covered by security regulations, the report conceded, although no testimony had been offered in this regard. There were even "cases where legislative employees who had been arrested on charges of sex perversion were able to remain in their jobs." The Senate Committee on Rules and administration and the House Committee on Administration, the Report claimed [15], would be responsible for such cases in the future. Appendix III [25] listed four Congressional "cases of sex perversion" dismissed since April 1, 1950, with none dismissed during the previous three years. 7 Op. cit. , 1. 8 Op. cit. , 1 [22 for reprinted text of S. Res. 280]. 9 Op. cit. , 2. 1° Loc. cit. 516 �12 Op. cit. , 1-2. The Report specified that "some perverts are bisexual" in the first admission of bisexuality in a published government document. N.B. — 1960s/70s "gay and lesbian" and 1980s/90s "queer" rights groups employed the same rationale, but from the reverse angle, to delink the stigma of "other moral perverts" from the concept of "homosexuals." These later groups sought to replace the medically based, sex-focused aspects of "homosexuality" with a more identity-based term, "queer," although the pejorative aspects of the new term led many to reject it. 13 Op. cit. , 2; for discussion of the then-reigning conception of homosexuality as Uhavior, and for Kinsey's statistics, see Chapter 1; on Blick’s figures, see Chapters. 4 & 6. The Report further detailed [2-3] the medical witnesses’ discussion of how homosexuals could not be classified solely by gender type, but still allowed the stereotypical dichotomization of homosexuals as either "passive" (i.e., "effeminate" men) or "active" (i.e., those attracted to the "passive" type, including "young men or boys"). 14 Op. cit. , 3. 15 On Felix's seminar, see Chapter 5. Not only did the Hoey Committee firmly reject the separation of "sensitive" and "non-sensitive" positions, but it used Felix's own rationale — that persons should be fired for "discrediting” the government — as a reason why "homosexuals and other moral perverts" should be immediately and always "separated." 16 Hoey Committee Report, 3. 17 Op. cit. , 4. Senator Wherry had repeated similar rationale; see Wherry Report, 11 [discussed in Chapter 4]. For the 1921 inquiry, see Chapter 1. 18 Hoey Committee Report, 4. 19 For the various Republicans' earlier comments, see Chapters 4 & 5. Miller had also recently spearheaded an increased fine to $500 or six months in jail (adopted as Sec. 3.25, Rules and Regulations of the National Park Service [Federal Register, June 7, 1950]); see Hoey Committee Report, 15. 20 Hoey Committee Report, 4-6. The Report repeated (CIA Director) Admiral Hillenkoetter's mistaken assertion that Raedl had committed suicide "shortly after the outbreak" of WWI, making possible a more sinister reading of the effects of his crimes; see Chapter 6 (July 14, 1950 hearing). The Report also quoted the testimony of FBI Assistant Director D. Milton Ladd on the reputed Nazi & Communist links, which, to this day, have never been detailed. 21 Hoey Committee Report, 6-7; 24 for Appendix II [armed services], 25 for Appendix III [civilian agencies]. The Appendix II figures repeated the statistics sent to Hoey Committee Frip Flanagan by the Defense Department in October and November; see Chapter 6. 517 �22 Hoey Committee Report, 8. The EC A was the Washington-based European Cooperation Agency, which handled Marshall Plan funding. The State Department's dismissal rate remained roughly consistent, from 106 dismissals from Jan. 1947 through Mar. 1950, and 37 from April through November, 1950. The worst agency was the Veterans Administration, with only four dismissals from 1947 to early 1950 and 97 between April and November, 1950. Second was the Commerce Department, with no reported dismissals from 1947 to early 1950, but 49 firings after April 1, 1950; Congressman John Rooney (who had first included Commerce in the attacks of the previous spring) may have been correct, after all, in assuming their "laxity in weeding out homosexuals"; see New York Times (Mar. 20, 1950), 5:1. 23 Hoey Committee Report, 9. 24 Op. cit. , 10-14. The Report [11-12] also detailed the Civil Service Commission's claims that it had strengthened its liaisons with the various civilian agencies to ensure "proper" reporting in the future, and it sketched the procedure by which agencies investigated claims of "sex perversion" in an effort to demonstrate how "concrete information" [i.e. confessions and/or "collateral investigations"] could be found in such cases (contrary to the claims of skeptics who saw "proof" as "difficult, if not impossible to obtain"). The Report even claimed [12] that some of the agencies "were unaware of the necessity of making such an investigation." Chief Counsel Flanagan must have ascertained this from his collection of agency statistics, since the Committee never heard testimony to this effect. The Report [13] cited 198 "previously arrested on morals charges" still federally employed, out of 457 government cases and over 1,200 total arrests prior to April, 1950. 25 Op. cit. , 15-19. The senators argued that there was "no logical reason for these discrepancies in the existing criminal laws" between the D.C. and Park Service jurisdictions, and claimed that "it was also found" that, in some instances, "sodomy or attempted sodomy" cases had been reduced to disorderly conduct, without noting that the higher charges demanded greater burden of p ro o f. 26 Op. cit. , 13-14, 25. The proposed "board of review" was never adopted, since Congress refused to fund President Truman's Commission on Internal Security and Individual Rights in early 1951. 27 Op. cit. , 19-21. 28 Quotes from "Federal Vigilance on Perverts Asked: Senate Group Says They Must Be Kept Out of Government Because of Security Risk," New York Timt*s (Dec. 16, 1950), 3:4; see also the similar coverage in Washington Post (Dec. 16, 1950), B l:2, and "Hoey Cites Pervert Threat," Raleigh News and Observer (Dec. 16, 1950), 1:6-8, 2:4. Brief comment on the Report can be found in "Object Lesson," Tim e 66, 26 (Dec. 25, 1950), 10; New sw eek did not cover the Report. One of Hoey's longtime friends, Edwin Gill, sent him a copy of an editorial which Gill agreed praised the investigation's "fairness and judicial approach in matters of a highly controversial nature." Hoey’s thank-you letter stated that the editorial was from the Washington P ost, but I was unable to find such a reference; the article was possibly from another paper. See Gill's Dec. 27, 1950 letter to Hoey, and Hoey's Dec. 28th reply; in Hoey Papers, Box 74, Folder 3. 518 �29 Evening Star fD ec. 16, 1950), A4:2. 30 "Hoey Cites Pervert Threat." Raleigh News and Observer (Dec. 16, 1950), 1:68, 2:4. 31 Bert Wissman, "Perverts in Federal Agencies Called Peril to U.S. Security," Washington Times-Herald (Dec. 16, 1950), II, 10:3-7; Congressman Rich's comments in Cong. Rec. 96 (Dec. 18, 1950), 16715,A7755 [Wissman article], 32 Victor Lacky letter to Hoey of Dec, Papers, Box 78, Folder 1. 15, 1950, andHoey's Dec. 18 reply; 33 Hoey letter to McPherson (Dec. 19, 1950); in Hoey in Hoey Papers, Box 78, Folder 6. 34 Letter to Senator Hoey of Miss Norma F. Shannonhouse (Greensboro, N.C.), Dec. 19, 1950 [underlining in original], and Hoey reply of Dec. 20, 1950; in Hoey Papers, Box 83, Folder 3. She had readthe Bruce Jolly article, noted by Hoey in his letter to Holt McPherson, above. 35 Telegram of Arthur E. Stewart (Charlotte, N.C.) to Hoey (Dec. 17, 1950), and Hoey reply letter (Dec. 19, 1950); in Hoey Papers, Box 83, Folder 3. 36 Quotes from letter to Hoey of Helen A. Morrow Kinney (Dec. 15, 1950), and Hoey's Dec. 19, 1950 reply [to "Mrs. John [Helen] H.D. Kinney"]; in Hoey Papers, Box 78, Folder 6. Regarding her political comments, Hoey agreed that "if Acheson was [sic] removed and some man was put in his place who would have the full confidence of the American people, that it would help our situation. Of course, we have no way of removing our President, although I may say to you in confidence that I very much regret that we do not have at this time a stronger and more masterful man for President in this hour of crisis." He was glad that she approved of his position about getting our soldiers out of Korea" since he "did not want to see them slaughtered" and was "likewise . . . opposed to conducting a war with China." 37 Letter to Hoey of Celia S. Gearberg (Needlecraft Service Shops, Washington, D.C.), Jan. 12, 1951; in Hoey Papers, Box 91,Folder 4.Note the similarity in language with the co-instigator of the 1919 Newport naval entrapment scheme, who gave the impression that he had "the power of detecting sexual degeneracy at sight." See Murphy, Perverts bv Official Order. 107. 38 Hoey letter to Gearberg, Jan. 17, 1951; in Hoey Papers, Box 91, Folder 4. 39 Quoted from Hoey letters to Miss Kay McGauran (Feb. 15, 1951) and Miss Gaynell McNeal (Mar. 22, 1951); in Hoey Papers, Box 96, Folder 1. See various letters mentioning the Winchell broadcast, the first dated Jan. 3, 1951, in Hoey Papers, Box 73, Folder 4. His columns also neglected the Report. 40 519 �41 See Dec. 19, 1950 letter of Phyllis Ireland to Hoey, and Hoey's Dec. 21st reply; in Hoey Papers, Box 76, Folder 4. Even Hoey's reference to drunkenness was a very shaky attempt; Ireland had written that "many [homosexuals] turn to alcohol because it dulls their 'abnormal' sex craving and ju st plain down-right loneliness," and had complained that she had "not once" read "that the State Department [wa]s concerned with rapists, peeping toms, exhibitionists nor even wayward husbands" who were equally "apt to be blackmailed." She added that she had been inspired to write Hoey after having read "another article concerning the so-called sexual perverts in the State Department," a further indication of the hinterland press's successful anti-State spin on the story. 42 On Hoey's perspective regarding this broadcast, see his letter of Dec. 21, 1950 to Robert M. Wallace (Shelby, N.C.), in Hoey Papers, Box 85, Folder 3. 43 n .B. — The GOP had won equality in the Senate in the November midterm elections, with Southerners still dominating the Democratic contingent. 44 Regarding Mundt, see Hoey's Dec. 13, 1950 letter to R.A. Evans (Gastonia, N.C.); in Hoey Papers, Box 72, Folder 4. Hoey seemed genuinely pleased to have Nixon join the group; see Nixon's Jan. 23, 1951 letter to Hoey, and Hoey's Jan. 24 reply; in Box 97, Folder 5. The Southern Democrat was likely to have been less pleased, however, with his party’s choice of a replacement for James Eastland (who was departing for McCarran's new Internal Security Subcommittee). This was the Minnesota liberal famous for his civil-rights speech at the 1948 Democratic national convention, Hubert H. Humphrey. McCarthy offered Smith a "promotion" to the less-prestigious subcommittee on government reorganization. See Evening Star (Jan. 26, 1951), A l; New York Times and Washington Post (Jan. 27-31, 1951), 1; Raleigh News and O b se rv er (Jan. 27, 1951), 1:4; plus extensive [chiefly Maine] newspaper coverage of the issue, in Margaret Chase Smith Papers, Scrapbooks 94-96, 99, 188. News coverage of McCarthy's slight provides numerous examples of homophobic silencing. Maine papers [in Scrapbooks, above] referred only to the 1949 "Five-Percenters" inquiry; none mentioned the more-recent, anti­ homosexual investigation. The Raleigh News and Observer (Jan. 27, 1951), 3:6, likewise omitted reference to the "pervert probe," noting only that the "Hoey committee had investigated the Five Percenters, which led to the perjury conviction of John Maragon, glib, one-time White House habitue." Histories of Smith also neglect her participation in the homosexual inquiry; see Smith, Declaration of Conscience (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1972), 20-25; Frank Graham, Jr., Margaret Chase Smith: Woman of Courage (New York: John Day Company, 1964, 79-82; and Patricia W. Wallace, Politics of Conscience: A Biography of Margaret Chase Smith (Westport, CT.: Praeger, 1995), 110-111. 45 See U.S. Congress, Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations, press releases (May 24, June 20, July 19, & Oct. 18, 1951, and Feb. 7, Feb. 18, & May 14, 1952); in Hoey Papers, Box 211, Folder 3. 46 McCarthy would take charge of the subcommittee (renamed the Seuate Committee on Government Operations) when Republicans regained control of the Senate in Jan. 1953, positions they retained after the GOP lost its technical 48-person "majority" following the death of Robert Taft in July, 1953. Taft's seat was taken over by a Democrat after a special election, but the Senate's lone independent frequently voted with the 47-member GOP delegation. 520 �47 For this interpretation of the anti-communist witch-hunts, see Navasky, Naming Names. 199-222. The best example of this public confessional was Whittaker Chambers, who testified before the nation in the HUAC hearings, and wrote his 1952 biography, W itn ess, around the theme of confessing his 1930s Communist crimes. 48 See Hoey Committee Report, 9, citing an unnamed, December 1949 personnel manual, presumably one prepared following the policy set by [Defense Department Personnel Policy Board Chairman] Hubert E. Howard, in his "Memorandum for the Secretary of the Army, the Secretary of the Navy, the Secretary of the Air Force. Subject: Discharge of Homosexuals from the Armed Services" (Oct. 11, 1949); copy in "Sex Perversion File, 1950," HSTL, WHCF/CF. Historian Allan Berube, Coming Out Under Fire. 267-68, criticized the Hoey Committee for having solicited "testimony from intelligence officers working in police departments, the FBI, the CIA, and the armed forces" to convince the nation that homosexuals were security risks (rather than the fact that they posed a morale problem, the military's declared reason why they were "unfit" for service). He cites 1941 and 1949 reports which had "raised the security risk factor but considered it unimportant." The senators, to Berube, "interpreted the opinions of military intelligence officers as representing those of the armed forces and concluded" that each agency agreed that sex perverts in Government constituted security risks. Defense Department documents such as the Howard memo cited above, however, did not mention the reasons why homosexuals were seen as "unfit," but merely mandated "prompt separation" in all cases (except where an individual claimed homosexual tendencies "for the purpose of avoiding military service"), indicating a determination that did not require Senate cooptation to include the additional rationale of security risk. Berubd astutely points out, however, that the most effective interrogators of homosexuals — ironically — were U.S. military intelligence officers, whose testimony of the ease at getting gay servicemen to talk was the only proof the Hoey Committee had to demand acceptance of the security risk argument; apart from the 1912 Raedl case, no actual Russian blackmailers could be found! 49 Spingam Oral History/HSTL, 798. On Eisenhower's policy, see next chapter. 50 Hoey Committee Report, 21. As with the "Five-Percenters" probe, neither Senator Hoey nor his successors ever reconvened the subcommittee to go beyond the "interim" report. The 1950 homosexual inquiry, to this day, remains the only full-scale Congressional study of this "problem." 51 D'Emilio, Sexual Politics. Sexual Communities. 43 [repeated in D'Emilio and Freedman, Intimate Matters. 293]. 52 Wissman, "Perverts in Federal Agencies Called Peril to U.S. Security," Washington Times-Herald (Dec. 16, 1950), II, 10:6. 521 �CHAPTER 8 A fte rm a th The heightened purge of homosexuals which had begun during the W herry-Hill spring 1950 inquiry continued throughout the decade and affected thousands of men and women. During this period, government agencies regularly provided statistics on fired homosexual employees to Congress and the press in order to demonstrate their vigilance in maintaining security standards. The purge worsened during the first few months of the Eisenhower administration and remained a threat to stability throughout Ike’s two terms. Moreover, it spread beyond the federal government to encompass both the defense industry and state and local governments. Enforcement of anti-homosexual policies would not wane until the mid-1970s; full repeal for civilian sectors of government would not come until 1994. Despite all the queer-bashing rhetoric — and accusations of effete elitism within the diplomatic corps — the theory about homosexuals as security threats remained only a theory. Not a single American homosexual has ever been p ro v en to have spied for and/or sold secrets foreign governments, either on his own initiative or under threat of blackmail. In the minds of those pledged to protect America from all possible dangers, however, paranoia over 522 �Communist subversion was so strong that stories of homosexual moles, spies and blackmail victims were constantly circulating. The 1950 Senate investigations can be credited with making such fears official and with institutionalizing government response at every level of society. Ironically, the 1950 investigations backfired in that they inspired a small number of determined homosexual activists — the first homosexual rights group, the Mattachine Society, and the first book by a non-apologetic homosexual appeared partially in response to the repressive measures emanating from the Senate hearing rooms. Such small seeds grew to blossom in the gay rights movement of the 1970s. Experts in medicine and psychology also gradually changed their views on homosexuality by the 1970s, further allowing a still-yetincomplete revolution in social attitudes toward "homosexuals and other moral perverts" which would have caused leaders like Kenneth Wherry, Arthur L. Miller and others to turn over in their graves. The tide would eventually turn, after decades of summary dismissals and dishonorable discharges. By the end of the twentieth century, civilian homosexual employees would be free from legal penalty and much of the social stigma under which their predecessors labored in the 1950s. Military personnel, however, remain under restrictions similar to those of the early Cold War, and while discharges are now "honorable," they continue at increasing rates . . . 523 �HOMOSEXUAL DISMISSALS INCREASE The Hoey Committee Report became the basis for further government action for years to come. In the few cases of job dismissal brought to court, judges across the country cited the Report in contending that homosexuals could not be employed by the government because of the promiscuous, impermanent and felonious nature of their relationships.1 Moreover, scant effective legal assistance was available to firees, during this period. Though the A.C.L.U. opposed entrapment schemes against homosexuals and other members of "socially heretical or deviant groups," the Union agreed that there was "no violation of civil liberties involved" in military discharge policies and in the civilian "security risk factor in sensitive p o sitio n s."2 Members of the psychiatric field also used the Hoey Committee Report to promote the need for expert psychiatric e v alu a tio n .3 Federal, local police, and military institutions published statistics to demonstrate how many homosexuals had been separated from government service, using the ensuing publicity to bolster an image of security consciousness in each group or agency. As a result of the Senate investigations, the District of Columbia police employed several new officers in an effort to make its Vice Squad more effective. Lieutenant Blick was promoted to Captain by the end of 1950, and his squad grew from four to over one hundred 524 �men strong over the course of the next twenty years. Police entrapment schemes grew into a state-of-the-art science, complete with hidden microphones on park benches and officers trained in eliciting conversation which might lead to suggestion of homosexual a ctiv ity .4 The Federal Bureau of Investigation also used the "pervert purge" to enhance its crime-busting status. In the spring of 1951, F.B.I. Director J. Edgar Hoover proudly announced that 406 "sex deviates in government service" had been discovered since the start of the Senate investigations — a slight increase from the number separated during the course of 1950 (the latest summary in the Hoey Committee Report) but a large enough statistic to sound impressive.5 A leading Bureau historian has documented how "FBI officials launched a special Sex Deviates program in the aftermath of the Hoey Committee inquiry. These files were destroyed in 1977, although the National Archives form approving this record destruction describes the contents as numbering approximately 300,000 pages and identifies the dates of documents included in these files as 1937 through 1977."6 F.B.I. appropriations increased with the Bureau's crime-fighting status, which Hoover boosted by bragging, among other cases, about a V.A. hospital attendant who was fired after a fingerprint check revealed his prior arrest and conviction for sodom y.7 525 �Compared to the F.B.I., the State Department was less successful in prom oting itself during successive appropriations hearings before Congress. To be sure, the tough, new assistant secretary for personnel, Carlisle Humelsine, worked hard to demonstrate State's vigilance in "cleaning house." At his first appearance before John Rooney's House appropriations subcommittee, in February of 1951, Humelsine requested funding for a Special A ssistant for Intelligence (to make up for failures in Korea), reassured congressmen worried about "these peculiar [security) risks incident to the Department" by stressing the "new emphasis on the reinvestigation of existing employees in key positions" and explaining the difference between loyalty and security risks for new members of the comm ittee.8 He also admitted that Senator Homer Ferguson had alerted the Department to the presence of one particular homosexual employee (subsequently fired), confirmed details of the Desvernine case, and referred to other cases which had "appeared in the public print."9 Humelsine did not volunteer information about a set of cases from the previous autumn, however. The State Department had discovered a group of homosexuals working in an overseas embassy in the summer of 1950. The case represented the worst possible nightmare during the Hoey Committee inquiry, so it is no surprise that mention of it was kept out of the papers; were labeled "confidential" for years.10 526 records of the cases �The case of four civilian employees — James Lloyd Garrison (Mail and Pouch Clerk), Edward H. Kotun (Code Clerk), Gerard Sanders (Consular Section Clerk), and John Bonnema (Civilian Guard) — at the American embassy in Yugoslavia had come to the attention of the regional security officer in late August, 1950. Following a security investigation in Belgrade and further review in W ashington, the embassy was advised of the Department's intention to remove them. Garrison was "transferred" to Canada and then to W ashington ~ and once he had confessed to being part of the group of four, the others were sent home. By mid-January, 1951, all four were "separated" from the Foreign Service after being interrogated by one of the same Special Agents who had grilled Lt. Blick about his Hill-Wherry subcommittee testimony the previous spring.11 In sum, the four were not suspected of other illegal activity such as visa-selling or spying; their cases were kept from the news. Before the 1951 House appropriations subcommittee, Humelsine did provide details of a case of which Chairman Rooney and other congressmen had heard rumors and which would soon hit the front pages of major newspapers. Following an inconclusive investigation from December 1949 to March 1950, internal State Department auditors had begun a new probe in September 1950 (the same period as the Belgrade investigations) in response to rumors that the Vice-Consul at the American Embassy at Hong Kong was selling visas 527 �to applicants fleeing from Red China and that he was homosexual. W ithin three weeks the new investigation confirmed these rumors. The officer, twenty-five-year-old John Wayne Clark W illiams, was recalled in November; December. he confessed and was dismissed in early After the U.S. Attorney General's office formally charged him in court with selling visas to foreign nationals (three weeks after Humelsine's testimony before the Rooney Committee), the State Department admitted it had discharged him and he had been part of a "homosexual ring" that included at least three other embassy staffers (also dismissed but never named). Charged in a federal court in his home state of North Carolina for his visa-selling crimes (but not for homosexual offenses), Williams pled guilty and was sentenced on June 1, 1950, to serve a five-year term for the three counts of bribery.12 Williams was no Colonel Raedl, however. The case could in no way prove that one's homosexuality made one prone to commit other illegal acts, and it left unresolved the blackmail issue. Had Williams been blackmailed, Assistant Secretary Humelsine certainly would have touted it as a test case of his security division's efficiency, even if conservatives had also pointed to the fact of blackmail. Thus W illiams' case disproves the anti-homosexual witchhunt's unfair assumption that "a homosexual (quite apart from his liability to blackmail) [wa]s more likely to turn communist than a heterosexual, 528 �and [wa]s, accordingly, a greater 'security risk.'"13 Ironically, the primary reason his name made the papers was because of his illegal, visa-selling activities; his homosexuality was secondary. That Williams was selling visas to Chinese nationalists fleeing Communism was, in fact, downplayed entirely. To give him backhanded credit for assisting enemies of Communism in this regard would have undermined the claim that he was violating Cold War security issues and was therefore not permissible. The American government and public were not ready for an admittedly greedy, yet patriotic, homosexual Cold W arrior. The other three consular employees arrested with W illiams were not named publicly, though the State Department clarified the fact that they were not being charged with "visa irregularities" like Williams. The Williams case seemed, therefore, to show that a homosexual might be prone to a "multitude of sins" — but disloyalty was not one of them. In a later, 1954 treason case against a homosexual Army sergeant, a judge even issued a ruling that disputed the assumption that homosexuals were more prone to disloyalty. John David Provoo had served in the U.S. Army in the Philippines, where he was captured along with Wainwright's corps in 1942. He was arrested after the war for treason for having supposedly colluded with the Japanese. The case drew national attention since he was a known eccentric who dressed in flowing Japanese garb in court — inspiring subtle critiques 529 �of his masculinity in news reports of the trial. His case was dismissed after the prosecution "informed the jury that on several occasions after reenlistment the defendant had been charged with being, or suspected by military authorities or hospital doctors of being, a homosexualist" (a charge he denied and for which he was never convicted). An appeals court judge reversed Provoo's previous conviction because he found the homosexual disclosures "collateral m atter so prejudicial and inflammatory as to require a reversal for this reason alone, regardless of other errors." The judge reasoned that "such a charge was utterly irrelevant to the issue whether he had committed treason while a prisoner of w ar."14 The potential loyalty of Provoo or even Williams, for that matter, did not help Assistant Secretary of State Humelsine in the spring of 1951. The State Department's still-tainted image led to what one later gay legal activist termed the "fertility rite" whereby the appropriations committees annually inquired as to how many homosexuals State had fired during the previous year.15 Humelsine started the ritual by dutifully reporting to Rooney's House subcommittee that 54 homosexuals had been separated in 1950 (144 total since 1947); one year later he would tell the same group that 119 had been ousted during the course o f 1951.16 In 1953, Humelsine told a closed Senate committee that 117 persons had quit 530 �when confronted with homosexuality-related charges and two more employees had been "discharged" by administrative action.17 The State Department also maintained a vigilant public image by not seeking to hide specific cases. The same year as the disclosure of the Williams case in Hong Kong saw the resignation of four officials accused of homosexuality from the U.S. embassy in South Korea. This was made known to the press and in fact generated debate about the government's use of lie-detector tests against employees involved in "sensitive," national-security jobs who had been arrested. The controversial tests were supposed to prove whether the suspect was a "sexual pervert or associate[d] with Communists or other subversive persons."18 The Civil Service Commission and State Department did the best they could to repair the damage to their reputations caused by the Hoey Committee Report's charges of lax enforcement of regulations. The Civil Service Commission merely reiterated its existing regulations and urged agencies to enforce them better. Omitting reference to the previous loopholes in Civil Service policies, Investigations Chief James Hatcher (whom W hite House Assistant Steve Spingarn had criticized for his sloppy job of sanitizing lists of homosexual suspects) reassured one inquirer for many years "criminal, infamous, dishonest, immoral or notoriously disgraceful conduct, which includes homosexuality or other types of sex 531 �perversion," had been "sufficient grounds for denying appointment to a Government position or for the removal of a person from the Federal service."19 The State Department meanwhile heightened its efforts to inform American embassies of "The Homosexual Problem in the Foreign Service" with memoranda to security officers and increased training on the issue.20 Consular Affairs Director Sam Boykin also insisted on comprehensive inquiries but warned chiefs of mission to ensure such investigations did not damage the reputations of personnel suspected of hom osexuality.21 The Department later added an entire section on homosexuality to its personnel manual, and presented this at the annual meeting of its security agents in March, 1952. The manual's Section D-VIII reviewed the Department’s policy forbidding appointment or continued employment of "homosexuals and other sex perverts" and quoted extensively from the Hoey Committee Report. Resignations "for personal reasons" would no longer be accepted; files must reflect the full reason for separations to thwart reem ploym ent attem pts.22 Additionally, police checks would be required from all jurisdictions in which an applicant had previously served -- a type of delayed reaction to the changes in bond forfeiture p o lic y .23 Extensive citations from the Senate report indicate that the State Department wanted to ensure that the average security officer knew about the recent investigation. 532 �The State Department also changed its reporting of loyalty-related dismissal figures to reflect the homosexual issue. Though President Truman changed the standard of certainty required in order to remove a federal employee to "reasonable doubt" for both loyalty and security cases (from only security cases, previously), only 61 out o f 745 cases before the State Department's Loyalty-Security Board from 1947 to the end of 1952 involved "security only" (homosexuality). Of thirty separations made during the same period, twelve were listed as "security only" — including the original ten from the 1947 housecleaning — and another fifteen were classified as security and loyalty combined.24 It took until mid-1952 before the Department began circulating confidential, internal reports which more efficiently reported the numbers of homosexuals separated. Since previous listings had not distinguished between security (chiefly homosexual) and loyalty (Communist-suspect) cases, the new figures reflected the desire to ensure special attention on homosexual cases.25 THE 1951 SMEAR BOOK Despite the State Department's efforts to demonstrate itself security conscious, certain stereotypes proved hard to kill. The year after the Hoey Committee issued its report, right-wing journalists Jack Lait and Lee Mortimer published a red-, liberal- and 533 �queer-bashing book entitled W ashington became a national bestseller. Confidential, which quickly Readers o f the volume were warned that the nation’s capitol was a "Garden of the Pansies" where "more than 90 twisted twerps in trousers had been swished out of the State Department," in an obvious reference to Peurifoy’s infamous "91" figure of the year before. Police Lieutenant Blick’s guesstimate somehow grew to the point that there were "at least 6,000 homosexuals on the government payroll, most of them known, and these comprise only a fraction of the total of their kind in the city."26 If "most of them" were "known," the implication was that the Truman administration was allowing them to remain. It therefore comes as no surprise that the attack dared not admit the changes wrought by the Hoey Committee investigations. The book even provoked a lawsuit from one of the 1950 Hoey Committee members, though it was for a homophobic slander and not regarding the Senate inquiry's pro-active w ork.27 L ait’s and M ortimer's masculinist and homophobic rhetoric paralleled the coarse jesting of Senators Wherry and M undt from the previous year. "Until the recent purges in the State Department," the muckrakers wrote, "there was a gag around W ashington" that one "had to speak with a British accent, wear a homburg hat, or have a queer smirk" to enter the State Department headquarters — slyly referring to Secretary Acheson. They even claimed that a concerned 534 �State Department had established "a highly hush-hush Homosexual Bureau, manned by trained investigators and former counterespionage agents, whose duties are to ferret out pansies in Foggy Bottom." No such "Homosexual Bureau" ever existed, however, and readers who knew the location of the new State Department headquarters ("Foggy Bottom") would have caught the reference to anal sex in the remark. Even these McCarthyites could understand the difference between homosexuals and Communists, however. "Fairies are no more disloyal than the normal," they admitted. "But homosexuals are vulnerable; they can be blackmailed or influenced by sex more deeply than conventional citizens: their love-life." they are far more intense about How the authors learned that gay love was "more intense" they did not reveal. In any repressive society, however, the furtive or forbidden seems more desired precisely because it involves so much more risk, so this assertion really testified to the self-inflicted damage caused by a homophobic society. The authors even admitted (as did the instructors in the Federal Security Agency course) that there was no inherent security risk in someone being hom osexual. Lait and Mortimer also managed to interview Nebraska Congressman Arthur L. Miller, the former country doctor who had authored the 1948 D.C. anti-sex-crimes bill. He displayed his convoluted understanding of homosexual etiology in defending a 535 �dubious precursor to 1990s hormone theories. "It is found that the cycle of these individuals’ homosexual desires follows the cycle closely patterned to the menstrual period of women," he explained. "There may be three or four days in each month that the hom osexual’s instincts break down and drive the individual into abnormal fields of sexual practice. Under large doses of sedatives during this sensitive cycle, he may escape such acts."28 Ridiculous as it may seem today, his theory inadvertently spoke to the nature of a homophobic society in which some people feel driven to break out of conform ist proscriptions even at risk of arrest and ostracism. Given what was going on in Washington and the hype from journalists such as Lait and Mortimer, it is understandable that fear among homosexual (and other) government employees increased greatly during the McCarthy-era witchhunts. Bob Adams, a U.S. Army radioman stationed in Europe recalled the fear that swept through the ranks of U.S. government personnel: Some of my colleagues just disappeared overnight and were sent home. And they had been through a hellish grilling and exposing with lies ... There were suicides in Europe . . . They jumped out of hotel windows and stuff. , . . We were all scared . . . If a gay friend wanted to talk we'd go out and sit in the car; we didn't know if our rooms were being bugged or not. Another homosexual, Nat Fowler, recalled the threat of McCarthyism as not just emanating from Washington, but as national in scope: 536 �[McCarthy] seemed to put us together with Communists. If you [we]re homosexual, you [we]re a Communist . . . [but] the whole country was very much aware of these people who should be deported, or something should happen to them. . . . I went with a guy who worked in the State Department and this is why I could never bring him out [to Cherry Grove] on a weekend. He wouldn't dare be caught here. Joe McCarthy would somehow find out.^9 To many homosexuals in and out of government, therefore, "McCarthy" stood the Hoey Committee and other actual agents of the spreading purge as well as for the Senator. GAY SPIES? The stereotype of homosexual-communist betrayers of their country could prove to have been true in two cases, the most famous of which involved a non-American diplomat. In each instance, the spies' identities were described chiefly as communist instead of homosexual, though, and no evidence exists of blackmail. The case for a homosexual-communist spy seemed to come true with British foreign service officer Guy Burgess, who defected to the Soviet Union in May, 1951, along with his colleague Donald Maclean. Though Burgess’ homosexuality was not publicized at the time, insiders knew it to be a potential factor in what became one of the worst British spy cases of the Cold War, a case which touched off a world-wide, international manhunt and led to the defection of fellow diplomat Kim Philby. A Cambridge-educated "outsider" from the upper-middle-class British elite, Burgess betrayed a society he saw 537 �as a inevitably hostile to England's underground homosexual sub-culture, membership in which would forever exem pt one from full acceptance in respectable circles. Historian Stanley W eintraub has described how the homosexual sons of Britain's upper middle class became tools of Stalin. For comfortable public school types already drawn into a homosexual subculture, and infused with at least a modicum of Marxist self-guilt, there was the thrill inherent in the excitement and danger of a covert double patriotism — not to one’s own country and to communism, but to the subterranean worlds of male bonding and class betrayal.30 Here was a nightmare case not even dreamed up by the 1950 Senate investigators — someone whose homosexuality itself seemed to lead him to sell state secrets needed, however, to an enemy power. No blackmail was since the homosexual him self sought revenge on the society which had rejected him. Burgess seemed particularly inspired to spy on the United States by the incessant, homophobic ranting of Senator Joseph McCarthy. The British diplomat had been stationed in Washington, D.C., for several months prior to his return to England and defection to Russia in May, 1951, though his actual flight was prompted by his Virginia arrest for speeding while driving with a working-class "trick" he had picked up in a truck stop. The on-going "pervert purge" had weighed heavily on Burgess' mind throughout the course of 1950, however, leaving him ready to snap at the slightest provocation. As a long-time friend recalled, "What aroused Guy almost to hysteria was 538 �Senator M cCarthy’s identification of communism with homosexuality in the United States, and especially in the State Department. 'Things have reached such a pitch,' [Burgess] wrote, 'that two members of the State Department daren't dine together in public for fear of being called homosexuals and therefore Communists.'"31 If only the Hoey Committee and C.I.A. had known about such dual-subversive tendencies, they would not have needed to rely so heavily upon a forty-year-old Austrian case of mere blackmail . . . A later, related example of a possibly homosexual spy involved a pair of Americans who likewise defected to Russia. Mssrs. Martin and Mitchell, two mathematicians were employed at the National Security Agency (N.S.A.) until their defections in June, 1960. At a subsequent, top-secret meeting of the National Security Council, the Attorney General and F.B.I. Director faced an understandably angry President Eisenhower, who had learned that even after F.B.I. and Navy Intelligence investigations revealed Mitchell to have "had a homosexual background" and Martin as "emotionally unstable," both had been "retained" in their positions. Eisenhower demanded an investigation of those who had allowed the pair to keep their jobs, especially after J. Edgar Hoover confirmed that the police had been notifying the F.B.I. of homosexual arrests and that another government employee had been one of Mitchell's sex partners. The same problems that had existed under the Truman administration 539 �had apparently resurfaced -- supervisors were inclined to overlook potential problems once an employee was hired. All the President could do was demand stricter enforcement of security regulations; he "concluded the discussion by observing that it was difficult to get rid of such people once they were employed and that the time to catch them was when they came into the Government."32 In Mitchell's case, however, it was not clear to what extent his homosexuality played a role in the decision to defect. True, the Justice Department believed that the Soviets were "exploiting sex situations" and "seem[ed] to have a list of homosexuals. They had pressured students and attempted to blackmail them as a means of getting them to work as agents." The chief fear was of some kind of "organized group of such people" since "the Russians had entrapped one individual who, in his confession, had stated that there was an international group of homosexuals."33 However, a more successful Soviet blackmail scenario would have kept the closeted employees in place within the N.S.A. Mitchell seemed to have fled, therefore, because of his spying, not out of fear of being "outed" at home, thus comprising an incident similar to the 1950-51 W illiams case wherein homosexuality was an incidental factor. In any event, he did potentially fulfill the fears of Hoey Committee members who asked about cases of simultaneous disloyalty and homosexuality. 540 �INTERNATIONAL EFFECT The Hoey Committee Report had an impact on American foreign relations in several ways. The inquiry's effect was felt immediately across the nation's northern border. Five days after the Report was released, a Canadian government committee cited it as the basis of its revision of the country’s immigration act (effected in early 1952). The new legislation added "homosexuals, lesbians, and persons coming to Canada for any immoral purpose" to the list of prohibited classes, based on the judgment of the American government that such people were security risks. In October 1952, the Canadian cabinet — in a good example of official silencing — issued similar provisions mandating consideration of "defects of character" which left employees "vulnerable to blackmail" in security checks.34 Canada also created a special unit ("A-3") within the Royal Canadian Mounted Police to root out homosexuals in government jobs. By the early 1960s, the Canadian security regime had even developed a special battery of tests (pejoratively labeled the "fruit machine" by critics) to detect and eliminate homosexual applicants for government jobs. Similar laws and purges occurred in Australia, too, encouraged by American "reform s."35 Not to be outdone by their neighbors to the north, U.S. legislators included an anti-homosexual clause in a strict, new immigration bill. The clause's champion, Senator Herbert O'Conor, demanded its 541 �inclusion based in part from his experience on the 1950 Hoey Committee. As a longtime member of the Immigration and Naturalization Subcommittee, O'Conor had insisted on a tougher immigration law for several months.36 The result of O'Conor's and others' labor was the M cCarran-W alter Act, passed over Truman's veto on June 27, 1952. Among other things, the new law barred immigrants "afflicted with psychopathic personality," a term interpreted to include homosexuals. The U.S. Supreme Court upheld the law's constitutionality in 1967, when it ruled that a gay Canadian man could be deported under its provisions. The anti-homosexual clause would not be removed from U.S. immigration laws until 1 9 8 9 .37 Pressure from the U.S. government also encouraged the British Government to separate homosexuals as security risks from His Majesty's employ. Following Guy Burgess' defection, Consular and Security Director Sam Boykin wrote confidentially to Sir Robert "Bobbie" Mackenzie (of London's Foreign Office) with several suggestions. Mackenzie had asked for Boykin's advice on the intricacies of police checks, following up leads secrecy of suspicions, and inducing confessions.38 The British Foreign Service soon began its own program of "positive vetting" (actively searching for information in a person's background and character, as compared to "negative vetting” or simply locking for red flags in one's personnel 542 �file) for "serious character weaknesses" such as hom osexuality.39 In 1953, Scotland Yard's Special Branch started compiling a blacklist of known homosexuals in the civil service and sent one of its topranking commanders to the U.S. for three months to develop a security plan with the F.B.I.40 The C.I.A. and its British counterpart, M16, also began cooperating much more closely on "security” m a tte rs.41 Rising numbers of homosexual arrests led the British Parliament to commission the Wolfenden Committee in July, 1954; the committee's 1957 report recommended the decrim inalization of consensual, private, male homosexual acts, though the laws would not be changed for another eleven years.42 THE AMERICAN PURGE REINVIGORATED IN 1953 At the beginning of the Eisenhower administration, the State Department once again drew fire from those determined to rid it of any and all possible communists and homosexuals. However, the new Republican president sought to calm the anti-communist storms which had swept the nation for almost three years. W ith this objective, he adopted a new program for insuring internal security and allowed a new personnel officer to enforce regulations in the State Department. In the end, the new security program proved successful, but the security director proved more of a hindrance than 543 �a help. In addition, the administration eventually had to confront McCarthy over his charges of communism and homosexuality in the Army. According to one Senate historian, New Hampshire Republican Styles Bridges "no doubt honestly believed and continued to believe that the Eisenhower Administration was not sufficiently aware of some aspects of the Communist threat." Encouraged by Joseph McCarthy, Bridges employed his position as Chairman of the Appropriations Committee to force "a reluctant State Department" to accept "one of its least-welcomed recruits," Robert W. Scott McLeod, as the new personnel officer.43 In an act of supreme confidence, the new Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles, at first adopted a hands-off approach to personnel management and allowed his McCarthyite subordinate to alter security procedures as he saw fit. A native of Iowa, "Scotty" McLeod shared a common Midwestern perception that Ivy Leaguers in the State Department could not be trusted. As a former reporter and F.B.I. agent, he had served on Bridges' staff researching communists in the agricultural sector. Meanwhile, he had hardened his view toward his new State Department associates. McLeod had access to all personnel files. He soon turned into "an overt pipeline to McCarthy and J. Edgar Hoover," informing them of the confusing condition of State Department re c o rd s.44 McLeod also developed a supplementary surveillance 544 �netw ork of questionable constitutionality to watch over, interview the families and servants of, and tap the telephones and m ail of employees. He even encouraged them to inform on each other — hardly conducive to Department m orale.45 Publicly, McLeod's trouble started when rumors o f immorality broke out regarding Charles E. "Chip" Bohlen, the man John Foster Dulles had recommended as the new American ambassador to the Soviet Union. Bohlen had served as an interpreter at Yalta and Potsdam, the G.O.P.'s two most demonized conferences involving New Deal Democrats and Stalin. He had first met then-General Eisenhower on the way to the Yalta Conference, however, and had maintained the future president's trust and respect over the next few years as a friend, golfing partner, and "tough" but "fair" diplomat. Eisenhower was thus not pleased to find out that Republican conservatives objected to his ambassadorial nominee simply because of Bohlen's association with Yalta. The president was doubly unhappy to learn that McLeod was spreading rumors that Bohlen could not be trusted to his supposed, 1930s associations with homosexuals in M oscow 46 The storm broke when Bohlen went before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee for confirm ation.47 Senator Homer Ferguson emerged as the chief critic of the nominee because of Bohlen's association with Alger Hiss, whose Far Eastern policies Bohlen defended. Stalin's death before Bohlen could testify again made his 545 �confirmation even more urgent, but by this time McLeod had leaked parts of Bohlen's F.B.I. file containing information on reputed homosexual associations. This forced Secretary of State Dulles to go before the Committee himself, on March 18th, to explain that Bohlen's file contained only vindictive accusations which had proved groundless. Senator McCarthy refused to accept the explanation, however, when the nomination was sent to the full Senate on March 23rd. After visiting W hittaker Chambers in order to make it seem that Chambers had inside knowledge of Bohlen's relation to Alger Hiss, McCarthy attacked the Foreign Relations Committee report and demanded that he be allowed to see Bohlen's F.B.I. file — a classic repetition of his demands three years before regarding the 108 State Department files. Eisenhower agreed to a senatorial review of an F.B.I. summary of the file but claimed this was not establishing a precedent (inasmuch as Truman had refused to allow such violations of personnel privacy). Senators Taft and Sparkman reviewed the files and reported back to the Foreign Relations Committee that the homosexual and disloyalty accusations were unsubstantiated. Nevertheless, McCarthy, Ferguson, Bridges, McCarran and others refused to give in, however, and the nomination was passed (73-14) only after Taft strong-armed enough moderate Republicans to counterbalance the conservatives.48 546 �Despite the machinations of McLeod, McCarthy and others, therefore, reports of association with homosexuals did not deprive the United States of a worthy diplomat at a vital moment in Soviet-American relations. Such reports did, however, ruin the reputation of Bohlen's long-time associate and brother-in-law, Charles W. Thayer. McLeod's leak of the Bohlen F.B.I. file to McCarthy provided the W isconsin Senator with ammunition to threaten an investigation of Thayer regarding (later unsubstantiated) charges that Thayer (a married diplomat with two children) had both had an affair with a Russian woman and was homosexual. Thayer resigned rather than face a subpoena from McCarthy's committee (the successor to the 1950 Hoey Committee) and after he ascertained that Secretary of State Dulles was unwilling to defend him.49 McLeod thus became a distinct liability to the new administration but was too close to the McCarthyite faction to be fired directly. He was also adept at promoting his own importance, publicly declaring that it was vital that he "clean up the mess" in the State D e p a rtm e n t.50 for long. He had too many enemies, however, to be tolerated Beginning in early 1954, his position and authority were reduced to the point that he controlled but a small part of the State Department's security apparatus, McCarthy's decline in the same year left without a major supporter in the Senate, Bridges having abandoned him as a result of the various uproars he had caused.51 547 �By 1957 McLeod was shipped off to Ireland as U.S. Ambassador — confirmed, ironically, the day McCarthy died. During his tenure as chief of personnel, numerous foreign service officers had resigned, retired or requested transfer to other branches o f the government, confirming his worst suspicions but proving little. He would be remembered for years to come as the most anti-communist and homophobic administrator in the history of the State Departm ent.52 E.O. 10450 PARTIALLY BASED ON HOEY COMMITTEE REPORT McLeod's methods aside, Eisenhower agreed that Truman’s loyalty-security program was inadequate and in need of replacement. An extensive review of security procedures led to a new executive order, another purge of the State Department, and the Senate publication of a voluminous internal security manual for all government agencies. Ironically, though the new system strengthened the anti-homosexual provisions of the security program, congressional conservatives still objected to its source of authority — an executive order instead of a law enacted by Congress — the same disagreement that Harry Truman had faced from 1947. Kenneth W herry's dream of a fully coordinated internal-security system finally came to pass in Eisenhower's E.O. 10450, issued on April 27, 1953 and put in effect one month later. The president closed the loyalty-security boards and returned oversight of the six 548 �million federal employees to the head of each government agency (the condition which had existed prior to 1947). However, whereas cases had previously been judged on the basis of "reasonable doubt," now any accusation could disrupt someone's career, since the burden of proof was on the accused.53 Attorney General Herbert Brownell had urged the separation of the terms "loyalty risk" and "security risk," since, as he noted, anyone "leading an irregular, abnormal life" -- homosexuals, alcoholics, and others — was "automatically a subject for blackmail." The term "security risk" was thus stratified to include a hierarchy of threats. "A greater security risk is an individual that can be blackmailed," Eisenhower's press secretary later explained. "And in that area, you have to include perverts, you have to include people that take dope of some kind one way or the other — a lot of th in g s."54 The new order contained explicit anti-homosexual provisions. "Sexual perversion" was specifically listed at the top of the list of grounds for dismissal and disbarment from government jobs. Anyone seeking federal employment would now be subject to a battery of psychological tests aimed at eradicating all possible risks. The new changes were so sweeping that the Senate was obliged to compile all the new provisions in a giant, new manual on internal security. The manual reviewed all previous government security provisions and executive orders, as well as congressional 549 �investigations relating to security and loyalty regulations. It specifically cited the 1950 Hoey Committee Report to support the "sexual perversion" criteria of E.O. 10450.55 Eisenhower's new executive order also subjected all governm ent-sponsored businesses to the same security regulations as federal agencies — chiefly defense-industry firms, but also longshoremen and merchant marines. Twelve million workers, over twenty percent of the nation’s labor force (public and private), thus fell under the anti-homosexual regulations. The fear of being accused of endangering national security kept homosexuals from officially revealing their sexuality, even those who did not have family to protect, as late as the 1990s.56 One should not assume that being fired from a government job always meant a debilitating loss of status for homosexuals. Some employees could look back years later and appreciate their "release" from a boring, bureaucratic, dead-end career, though their stories also provide glimpses of others' humiliation. Charlotte Coleman was a ten-year veteran at the I.R.S. who was fired in 1958 on suspicion of homosexuality along with two male colleagues. She cashed out her retirem ent plan, however, and invested the money in what became a minor empire of bars and clubs catering to homosexuals. Retiring after thirty-seven years, she could look back and credit homophobia in government with starting her on a highly successful career.57 550 �A fter Eisenhower's E.O. 10450, the issue of employee rights once again got extensive attention. Arguments grew so heated that one Republican Congressman, John Phillips of California, even accused the American Legion of being "squarely on the side of homosexuals and subversives" after the group opposed a new summary-suspension bill which granted federal agency heads near-complete authority to dismiss employees "in the interests of the United States." In any case, the new program survived most judicial challenges, serving as the basis for federal exclusion of homosexuals until its repeal in 1994.58 FURTHER WAVES OF SEPARATIONS Fueled by McLeod's tactics and the new executive order, security-risk separations and related publicity increased sharply over the next couple of years. Much-ballyhooed "ousters" hit the Commerce Department by early 1953, while the State Department continued regularly releasing figures of dismissals for "homosexual proclivities." Insiders like Drew Pearson were privately informed that two "perverts" had been even fired from the White House staff. Later congressional testimony revealed that between May 1953 and June 1955, over 800 federal employees had resigned or had been dismissed nation-wide because of "sex perversion" material which appeared in their files.59 551 �The "fertility rite" for government agencies changed, as well. Instead of each agency regularly reporting separation statistics to Congress and the press during its respective appropriations hearings, the Civil Service Commission released at least five "consolidated reports" on figures for all agencies between 1953 and 1955. new method had its advantages and drawbacks. The W hile loyalty and security statistics were divided into separate categories, security statistics were not until 1955. This served to inflate both the appearance of government vigilance and the sense o f underlying crisis which led to the separations, since more people were fired for alcoholism, drug abuse, loquaciousness and heterosexual improprieties than for homosexuality. For example, on October 23, 1953, the White House announced that 1,456 government employees had been separated under the provisions of the new order, including 197 from the State Department, Two weeks later, the State Department countered with the announcement that it had "been operating within the spirit" of the President's order "from the beginning of the present administration," and had in the process separated 306 "citizen employees" (Americans) and 178 "alien" (overseas) employees "against whom a security question had been ra ise d ."60 The numbers of homosexuals in each block of statistics was not specified, leaving the reader the option of assuming that most if not all of the hundreds fired were sex-related — Eisenhower 552 �purposely did not break down the security statistics to show that loyalty separations were quite low.61 But as a 1955 report showed, of 8,008 employees who had been separated as security risks during the previous two years only 655 cases ~ less than ten percent — involved charges of "sex perversion."62 Nevertheless, since "sex pervert" and "security risk" had been linked so strongly during the 1950 inquiries, however, homophobes could vastly inflate the "problem" of homosexuals in government employ. The statistics from 1955 also reveal the State Department to have been especially vigilant in separating homosexuals. Almost half of its security-related losses from early 1953 through m id-1954 were for "perversion," with most suspects resigning before inquiries could be completed. By mid-1955, 147 of 283 losses were for "sex perversion," a percentage higher than that of the military. Overall, as well, the State Department had maintained its separation rate at the level of the frenzied period which had followed the announcement of the 1950 Senate inquiries, while other agencies had apparently lost much of their vigilance.63 Most astonishing, the State Department continued to have McLeod-era statistics for homosexual separations for at least a decade. In 1960, former U.S. Ambassador to Mexico Robert C. Hill testified before Congress that he had been told by "the officer responsible for conducting investigations of homosexuals" that "about 553 �1400 had been severed from the State Department" in the previous ten years.64 Assistant Secretaries of State for Administration had to continue demonstrating the Department's vigilance. In 1966, for instance, W illiam J. Crockett reported to a Senate appropriations subcommittee that he had initiated a new, "preventive security" feature of the application process, by which all male applicants were asked the question, "Have you ever engaged in a homosexual act?" Crockett was pleased to report that some applicants had answered yes, allowing the Department to "deselect" them more quickly.65 MANY VICTIMS, FEW VOICES Such a climate bred a climate of silence which not only confounded efforts of security agencies to "eradicate the menace" of homosexuals but effectively stifled historians' efforts to recover accounts of those fired. grounds of privacy. Most personnel records are still classified on The individuals who were fired (if still living) are often not forthcoming about their past plight, especially if they had married and attempted to live a heterosexual life as a socially condoned cover to their earlier perversion. The stories of a few can never be told, since they took their own lives. The anxieties suffered by State Department personnel increased to the point that at least one foreign-service officer committed suicide. John Montgomery, chief of the State Department's Finnish Desk, killed himself in 1954, 554 �supposedly because of fears that his homosexuality would be e x p o sed .66 The purge often had a delayed effect as government security agencies combed through old records and encouraged arrested homosexuals to identify their sex partners in an effort to weed out "perverts." One State Department employee stationed in Europe was "separated" in the mid-'50s due to a single, homosexual-related charge from ten years before, which the F.B.I. finally linked to him. Mortified, the man told his wife and family that he had quit for other reasons, moved his family back to the U.S., and refused to disclose the real reason.67 His internalized shame formed a type of "closet" in which he has chosen to remain. Another inquiry provoked a 1952 complaint involving charges of of lesbianism and racism. A State Department employee in France, Miss Marcelle Henry, claimed that she had been mistreated by Security Division agents who interrogated her about her sexual behavior. However, the regional security chief denied that agents would have interviewed her in such a manner, stating that they had "handled over 300 investigations of homosexuals" (including females) without a complaint of this nature. "They have even received complimentary letters from confessed homosexuals," the officer bragged, "and have bandied far more delicate cases." Henry either resigned or was separated from the State Department, but the case 555 �dragged on into 1953, when the head of the N.A.A.C.P. complained to Secretary of State Dulles about Ms. Henry's treatment and about white American diplomats harassed for socializing with expatriate b la c k s.68 Here, apparently, anti-communists' fears of liberals had crossed wires with the fearlessness of a determined young woman. The anti-homosexual purge also claimed unintended victims and earned sympathy for those unfairly caught up in the witchhunts. One such case was that of Dr. Ned-Carey Fahs, an employee of the United States Information Agency (U.S.I.A.), who almost lost his job due to apparently groundless rumors of his homosexuality. In August of 1954, he received news that he had been suspended for "breach of security." He was presented with written charges specifying he had become a security risk as a presumed homosexual following a report of "lewd conduct," but the accusations were never specified and no evidence or statements were ever presented. Fahs refuted the "ridiculous" charges, even though he had to work in a department store selling shirts to support his family. After five months, a sympathetic security officer telephoned him personally to inform him of his clearance and reinstatement. By that time, however, Fahs was disillusioned with the government's paranoia over security and loyalty issues. He resigned from the U.S.I.A. in early 1955 to accept a better-paying job in M ichigan.69 556 �The purge of homosexuals from federal offices was paralleled by equally repressive measures against homosexuals in public spaces. In 1952, what would become a five-year, anti-homosexual witchhunt was initiated in Miami, Florida, with police raids of beaches and bars. Two years into the effort the police chief blamed the victims for the action and drew a parallel to Mafia techniques when he speculated to the press that a "rival queen" had killed another drag queen. The year 1952 also saw the City of Los Angeles announce a drive to register all homosexuals; paranoia about "perverts" was running high, especially after the release of the long-awaited Kinsey Report on female sexuality, which revealed that twice as many men as women were alleged to be homosexual. In 1954, when thirty-nine homosexual men were arrested during a police sweep in North Carolina, their fates revealed the racial system of the day, since the white arrestees each got eighteen months in prison with possibility of parole, while blacks arrested received two to three years without p a ro le .70 The most spectacular persecution occurred in Boise, Idaho, in 1955, when over 1,000 men were questioned by police.71 In an interesting twist to the idea of cure, homosexuals arrested in public restrooms in mid-’50s Atlanta, Georgia were offered the choice of prison or enlistment in the Army, despite the military's ban against h o m o sex u als.72 557 �Conflation of homosexuality and pedophilia also enabled universities to become a site of anti-homosexual purges. One college professor found him self without a job in 1960 after suffering accusations that he had indulged in homosexual pornography.73 The State of Florida actually initiated a sweep of colleges in 1963, although their report on "Homosexuality and Citizenship" ironically contained such lurid photographs of sadomasochistic practices that the (coincidentally lavender -colored) booklet became a sought-after, soft-porn item for gay men.74 In truth, homosexuals convicted of sex crimes were often marked for life. Many states required registration of individuals as "sex offenders" no matter whether the crime was rape, pedophilia or simple homosexual acts between consensual adults. A late-1950s survey of American and Canadian civil-service agencies revealed that a conviction of "moral turpitude" ranked highest on the list of specific grounds for employment rejection, in a late '50s survey of American and Canadian civil service agencies.75 The claim of lost productivity is borne out in studies of the U.S. military, as well, with less-than-desirable discharges leading to lifelong economic marginalization by those who could not report a satisfactory job history, a "life stigma" burden which thousands carried as domestic victims of the Cold W ar.76 Meanwhile, the nation's obsession with crime also led to a special concern with the newly redefined 558 �phenomenon of "juvenile delinquency," which was thought to be caused, in part, either by homosexuality or fear thereof amongst ad o lescen ts.77 Buttressed by the queer scare in civilian government, the military intensified its purge. Discharges of homosexual "undesirables" soon doubled — 2,000 per year throughout the 1950s and 3,000 annually by the early 1960s, compared to 1,000 per year before the Senate inquiries — and unlike civilian agencies, the military specifically targeted female personnel.78 In a case of circular reasoning, the military used the 1950 Senate inquiry's conclusion to further condemn homosexuals as security risks. The Navy even resisted such a classification, but in October 1953, top brass "issued a memorandum to all ships and stations warning officers that one of the ’primary reasons' for promptly dismissing homosexuals was that they were dangerous security risks."79 The 1950 Senate Report became merely another tool in a predetermined battle on the internal-security front. Civilian and military biases neatly reinforced each other.80 MASCULINIST POLITICS CONTINUE Above and beyond the actual purge of homosexual civilians and service members of the federal government, the homophobic spirit of the "pervert purge" continued to infect the realm of politics. 559 The �masculinist political rhetoric championed by Senator Joseph McCarthy and others in the winter of 1950 would not disappear after the close of the Hoey Committee inquiry. The 1952 election campaign provided further opportunity for Commie- and pervert-baiting in politics. McCarthy led the way by bragging, in an election-year broadside which quoted extensively from the Hoey Committee Report, that he had been responsible for having removed the "sex deviates" from the State Departm ent.81 Not to be outdone by his Wisconsin colleague, Senator Everett Dirksen [R-IL] gave numerous speeches in which he promised (like Nelson Rockefeller had in 1945) to expel "the lavender lads" from the State Department. Dirksen later complained, in an offhand remark, that it had been "no picnic" purging the government of homosexuals, though he never explained his supposed role.82 Another Republican, New York Congresswoman Katharine St. George, warned that a group called "Homosexual International" had been formed as a parallel to the Comintern and with equal intent to infiltrate and subvert the A m erican governm ent.83 The campaign trail, itself, was littered with homophobic smears. Columnist Marquis Childs recalled the lowest moment of the campaign as the day when "a report reached Democratic headquarters that McCarthy was going to make a nationwide television attack on the Stevenson campaign. 560 He had been boasting �he would say it was made up of pinks, punks and pansies." J. Edgar Hoover had apparently leaked to the press, Nixon and McCarthy F.B.I. reports implicating the Democratic nominee in two arrests for homosexual offenses. As it turned out, however, McCarthy never raised the issue in his broadcast since Democrats threatened to release a purloined Pentagon file regarding Eisenhower's reputed, wartime infatuation with his W.A.C. chauffeur. The Stevenson homosexual smear resurfaced later, during in the 1956 campaign, costing mud-slinging columnist W alter W inchell his brief television c a re e r.84 During the 1954 election campaign, two Republican senators even used a variation on homosexual blackmail against a colleague, to deadly effect. Lester C. Hunt [D-WY] was a member of the same Armed Services Committee which had approved the summarydismissal bill in the summer of 1950. At that time, he had come under fire from arch-conservative Senator Styles Bridges [R-NH] over why an employee dismissed for security reasons should be given the chance to "wiggle his way into some other department if he can possible do it."85 Senators Bridges and Welker [R-ID] took a more direct revenge on Hunt four years later by pressuring him to end his run for a second term by threatening to publicize the fact that his 24-year-old son, Lester C. Hunt, Jr., had been arrested the previous October for soliciting a plainclothes policeman. 561 On June 8, 1954, �Senator Hunt duly announced his withdrawal from the race, and on June 19, he withdrew from life, courtesy of a self-inflicted rifle shot, while sitting in his office. Newspapers announced that he had been depressed over a negative health diagnosis, but W ashington insiders quickly knew the real reason.86 To be fair, Bridges and Welker could not have known Hunt would become suicidal. Nonetheless, homophobia had indirectly claimed its highest-level victim .87 Recent historians have used the concept of masculinist political rhetoric to describe the appeal of competing Cold W ar images. Robert Dean has shown how the Kennedy administration constructed a tougher, more down-to-earth image of the Democratic Party and Americans abroad — a purposely masculine "New Frontier" to counter-bn’ance the stereotype of the cookie-pushing American diplom at in his pin-striped suit and weak-minded approach to fighting Communism. The masculine Kennedy even once claimed that he had married at age thirty-seven since "people would think I was queer if I weren't married."88 Lyndon Johnson likewise showed a disdain for homosexuals. The masculine Lyndon Johnson had warned Peace Corps director Sargent Shiver to keep "the communists, the consumptives, and the cocksuckers" out of the corps. Johnson later found his presidential campaign potentially marred by a homosexual scandal when one of his W hite House assistants, W alter Jenkins, saw his twenty-five-year 562 �political career destroyed after being arrested in Y.M.C.A. men's room near Lafayette Park (a popular homosexual cruising ground), only two blocks from the White House, in October 1964.89 Gone were the days when a homosexual government official could officially resign due to a suddenly-ill wife — such as Sumner Welles had in 1943. The major papers immediately ran the story, leaving Johnson no choice but to announce Jenkins' departure. Republican leaders tried to make an issue of the arrest, which they claimed endangered national security, but the matter blew over and Johnson won the election by a large popular margin.90 One thing Republicans did not know — and one which the White House kept tightly under wraps — was that Jenkins had been previously arrested, in 1959, on a similar morals charge. The information had somehow slipped through the cracks of the F.B.I. system established following the 1950 Senate inquiries, since Jenkins had had a security check in 1958. The F.B.I. and the White House did quietly mount an immediate security investigation, however, to ensure Jenkins had not been blackmailed since the 1959 arrest.91 gay McCa r t h y ? Strangely and fittingly, the most fervent anti-communist himself, Senator Joseph McCarthy, fell victim to the queer-bashing he had initiated against the State Department and others. 56 3 It had been a �surprisingly long time coming. F.B.I. Director J. Edgar Hoover (knowing of the 1947 arrest on homosexual charges of McCarthy's assistant, Ed Babcock) had informed the Wisconsin Senator that members of his staff were rumored to be homosexual, but McCarthy had ignored the warning. There were also allegations, recorded by the F.B.I. and C.I.A., that McCarthy was both a homosexual and a molester of young girls, but none of the allegations could be v e rifie d .92 There were even rumors that "Tail-Gunner Joe" had seduced a male Young Republican at a state convention and had frequented homosexuals bars in W ashington.93 Then came the damning accusation sent to Senator W illiam Benton [D-CT], A "young Army lieutenant," David A. Sayer, wrote the long-time McCarthy foe "telling how McCarthy performed an act of sodomy on him after picking him up" in a bar in 1945. Benton gave the letter to former Senator Millard Tydings, who informed columnist Drew Pearson, who in turn sent his assistant, Jack Anderson, to take an affidavit of Sayer's statement; before that could be arranged, however, the White House found out about the letter and placed the F.B.I. in charge. Pearson later heard from Benton and Tydings that the Bureau's interview with Sayer "had flopped." The lieutenant denied writing the letter, claiming it was planted by another homo who was jealous."94 As an Army reserve officer, however, he must have also realized that his confession of involvement in a homosexual 564 �act — even if drunk and years before — was a dischargeable offense under the new Uniform Code of Military Justice. pressure is not surprising. So his denial under This was even after President Truman told Benton the letter was (in Pearson's words) "the third report on McCarthy’s homosexual activity and the most definite of all. Others were circumstantial and not conclusive."95 The only man who ever successfully sued Senator McCarthy for slander, however, took over where Pearson was unable to tread. Hank Greenspun, editor and publisher of the Las Vegas Sun, had come to hate the senator after the latter had referred to him as an "ex-Communist" when he allegedly meant to say "ex-convict."96 In his nationally syndicated daily column, the feisty editor accused his fellow Republican of being a homosexual and a former Communist, noted the hypocrisy of McCarthy's homophobic attacks on the State Department, and publicized that one of McCarthy's assistants, Ed Babcock, had been arrested and pled guilty to homosexual charges. M ost damaging, however, were Greenspun's repeated accusations that McCarthy had "engaged in illicit acts" in a hotel room with William McMahon, a former chairman of the Milwaukee County Young Republicans, at a 1946 Young Republican state convention.97 Tellingly, the mudslinging Senator never refuted the accusations. The fact that the forty-four-year-old soon married his twenty-seven-year-old secretary, Jean Kerr (with whom he 565 �subsequently adopted a child), fueled further rumors that the liaison was merely a cover-up for his sexual ambiguity and shows the strength of the prevailing social norm of married heterosexuality.98 A masculine and heterosexual demeanor and bravado were usually enough to ward off serious attacks, but even the greatest witchhunter of all could not keep the homo-hunting hounds completely at bay. Escaping the potential damage from the squashed letters to Benton and the editorials of far-off Greenspun, McCarthy easily won reelection in November 1952 and renewed his harassment of the State Department as (successor to Clyde Hoey) as chairman of the Investigations Subcommittee. McCarthy also assigned one of his new, young legal counsels and the son of an old family friend, Robert F. Kennedy, to begin working with new Chief Counsel Roy Cohn. Their first assignment was examining "the influx of homosexuals" into the State D e p artm en t." McCarthy also initiated an investigation of the Voice of America (VOA), part of the State Department's overseas information program. In April 1953, he sent Committee Chief Counsel, Roy Cohn (successor to Frip Flanagan), and Cohn's socially well-connected "special assistant," Army Lt. G. David Schine, on an eighteen-day tour of American embassy lending libraries in Europe in a politically motivated attack on the State Department, ostensibly in search of 566 �"communist-influenced” literature. Labeled a "book-burning" tour by a critical European press corps, the "junket" invariably led to insinuations that the two men were homosexual lovers.100 Meanwhile, their endeavor led to the firing of Theodore Kaghan, Acting Public Affairs Officer for the U.S. High Commission for Germany, who became the only State Department official to stand up to their attacks. At least one other employee, a homosexual man at the American Embassy in Rome, quickly and quietly resigned to escape the possibility of being discovered.101 Morale in the State Department fell to an all-time low. Switching targets in the spring of 1954, McCarthy earned his greatest public attention but hastened his demise by attacking the "citadel of American masculinity," the U.S. Army, for supposedly harboring "nests" of Communists and homosexuals. The confrontation was dram atized through nation-wide television coverage which revealed for the first time to the public the full extent of M cCarthy's dem agoguery.102 The hearings revealed Chief Counsel Roy Cohn's claim that Army defense counsel John G. Adams had offered to reveal the location of an Air Force base where there was "a high number of sex deviates." The normally profane Cohn was forced to disguise the homosexual nature of the charges with a euphemism during his televised "Meet The Press" interview, saying Adams "actually offered to map Air Force bases where there was a 567 �mess." Adams, meanwhile, denied that he had used the "bait" of "alleged homosexuals in the Air Force or Navy" to divert McCarthy's minions from the Army investigation.103 The hearings also embarrassed McCarthy in regards to Cohn and Schine. Cohn had bullied top brass into repeatedly extending Lt. Schine's leave from Army duty so that he could continue working with McCarthy's subcommittee. Army defense lawyers also discovered that the McCarthy camp had doctored a photo of Schine and a general to imply the Army's acceptance of Schine's leave to assist Cohn. Defense counsel Joseph Welch asked a flustered McCarthy if a "pixie" had not arranged for the photo’s alteration, sarcastically adding that a pixie was "a close relative to a fairy" — a subtle yet undeniable reference to the homosexual overtones of the Cohn-Schine relationship. Realizing this, McCarthy shot back that Welch "might be an authority on what a pixie" w as.104 The later course of the hearings made clear what everyone had been hinting at. On June 1, 1954, Senator Ralph Flanders [D-VT] mocked Cohn from the floor of the Senate, noting that it was "natural that Cohn should wish to retain the services of an able collaborator, but he seems to have an almost passionate anxiety to retain him. Why?" In the hearings on June 9th, Senator John McClellan, hard­ line anti-homosexual veteran of the 1950 Hoey Committee, personally and directly grilled Cohn about whether he had "any 568 �special interest in Mr. Schine?" The Arkansas Democrat refused to accept Cohn's initial claim of friendship. "I mean," he pressed, "in friendship or anything else which could bind you to him closer than to the ordinary friend." The homosexual implication was clear.105 The tables were now entirely turned — whereas once McCarthy had utilized the homophobic slanders in his much-feared witch-hunting, the same "ccusations could now be used against him, and with a similarly devastating effect. McCarthy's homosexual chickens had come home to roost.106 UNINTENDED EFFECTS CF 1950 PURGES: GAY RIGHTS One of the ironies of the "pervert purge" was that it inspired a backlash amongst a small number of homosexuals, themselves. Both the first homosexual-rights organization and the first book by an openly homosexual man had roots in a reaction to the 1950 Senate investigations. They were only the beginning of a new activism. One man in particular was inspired to resist. Harry Hay, later known as a "founding father of the American homosexual liberation movement," was a Communist and somewhat man. o p e n ly homosexual In 1948, he had tried to organize a number of progressive homosexuals in Los Angeles — "Bachelors for Wallace" — as a civil rights group patterned after the NAACP, but none of the potential 569 �participants could overcome their fears of legal and social persecution. Over the next two years, he redoubled his efforts, eventually writing "preliminary concepts" for an organization to promote the "protection and improvement of society's androgynous minority." Hay finally found others willing to join him. On November 11, 1950, he and four other gay men formed what would soon be called the Mattachine Society.107 Sexual and political cross-currents strongly affected the new movement. Hay resigned from the Communist Party, once it became known that he was a homosexual, in order not to discredit the o rg a n iz a tio n .108 He and the other three co-founders were soon forced to do the same for the newly emergent Mattachine Society, which suffered its own "Red Scare" in 1953 after several members sought to rid the group of any taint of communism; the new %, leadership sought a less confrontational, conformist approach — the "homophile" tactic that lasted until the aftermath of the 1969 Stonewall Riots and the Gay Liberation Movement of the 1970s. When Hay was called before the House Un-American Activities Committee, therefore, in 1954, he was questioned only about his political activities and not his sexual ones.109 These setbacks notwithstanding, the 1950 purges did encourage homosexuals to slowly promote an affirming movement in the face of a homophobic society, over the next two decades. 570 The Mattachine's �ONE Magazine successfully sued the U.S. Postal Service (which seized issues in 1953 and 1954 as "obscene" and "lacking social value"), when on January 13, 1958, the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously declared the magazine a constitutional exercise of free speech.110 The ruling allowed nation-wide liberalization of censorship for all homosexual publications. Thereafter, two other journals flourished, The M attachine Review and The Ladder (founded in the mid-1950s by a parallel, lesbian group, the Daughters of Bilitis). The 1950 Senate purges also directly influenced an aspiring sociologist, Edward Sagarin, to publish the first book by a self-accepting, American homosexual, in the summer of 1951.111 W riting under a pseudonym (D.W. Cory) to protect his wife and children, the author described life as a homosexual in much less despairing and horrific terms than did the mainstream press, government security regulations and the medical profession of the day, still acknowledging the heavy burden of living in a "deplorable social condition" (in what would today be called a "homophobic society") where "positive adjustment" seemed unlikely.112 He derided psychiatrists who sought to "cure" homosexuals, and demanded equal rights for all minority groups, including for the "unrecognized minority" of homosexuals. In a chapter on "Civil Liberty and Human Rights," he recognized that the 1950 Senate investigations had exploited the "sex pervert" as "the scapegoat in an 571 �internecine battle," condemned the Hoey Committee’s failure to consider whether homosexuals could employed in non-sensitive positions, pointed out that "disloyalty was not charged against a single one of the State Department homosexuals," and alluded to the John Williams case when in reminding the reader that "the sole homosexual in the history of this country who has been charged with corruption was accused of accepting bribes -- not of giving them ."113 Throughout the course of the 1950s, the book was reprinted several times and in several languages, in the U.S. and abroad. In 1960, Cory thanked the "thousands" of people who responded to his convincing pleas for tolerance, including "ministers, parents, tormented individuals, writers, professors, scientists and men of renown" who had thanked him for speaking up. To the discouraged author, however, firees had all "accepted, quietly and willingly, only too happy that they have been spared the humiliation of ex p o su re."114 One of the readers of Cory's pathbreaking work was a young astronomer just beginning a promising career in the U.S. Army Corps of Geographers, Dr. Franklin Kameny. However, the twenty-one-year-old graduate of Harvard's astronom y departm ent suddenly found him self fired in October 1957 after his homosexuality became known to the F.B.I. and Civil Service Commission. Subsequently, after suffering from unemployment and 572 �depression for two years, he determined to file suit against the government, arguing that the Civil Service Commission's anti-homosexual policy was improper because it discriminated "against an entire group, not considered as individuals" and was therefore "plainly arbitrary and capricious." Kameny took the suit all the way to the Supreme Court, which declined to review his appeal. Undaunted, he turned his energies to leading the W ashington chapter of the Mattachine Society, which in 1965 held the first-ever homosexual-rights picket of the W hite House. The thwarted astronomer also helped other fired homosexuals bring lawsuits against the government. He endured years of hostile response from authorities, including that of an irate State Departm ent spokeswoman who "yelled over the phone" at him that the government would "never change" its policy toward homosexuals.115 On June 3, 1975, Kameny's efforts paid off when the Civil Service Commission eliminated the "immoral conduct" clause from its disqualification guidelines. Under the Carter-era successor to the Commission, the Office of Personnel Management, a separate federal court of appeals was established for employment issues, and personal conduct was not deemed grounds for dismissal unless it could be shown to directly affect job performance. Gay and lesbian employees were thus allowed some legitimacy in government employment, again, after a twenty-five-year ban. 573 Homosexuality �rem ained cause for denial of security clearance, however, with the result that many agencies would continue to 'separate' known 'security risks' for another two decades.116 By the 1970s, many forces would change. Large numbers of mainstream psychologists broke free from earlier "psychopathic" and "gender inversion" concepts of homosexuality. The first critique of the "essentialist" Freudian view (whereby people were seen as born heterosexual and had thus had "deviated" into homosexual or "arrested" development) appeared in 1951. Three years later, U.C.L.A. psychologist Dr. Evelyn Hooker conducted a mental-health study of homosexual men and concluded that the only problems most of them faced derived from living in a homophobic environment. Sexually and psychologically, she found, they were otherwise well adjusted and led normal, happy lives.117 Eventually, professionals who viewed sexual orientation as an inborn, unchangeable characteristic came into institutional dominance. State laws against private, consensual, adult homosexual acts were first repealed in Illinois in 1961, followed by Connecticut in 1972 and over a dozen states during the following decade.118 After long and heated battles, the establishm ent-guiding American Psychological Association officially removed its classification of homosexuality as a pathological condition in late 1973.119 574 �Homosexuals themselves began to organize and demand their rights throughout the 1970s. No longer would they be content with the assimilationist tactic of earlier "homophile" groups such as the Mattachine Society, which was later mocked as simply putting "a homosexual in a gray flannel suit" by more activist dem onstrators.120 The more activist movement was chiefly limited to major cities such as New York, Los Angeles and San Francisco, which developed a large gay subculture, but the overall effect was a dramatic contrast to the cowed resignation most homosexuals evinced during the 1950s. Even the very concepts of heterosexism and masculinity were being assaulted by feminist critics who denounced hegemonic patriarchy as sexist, racist and hom ophobic.121 POLITICIZED HOMOPHOBIA REKINDLED Some backlash was inevitable, needless to say. Homosexuality may have been professionally depathologized and functionally decriminalized throughout most the country by the end of the 1970s, but the politics of masculinism and anti-homosexualism continued, to varying degrees, throughout the Cold W ar and beyond. In neo-conservative movements such as the Moral Majority and the Reagan Revolution, politicized homophobia has remained a part of American culture to this day. 57 5 �The attempt to counter the gay rights movement began in the mid-1970s. Starting with Anita Bryant's "Save Our Children" campaign to repeal the Dade County, Florida, gay-rights law, the "Moral Majority" of social conservatives has hearkened back to M cCarthy-era assumptions that homosexuals (usually lumped together with child molesters) are a threat to the "American way of life" -- defined in both the 1950s and 1980s as heterosexual.122 The followers of "Iron John," the Christian men's movement known as the "Promise Keepers," and other fundam entalist-oriented religious groups have espoused a similar type of "muscular" Christianity. Anti-homosexual views are still manifest in the conservative emphasis on "family values" — a heterosexist phrase which assumes that homosexual couples cannot have families of their own (or at least families with the same "values" as the fundam entalists).123 Despite the passing of the Soviet Union from the political landscape, Republicans have increased their vilification of Democrats in the 1990s to near levels seen during the early Cold War. Pat Buchanan — often compared to Robert Taft, but as anti-liberal and xenophobic as Kenneth Wherry — leads the isolationist wing of Republican Party, and has proven himself a stalwart homophobe. a speech during the 1992 Republican Convention, he repeatedly attacked gays as indicative of the deteriorating "moral fiber" of Am erican society.124 Conservative "talk radio" hosts like Rush 576 In �Limbaugh fulminate against "feminazis" and "long-haired maggot-infested dope-smoking peace pansies" in a populist and masculinist effort to assuage the tortured egos of chiefly middle-aged, white male critics of Hillary Clinton and "the elite liberal m edia."125 The U.S. military still refuses to accept anyone but real or perceived heterosexuals within its ranks. Like its 1948, 1952 and 1957 reports, the military's own studies in the 1970s, '80s and '90s have consistently shown that homosexuals serve well in the military and are not prone to blackm ail.126 Indeed, President George Bush's Secretary of Defense, Richard Cheney, admitted that the blackmail argument makes little sense but refused to change the m ilitary's overall policy of exclusion, primarily out of a desire to alleviate the concerns of heterosexual personnel. The military could not also afford, he claimed, to "condone sinfulness" by allowing people to serve who committed acts which are defined as "criminal" according to the still-unchanged 1950 Uniform Code of Military Justice.127 The Clinton administration attempted to resolve the dilemma of homosexuals in the military in early 1993. The policy adopted, however, seemed to displease both the military and gay-rights groups. "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" became a by-word for failed compromise after the number of discharges of gay and lesbian personnel actually increased.128 The first year of the new 577 �Democratic administration ended with the Republican-led Senate attempting to define the homosexual "problem." In this view, a self-declared homosexual was a danger to the military by his or her "propensity or intent to engage in homosexual acts" which constituted an "acceptable risk" demanding separation — a risk no longer to national security, but one to unit cohesion, discipline and m o ra le .129 Homophobia in the 1990s affects every level of American society, despite the legal reforms of recent years. The nation’s youth are still prone to violent (and occasionally deadly) outbursts of emotion designed to maintain a sense of "masculine" male identity.130 Congressional and social conservatives still attempt to "help" the unfortunate homosexual with "reparative" therapy based on out-dated psychology which blames homosexual development on an overprotective m other.131 Police harassment of homosexuals continues, if at a quieter pace than the 1950s, while selective-enforcem ent practices remain entrenched in lawenforcement culture. The same procedures used to entrap sailors and chaplains in 1919, arrest State Department employee Eugene Desvernine in 1950, and entrap Presidential assistant W alter Jenkins in 1964 survive in the 1990s, only on a more sophisticated level.132 Aspects of the 1947-50 child-sex-crimes scare have also resurfaced, as some still confuse homosexuality with child 578 �molestation. In a recent case, the U.S. Navy conceded that it violated its own "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" policy when it sought the identity of a sailor whose Internet information profile mentioned he was gay and which a housewife assumed meant that he was a pedophile.133 Computer access by teenagers and children to various websites linking homosexual chat groups and hard-core pornographers has led to a vociferous debate in Congress over how to regulate the flow of information to children while not unlawfully restricting the rights of adults. Attacks on "cyberpredators" by Congressman Bill McCollum [R-FL] sound strangely similar to that used a half-century earlier by Nebraskan Arthur L. Miller. "Sex predators who prey on children no longer need to hang out in parks or malls or school yards," McCollum warned. So did the remarks of Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott [R-MS], who likened homosexuality to alcoholism, kleptomania and sex addiction.134 "SECURITY RISK" REGULATION ELIMINATED Government jobs requiring security clearances — almost any in the State Department, for instance — remained off limits to openly gay and lesbian employees long after society in general had achieved a modicum of tolerance in the 1980s.135 Once the Cold W ar ended in 1991, however, there was no longer any clear rationale behind the 579 �blackmail argument. As a result, the anti-homosexual policies adopted following the 1950 Senate inquiries and in Eisenhower's E.O. 10450 were finally repudiated by a new, Democratic administration. On August 15, 1994, President Bill Clinton, who was only a child during early Cold War, ordered security regulations amended to exclude reference to a person's sexual orientation. Thereafter, Gay, Lesbian and Bisexual Employees (GLOBE) groups were organized in each of branch of the civilian government, an achievement which early hom osexual-rights activists had only dreamed during the Cold War. The final step in eliminating the anti-homosexual aspects of the Truman-era P.L. 733 and Eisenhower's E.O. 10450 came when President Clinton amended E.O. 11478 (forbidding discrim ination in federal employment based on race, color, religion, sex, national origin, handicap or age) to include sexual orientation, on May 28, 1998.136 Since the order has no enforcement mechanism, however, com plete anti-discrim ination enforcement will have to await passage of the Employment Non-Discrimination Act (ENDA), proposed but not enacted in Congress every year since 1996. In that sense, the "menace" of anti-homosexual policies in federal employment has still not been completely eliminated, leaving modern-day Kenneth Wherrys one final straw to grasp as the new millennium dawns. 580 �The good news is that many national leaders have come to regard discrimination against homosexuals with disdain. President Clinton's 1998 executive order was opposed only by a small but vocal minority of social conservatives in Congress. Congressman Joel Hefley [R-CO] sponsored an amendment to reverse the President's order, but claimed his action to be "not about homosexuality, and not about discrimination" but "about the misuse of the executive order process." At least three of Hefley’s Republican colleagues publicly disagreed with his approach, however: Thomas J. Bliley, Jr. [R-VA], declared that he "unequivocally" opposed discrimination, and Christopher Shays [R-CTJ said he was "outraged" that his party's leaders "sought to make this a political issue." Dana Rohrabacher [R-CA] found himself in normally Democratic territory, arguing that "homosexuals are taxpayers, too, and deserve an equal break in terms of fairness in employment. There is no reason for the Federal Government to discriminate for or against an individual." On the other hand, during the following session of Congress, Republican stalwart Senator Jesse Helms (Clyde Hoey's congressional aide and chauffeur in the early 1950s) introduced a broader bill, ironically entitled the Freedom of Speech Act, which would not only reverse Clinton's non-discrim ination order but prohibit the government from protecting any group or class of people not already covered by federal law. As in 1950, anti-homosexual initiatives were being cast 581 �in terras of defending congressional power against the executive b r a n c h .137 The 1994 removal of security-risk exclusions may have paved the way for non-heterosexuals to serve in the rank and file of the State Department, but diplomats are still seen to reflect a certain type of American masculinity and moral standard which some would still deny to homosexuals. For over a year and a half, Senator Helms blocked the confirmation of an openly gay man to serve as U.S. Ambassador to Luxembourg. Only when Congress was not in session was James C. Hormel finally installed as America's first openly gay ambassador on June 29, 1999 — half a century, chronologically, and a world a way, figuratively, from the Senate's "pervert purge."138 582 �1 See, for example, Judge Morris Ploscowe's 1951 statement on "Homosexuality, Sodomy, and Crimes Against Nature," in Donald Webster Cory [pseud.], Homosexuality: A Cross-Cultural Approach (1951; New York: Julian Press, 1956), 394-406. 2 Quotes from ACLU Board of Directors, "Homosexuality and Civil Liberties: Policy statement adopted by the Union's Board of Directors, January 7, 1957,” Civil Liberties: Monthly Publication of the American Civil Liberties Union 150 (Mar. 1957), [3]; and from letters of June Fusca to ACLU (Mar. 16 & Apr. 23, 1951), ACLU reply (Apr. 4, 1951), in General Correspondence, Vol. 16 (1951), ACLU Papers, Princeton University. The Fusca-ACLU letters were cited anonymously in Berube and D'Emilio, "The Military and Lesbians during the McCarthy Years," 774-5; and were cited with names in John D'Emilio, Sexual Politics. Sexual Communities: The Making of a Homosexual Minority in the United States. 1940-1970 (1983; 2nd ed., Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1998), 45-46. The ACLU began to change its views only in the 1960s, after [California State University at Northridge professor] Vern Burroughs, along with leaders of the Los Angeles Mattachine Society, persuaded it to fight for the decriminalization of homosexuality. See Joseph Hansen, A Few Doors West of Hope: The Life & Times of Dauntless Don Slater (Universal City, CA.: Homosexual Information Center, 1998), 65. 3 One group cited the Wherry-Hill preliminary investigations and extensively excerpted the Hoey Committee Report in its review of how the government "handled" its 4,954 military and civilian, homosexuality-related cases from 1947 to 1950; see the Committee on Cooperation with Governmental (Federal) Agencies of the Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry, "Report on Homosexuality with Particular Emphasis on This Problem in Governmental Agencies," Report No, 30 (New York: Jan. 1955; reprinted, Topeka, KS.: Sept. 1967), 5. 4 The Vice Squad numbered 109 employees (all male) in 1972; see Washington Post (Feb. 3, 1972), A14:8, and (Mar. 23, 1972), B6:l-2. On entrapment techniques, see D'Emilio, Sexual Politics. Sexual Communities. 49-51; Churchill, Homosexual Behavior Among Males. 226-29. 5 For Hoover quote, see New the count was given as April 1950 accounting date given in Civil Service Commission the York Times (Apr. 23, 1951), 7:3; the start date for 1, 1950, roughly corresponding to the Apr. 10, the F.B.I.’s list of 341 suspects checked by the previous September [see Chapter 6]. 6 Quotes from Athan G. Theoharis, letter to author, Dec. 15, 1998; further discussion in Theoharis, Secret Files of J. Edgar Hoover. 7 See Hoover's Feb. 28, 1951 testimony in U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Appropriations (82d Cong., 1st sess.), "Departments of State, Justice, Commerce and the Judiciary Appropriations for 1952," Hearings, Part 1 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O. 1951), 43. 8 U.S. Congress, House Committee on Appropriations, (82d Congress, 1st Session), "Departments o f State Appropriations For 1952," Hearings, Feb. 26 Mar. 2, 1951 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O. 1951), 68-83, 85, 148, 359, 390, 396405. Some discussion was off the record, following Cong. Clevenger's inquiry. 583 �9 Op. cit. , 382-84, 389-405 [quote from Rooney, 391]. The other cases were of David Kemble Eichler, Alan A. Wakefield and a certain "Mr. Sheldon." Desvernine had been arrested in September, 1950, but resigned before the completion of his security hearing; he was later cleared in court, on a technicality [see Chap. 6], Eichler, according to Rooney, was "arrested by the local police down in Potomac Park"; Humelsine confirmed that Eichler "did not confess, but resigned" following a security interrogation, and reiterated that Eichler's civil service file had been marked so that he would not be able to seek further federal employment — faithfully plugging the reemployment loophole. Eichler [b. 1913] had been appointed a technical secretary in the Far Eastern Commission of the State Department on Oct. 23, 1946, at an annual salary of $4,900. His fate remains unknown, since the State Department claims no record for him after his listing in U.S. Department of State, Biographic Register (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1948), 201. The State Dep rtment today claims no records for Alan Wakefield; according to Donald Nicholson (State Department Chief of the Security Division), Wakefield "was arrested in the men’s room of the Washington Hotel on January 2, 1951.” He confessed and resigned. The third case was that of "a gentleman on the Czech desk of the Voice of America named Sheldon," of whom Rooney had heard "some controversy with regard to [his] background and mentality..." Humelsine contended that Sheldon was "a satisfactory employee" though he had been tra n s fe n d (down) to the Research Division. 1° Kotun's job as Code Clerk, especially would have certainly struck fear into the hearts of blackmail-wary security investigators. 11 Citations from memo of Donald L. Nicholson to Samuel Boykin, "Comments from Belgrade, Yugoslavia," Feb. 23, 1951, and attached summaries of cases; in National Archives, R.G. 59, Lot File 56-D-436 [Entry 1501], Office of the Undersecretary for Administration, Office of the Secretary of Security and Consular Affairs, 1945-53. Special Agent Traband had interviewed Blick along with another investigator, in late March, 1950; see Chapter 4. Garrison was interviewed by a security officer in Washington, signed a confession and resigned, effective Dec. 5, 1950. Kotun was transferred to Paris after Oct. 30, and was kept there "pending outcome of interrogation of Garrison." Kotun resigned on Nov. 7 and implicated Saunders and Garrison in a statement on Nov. 10; his resignation was accepted effective Dec. 7, 1950. Bonnema was interviewed in Paris on Jan. 10, 1951; upon return to Belgrade, the same day, he resigned "effective upon arrival in the U.S." Of the four, only Saunders refused to admit any of the <narges, despite extensive interviews by the regional security officer in Paris; he did resign, however, on Jan. 12, 1951 — like Bonnema -- "effective upon arrival in the U.S." 584 �12 See New York Times (Mar. 28, 1951), 1:6; unidentified newspaper clipping from June 4, 1951, in folder "Williams, J.V.-J.Z.," General File, Harry S. Truman Papers, HSTL; and various materials in National Archives II, R.G. 59, Decimal Files, Name Card "123 Williams, J.W." Williams was remanded to the Federal penitentiary in Ashland, Kentucky, which destroys its records after 30 years following release of a prisoner. Details of Williams and the other three [unnamed] homosexuals separated appear in Humelsine's testimony, in House Appropriations Committee, "Departments of State Appropriations For 1952," 392-94; Cong. Rooney cited State Department biographic material. The other three homosexuals may also have been included in Humelsine's tally of 294 alien employees dismissed between July 1, 1950 and Mar. 31, 1951 for reasons including "homosexualities" and "visa irregularities (mostly bribery)"; see U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Appropriations, "Departments of State, Justice, C umerce and the Judiciary Appropriations for 1952," Hearings, Part 1 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O,, 1951), 2156. 13 Quote from Burgo Partridge, A History of Orgies (1958; New York: Books, 1960), 101-02. Bonanza 14 United States, Appellee, v. John David Provoo, Defendant-Appellant, Nos. 272, 273, Docket 23084, 23130, U.S. Court of Appeals, Second Circuit (argued June 16 & 17, 1954, decided Aug. 24, 1954; cited as 215 F.2d 531), quotes from 533-534; see also 124 F. Supp. 185 (May 12, 1954); 16 F.R.D. 341 (Nov. 1954); and 17 F.R.D. 183 (Mar. 1955). Provoo [b. 1917] was later retried in a different jurisdiction and again found guilty of treason, but was acquitted on procedural grounds, having served an undue length of time (over six years) in federal prison awaiting his trials. He was freed in late 1955, and was later arrested on charges of delinquency with a minor, in mid-1957 in Lincoln, Nebraska; Newsweek 33, 21 (Nov. 24, 1952), 28; and New York Times (Sept. 3, 1949), 1:2-3, 5:4-6, (Sept. 8, 1957), 55:6, and (Aug. 30, 1958), 32:4. 15 Telephone interviews with Franklin Kameny and David K. Johnson, Jan. 17, 1998. 15 House Committee on Appropriations, "Department of State Appropriations for 1952," Hearings, 390-91; and loc. cit. [FY-1953 Hearings], Mar. 25, 1952 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1952), quoted in Evening Star (Mar. 25, 1952). 17 See New York Times (June 26, 1952), 4:4; and (Mar. 2, 1954), cited in Andrew Hodges, Alan Turing: The Enigma (1983; London: Vintage, 1992), 501 n. Of the 117 separations as security risks in 1954, 49 had information in their files "indicating sex perversion," while the C.I.A. had 48 security-risk cases of which 31 were homosexual-related. See also Humelsine's Feb. 5, 1953 testimony in U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, "Loyalty-Security Problems in the Department of State, Executive Sessions of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Historical Series (83rd Congress, 1st Session, 1953)," Vol. 5 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1977), 70-74, 76, 81-83, 85-88, 107-08 [including mention of the Williams case, 71-72]. 15 For Korea disclosure, see New York Times (Oct. 5, 1951), 2:4, and (Dec. 20, 1951), 20:4. The lie-detector issue had arisen the spring of 1950 [see Chap. 5]. 585 �19 Letter of James E. Hatcher to D.W. Cory, May 3, 1951, reprinted in Daniel Webster Cory [pseud.], The Homosexual in America: A Subjective Approach (1951; 2nd ed., New York: Castle Books, 1960), 269. Hatcher informed Cory that the Commission's "handbooks and Manual containing internal instructions" were "not available for general distribution." On Cory, see below. 20 Humelsine, Boykin and Martin had drafted a secret memo of this title to be distributed to all regional security officers and members of the Foreign Service Inspection Corps, noting in particular to "Avoid Witch Hunts." See attachment to Martin-Boykin memo on "Homosexual Problem," Dec. 21, 1950; in National Archives, R.G. 59, Lot File 53-D-223 [Entry 1508], Office of the Undersecretary for Administration, Office of the Secretary of Security and Consular Affairs, Subject Files of the Security Division, 1946-53, Box 1, Folder "SY General 1947-51." 21 See, for example, Boykin's cover memo, "Draft Letter to Chiefs of Mission" of July 23, 1951 [supplement to previous draft of Mar. 29, 1951], and attached "Typewritten notes taken from changes on original in Mr. Humelsine’s handwriting" [undated]; in National Archives, R.G. 59, Lot File 53-D-223 [Entry 1508], Office of the Undersecretary for Administration, Office of the Secretary of Security and Consular Affairs, Subject Files of the Security Division, 1946-53, Box 1, Folder "SY General 1947-51." Humelsine insisted on having only experienced security officers handle investigations, "for the protection of innocent members of the Service from unwarranted slander and character in q u iry ." 22 See memo of Travis L. Fletcher to Samuel D, Boykin, "Proposed New Manual for Special Agents" (Feb. 29, 1952); in National Archives, R.G. 59, Lot File 53-D223 [Entry 1508], Office of the Undersecretary for Administration, Office of the Secretary of Security and Consular Affairs, Subject Files of the Security Division, 3946-53, Box 1, Folder "SY General 1952." Fletcher (b. 1900), had joined the State Department in 1946 as an investigator general; see U.S. Department of State, Reeister of The Department of State (1948), 213. The volume repeated verbatim the Senate's conclusions about blackmail rackets, stereotypes about "passive" and "active" sex criminals, the lack of identifying "feminine mannerisms" in most male homosexuals, psychological instability, the presumption of possible cure, efforts at self-concealment, the "corrosive influence" of sex perverts on their fellow employees and their tendency to influence younger colleagues. The manual directed that "all male applicants will be personally interviewed," with questions relating to their "hobbies, associates, means of diversion, places of amusement, etc." The lack of concern for female applicants both reveals the underlying patriarchal values behind the anti-homosexual purge, and reflects the small number of female DOS personnel, especially those with security clearances. 23 Hoey Committee Report cited in pages D-VIII (1) to D-VIII (7), and "General Rules as Regards Pre-employment Investigation" from D-VIII (7) to D-VIII (8); copy of draft manual attached to Feb. 29, 1952 Fletcher-Boykin memo, op. cit. 586 �24 "Security only" figures from Memorandum by the Chairman of the [State Department] Loyalty Security Board ([Conrad] Snow) to the Secretary of State ([John Foster] Dulles), Subject: Report on Loyalty Security Performance — 1947-1952" (Jan. 8, 1953), in FRUS. 1952-54. Vol. I. Pt. 2. 1428-33 [figures from 1430-31]; see also FRUS. 1952-54. Vol. 1. Pt. 2 (1983), 1398-1424. Truman’s changes appeared in E.O. 10241 (16 F.R. 3690), signed Apr. 28, 1951, which amended E.O. 9835 of 1947 (12 F.R. 1935); both were revoked by Eisenhower's E.O. 10450 of April 27, 1953 [see below]. Former White House Assistant Steve Spingam was very much opposed to Truman's E.O. 10241, due to its effect of "diluting the degree of evidence necessary to sustain a finding of disloyalty." See Spingarn Oral History/HSTL, 964. 25 See "Status Report on Cases in which the FBI has assumed Investigative Jurisdiction under Executive Order 9835," monthly reports, January 1948 through March 1952; and "Loyalty-Security Status Report," monthly reports, starting September 1952; both in National Archives, Record Group 59, Lot File 53-D-223, Box 2, Folders "SY - Status Reports 1952 FBI." The later reports listed type and status of "loyalty" or "security" cases, including those closed "After Adverse Security Determination" and final totals including those "Left/Security Question (Security Only)." Interestingly, the reports were marked "Do not use these figures for public discussion. Use LSB figures." 26 The inflated figure was later repeated: "With more than 6,000 fairies in government offices, you may be concerned about the security of the country." Quotes in this and subsequent paragraphs from Jack Lait and Lee Mortimer, Washington Confidential (New York: Crown Publishers, 1951; reprinted as Washington Confidential Today. 1952); 90-94 [quotes from 94], 110-19 [further attacks on homosexuals]. The pair's second book, U.S.A. Confidential (New York: Crown Publishers, 1952), also contained direct attacks on homosexuals, esp. 43-45. The Lait-Mortimer books were accompanied by a similar magazine, C o n fid e n tial, which printed equally sensationalist articles on the homosexual th r e a t. 27 Senator Margaret Chase Smith brought a million-dollar lawsuit against the authors, who had labeled her a "Communist sympathizer" with a "security risk" female "pal" [implying a lesbian relationship with Smith's secretary, an older, female friend]. When the case finally came to federal district trial four years later, Mortimer (the surviving author after Lait's death) and the publisher settled out-of-court for $15,000 and public retractions of their statements; see Graham, Margaret Chase Smith. 85-86. 28 Miller quoted in Lait and Mortimer, Washington Confidential (1951 ed.), 96. N.B. — Since the 1980s, medical experts have asserted the possibility of varying levels of hormonal secretions in the brain as the key to the development of an innate sexual orientation. 29 Cherry Grove was a popular, underground mecca for gay men, Long Island. Adams was a radioman in Europe from 1950 to 1952; Fowler was a long-time resident of Cherry Grove, Both quoted in Esther Newton, Cherry Grove. Fire Island: Sixty Years in America's First Gav and Lesbian Town (Boston: Beacon Press, 1993), 101, 102. A former USIA officer, Dr. Ned-Carey Fahs, also recalled hearing of suicides of colleagues who had been accused of homosexuality; see author's telephone interview with Fahs, Apr. 22, 1995. 587 �30 Weintraub, in Washington Post (July 12, 1987), quoted in Verne W. Newton, The Cambridge Spies: The Untold Storv of Maclean. Philbv. and Burgess in A m erica (Lanham, MD: Madison Books, 1991), 37. Stanley I. Kutler, "Truth or Consequences," Los Angeles Times Book Review (Mar. 2, 1997), 4, similarly sees W hittaker Chambers' repressed homosexuality and confused class/family background as the root of his "search as a secular pilgrim for some political faith" — communism — "to fill the voids and resolve the confusions in his life." For further discussion of the sexual and class motivations of Burgess and Blunt, see Goronwy Rees, A Chapter Of Accidents (New York: Library Press, 1972), 113, 163, 166, 170-71, 188-91, 195-98; George Steiner, "The Cleric of Treason," New Yorker 56, 42 (Dec. 8, 1980), 183; Simon Freeman and Barrie Penrose, Conspiracy of Silence: The Secret Life of Anthony Blunt (1986; New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1988), 88, 90, 121, 203, 304, 307, 311; Newton, The Cambridge Spies. 33-40, 62, 263-79; Fred Sommer, "Anthony Blunt and Guy Burgess: Gay Spies," Journal of Homosexuality 29, 4 (1995), 273-94; and Allen Weinstein and Alexander Vassiliev, The Haunted Wood: Soviet Espionage in America — The Stalin Era (New York: Random House, 1999), 71-73, 81, 83, 105, 210, 230, 290, 344. 31 Rees, op. cit. , 190-91. 32 See "Memorandum. Subject: Discussion at the 463rd Meeting of the National Security Council, Thursday, October 13, 1960" ["Top Secret," declassified 1991]; in White House Central Files, Dwight D. Eisenhower Presidential Library, Abilene, Kansas [hereafter DDEPL]. The first names of Mitchell and Martin were not given. I am grateful to Eisenhower Library Archivist Herbert L. Pankratz for informing me of this case. Hoover also informed the NSC that Mitchell's "homosexual tendencies" had been confirmed in a polygraph (liedetector) test; Eisenhower suggested that every perspective employee be fingerprinted and cross-checked. 33 Ibid, , 3-4. Former White House Assistant Steve Spingam also recalled the 1960 case in his 1967 oral history [801]. He, too, expressed doubt as to "what extent in either case" homosexuality "was the determining factor in the defection, or a major factor.1 ' 34 See Philip Girard, "From Subversion to Liberation: Homosexuals and the Immigration Act, 1952-1977," Canadian Journal of Law and Society 2 (1987), 127; Gary Kinsman, '"Inverts,' 'Psychopaths,' and 'Normal' Men: Historical Sociological Perspectives on Gay and Heterosexual Masculinities," in Tony Haddad, ed., Men and Masculinities: A Critical Anthology (Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press, 1993), 3-35; idem , "'Character Weakness' and 'Fruit Machines': Towards an Analysis of the Anti-Homosexual Security Campaign in the Canadian Civil Service," Labour/Le Travail 35 (Spring 1995) 133-61. 588 �35 Steve Hogan and Lee Hudson, Completely Queer: The Gav And Lesbian Encyclopedia (New York: Henry Holt, 1997), 629; and Kinsman, "'Character Witnesses' and 'Fruit Machines'," 154-59. Based on tests like the Pupillary Response Test, which recorded involuntary reactions of the eye to visual stimuli, the Canadian government's "fruit machine" was deemed too unreliable a detection method, and was abandoned in 1967. Homosexuality was decriminalized in Canada in 1969 but the anti-homosexual 1952 Immigration Act remained in effect until 1977. By the 1990s, Canada had become one of ten countries worldwide which grants immigration rights to same-gender partners; see Andrew Jacobs, "Gay Couples Are Divided by '96 Immigration Laws," New York Times (Mar. 23, 1999), A25:3. On the Australian purge, see Garry Wotherspoon, 'City of the Plain': History of a Gav Sub-Culture (Sydney: Hale & Iremonger, 1991). 36 Kirwin, The Inevitable Success. 487-88. 37 Hogan and Hudson, Completely Queer. 629, 637. The ban was reinstated, to a degree, in 1996, by a Republican-led Congress which tended to condemn any attempts at human rights for homosexuals as "affirmations of the gay life style,” as per Congressman Jerrold L. Nadler (D-NY), quoted in Jacobs, op. cit. , A25:6. 38 See Mackenzie's "Strictly Personal and Confidential" letter to Boykin (Aug. 9, 1951), and Boykin's"Official and Confidential" reply (Aug. 23, 1951); in National Archives, R.G. 59, Lot File 53-D-223 [Entry 1508], Office of the Undersecretary for Administration, Office of the Secretary of Security and Consular Affairs, Subject Files of the Security Division, 1946-53, Box 1, Folder "SY General 1947-51." Mackenzie had heard of problems arising from provisions of the U.S. Public Law 733 (Aug. 1950), which set up an appeals process for accused individuals. Boykin not only offered his own ideas but also volunteered the services of John Ford (Chief of Regional Security at the American embassy in Paris), who had handled the four Belgrade cases. 39 Quotes from "Report of the Tribunal appointed to Inquire into the Vassall Case and Related Matters," a 1963 British judicial inquiry which challenged the competency of a vetting authority after press accounts revealed that the British government had knowingly employed a homosexual in the diplomatic corps ten years earlier; r fictional account of the matter can be found in Rodney Garland, The Troubled Midnight (London: W.H. Allen, 1954). Both cited in Hodges, Alan Turing. 567 n 49. 40 Svdnev Sunday Telegraph (Oct. 25, 1953), quoted in Peter Wildeblood, Against the Law (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1955); cited in Hodges, Alan Turing. 507. 41 R.S. Cline, Secrets. Spies and Scholars (Washington, D.C.: Acropolis Books, 1976); cited in Hodges, Alan Turing. 507. Cline arrived in Britain in 1952 to assist the C.I.A.'s London office; by the time of his retirement, he had risen to Deputy Director. 589 �42 See The Report of the Departmental Committee on Homosexual Offenses and P rostitution (London: H.M.S. Printing Co., Sept, 3, 1957), hereafter the "Wolfenden Report." As a result of the British purge, over 1,600 British subjects were arrested in 1952 for "gross indecency with males." One of them was Alan Turing (1912-1954), the mathematician famous for breaking the Nazi's "Enigma" code during WWII. Turing's own sexual enigma was destroyed by "progressive" psychotherapy and the months of government interrogations; he took his own life after enduring months of "hormone therapy" (chemical castration) which had failed to change his sexual orientation. See Hodges, op. cit. , esp. 449-53, 471, 496-511; Hogan and Hudson, op. cit. , 547-48; and Nicholas Von Hoffman, Citizen Cohn: The Life and Times of Rov Cohn (New York: Bantam Books, 1988), 128. Turing's death came in the wake of the much-publicized 1953-54 trials of a homosexual aristocrat, Lord Montagu of Beaulieu, whose trial strangely paralleled that of Lord Alfred Douglas and Oscar Wilde at the turn of the century; see Peter Wildeblood, Against the Law (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1955). Gay sex was renamed "Monty" by English schoolboys in the '50s, a term "derived from the latest incarnation of the scandalous Wilde figure, Lord Montagu of Beaulieu"; see Alan Sinfield, The Wilde Century. 3. Later, the term "full Monty" referred to full frontal nudity in strip shows. 43 White, C itadel. 194-95. Bridges was one of Kenneth Wherry's cohorts during the Spring 1950 "preliminary investigation" of homosexuals in government; see Chapters 3 & 4. McLeod's official title was Administrator of Security and Consular Affairs, under the newly reorganized Under Secretary for Administration, which replaced the previous Assistant Secretary for Personnel and his two subordinates in charge of personnel security for the domestic and foreign service branches of the State Department. On McLeod's background, see Samuel B. Bledsoe Oral History (Columbia University Oral History Project, 1954), 341; copy in DDEPL. 44 Quote from C.D. Jackson, letter to Hedley Donovan (April 8, 1955), 3-4; in DDEPL, C.D. Jackson Papers, Box 68, Folder "File 1955 (1)." McLeod’s of the confused records can be found in U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Government Operations (82d Cong., 2d sess.), "Annual Report of the Committee on Government Operations," Jan. 25, 1954 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1954), 28-31. 45 See U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Foreign Relations (86th Cong., 1st sess.), "Study of United States Foreign Policy. Summary of Views of Retired Foreign Service Officers," June 15, 1959 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1959), 51. See T. Michael Ruddy, The Cautious Diplomat: Charles E. Bohlen and the Soviet Union. 1929-1969 (Kent, OH.: Kent State Univ. Press, 1988), 109-124; and Dwight D. Eisenhower, The White House Years. Vol. 1. Mandate for Change (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1963), 212. The affable and masculine Bohlen [1904-1974] was not one of the "striped-pants" crowd, though he was an Ivy League graduate. 46 47 Bohlen fit pattern of three other anti-communist nomination scrutinies during the first months of the Eisenhower administration; see David N. Farnsworth, The Senate Committee on Foreign Relations (Urbana: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1961), 44-55. » 590 �48 See Cong. Rec. (Mar. 23, 1953), 2187-2208; (Mar. 25, 1953), 2277-2300; and (Mar. 27, 1953), 2374-2392. For the confirmation hearings, see U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Foreign Relations (83d Cong., 1st sess.), "Nomination of Charles E. Bohlen . . .," Hearings, March 2 and 18, 1953 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1953). For McLeod’s charges of Bohlen's "moral turpitude," see idem , "Loyalty-Security Problems in the Department of State. Executive Sessions of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Historical Series (83rd Congress, 1st Session, 1953)," Vol. 5 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1977), 203-16, 247-50, 26878 [esp. 270-77]. On Republican complaints over Bohlen's homosexual associations, see also Sam Tanenhaus, Whittaker Chambers: A Biography (New York: Random House, 1997), 475-77. 49 Dulles both mistrusted Thayer's loyalty and could not afford another clash with McCarthy; see Ruddy, op. cit. , 120-22. Thayer kept diaries of his years in Moscow (1934-41), and later wrote drafts of two novels: "Diplomat" (about his years in the foreign service, 1939-1959) and "Officer and Gentlemen" (about McCarthyism and the foreign service); all in Thayer Papers, HSTL. 50 See, for example, R.W. Scott McLeod, "We're Cleaning Up The Mess In The State Department," U.S. News and World Report 36 (Feb. 12, 1954), 62. 51 In February, 1954, Secretary of State Dulles approved the division of McLeod's position into two, giving control of personnel hiring, firing and files for the domestic branch of the Department to a newly created "Assistant Secretary of State for Personnel Administration" [nearly the same title as Humelsine had had, before the reorganization of early 1953]. McLeod was left with security affairs, including the Foreign Service Inspection Corps (supervising personnel assignments overseas), but was stripped even of this role in January, 1955, after which he retained authority over only the passport division. 52 See U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Foreign Relations (85th Cong., 1st sess.),"Nomination of Scott McLeod . . . to be Ambassador to Ireland," Hearings, April 30 and May 1, 1957 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1957). On McLeod's legacy, see Columbia University Oral History Project interviews of Philip C. Jessup (1958, Vol. 2, 387), and of Eleanor Lansing Dulles (1978, Pt. 1, 53, andPt. 2, 46); copies in DDEPL. See also "Drew Pearson on Scott McLeod," The Ladder 1, 9 (June 1957), 18; and Spingam Oral History/HSTL, 797, 964. 53 E.O. 10450 revoked both E.O. 9835 (1947) and E.O. 10241 (1951); the national and regional Loyalty Review Boards were closed, as of Sept. 24, 1953. The new Order was published in New York Times (Apr. 28, 1953), 20+ [see also Jan. 4, 1955, 14]; for further press coverage, see "The Administration: Tightened Security," Time 61, 18 (May 4, 1953). Effective as of May 27, 1953, E.O. 10450 extended coverage of Truman's act of Aug. 26, 1950 (64 Stat. 476, ch. 803) to all departments and agencies of the federal government, 54 Quotes from Herbert Brownell Oral History (Columbia University Oral History Project, 1968), Vol. 2, 300; and James C. Hagerty Oral History (Columbia University Oral History Project, 1968), Vol. 3, 393; copies in DDEPL. 591 �55 U.S. Congress, Senate [Committee on Foreign Relations], Senate Doc. 47 (83d Cong., 1st sess.), "Internal Security Manual: Provisions of Federal Statutes, Executive Orders, and Congressional Resolutions Relating to the Internal Security of the United States," May 1, 1953 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1953), 192-95 for summary of E.O. 10450, 212-13 on S. Res. 280 [June 8, 1950], 193 n, & 221 on Hoey Committee Report; hereafter cited as "Internal Security Manual." Copy in DDEPL, White House Central Files, Official File, Box 659, Folder "OF 133-E Internal Security Subversive Activities (1)." I am grateful to Herbert Pankratz of the Eisenhower Library for calling my attention to this item. 56 For effects on the civilian work force, see John D'Emilio, "The Evolution and Impact of Federal Antihomosexual Policies during the 1950s," report prepared for the National Gay Task Force (New York, 1983). For statistics, see D'Emilio, "The McCarthy Era," A dvocate (Dec, 3, 1982), 25-27; and Ralph S. Brown, Jr., "Loyalty-Security Measures and Employment Opportunities," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (April 1955), 113-17 [full text of E.O. 10450 reprinted in the same issue, 156-68]; Brown later expanded his study into a book, Lovaltv and Security: Employment Tests in the United States (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1958), repeating the same statistics, 256-60. See also Eleanor Bontecou, The Federal I ovaltv-Securitv Program (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Press, 1953), 272-99; and Karl M. Bowman and Bernice Engle, "A Psychiatric Evaluation of Laws of Homosexuality," Temple Law Quarterly 29, 3 (Spring 1956), 274-326. A postal worker [b. 1905] fired in the 1930s and who had had a relationship with the founder of the first gay-rights organization, Henry Gerber, has refused this author's and others' [1998-99] requests for interviews; the man still fears losing a pension from his 1950s career in the aerospace industry. 57 Charlotte Coleman, telephone interview with author, Jan. 9, 1998; I am grateful to Phyllis Lyon and Del Martin for arranging this contact. Coleman [b. 1923] was a WWII veteran of the Coast Guard (Spars) and an employee at the IRS regional office in San Francisco. Security agents tapped her phone, read her mail and followed her on weekend trips, she recalled. Ironically, there were only three Californian employees who received the IRS’s Superior Performance Award for 1958, Coleman among them; she refused to attend the awards ceremony, although, she said, the (mailed) award did assuage her ego. 58 New York Times (Aug. 27, 1954), 7:1. In 1957, the House was forced to reconsider the effectiveness of current anti-disloyalty and countersubversive laws after the Supreme Court threw out a case of a person suspected of disloyalty. The same committee which had passed summary-dismissal bills in 1948 and 1950 took up the matter in hearings. See U.S. Congress, House Committee on Post Office and Civil Service (85th Cong., 1st sess.), "Federal Employees Security Program," Hearings on H.R. 8322 and H.R. 981, July 16-23, 1957 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1957). 592 �59 See Pearson, D iaries, 254 (entry of Feb, 23, 1953); U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Post Office and Civil Service, Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Federal Employees' Security Program (83d Cong., 2d sess.), "Administration of the Federal Employees' Security Program ,” Hearings, Part 1, Mar. 2, 1954 & May 26-Sept. 28, 1955 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1956), esp. 732. For the Commerce separations, see New York Times (July 25, 1953), 6:1. The State Department reported 425 homosexual separations from early 1947 through the end of 1952, an increase of 282 in the two years since the endpoint of the statistics from the Hoey Committee Report, Nov. 1, 1950); see New York Times (Apr. 13, 1953), 20:2. 60 See Department of State Bulletin 29, 751 (Nov. 16, 1953), 689, citing Department of State Press Release 613 (Nov. 5, 1953). The White House figures had been distributed during the Oct. 22, 1953 meeting of the Cabinet; see the "First Consolidated Report," DDEPL, President's Assistant's Papers (WF), Cabinet Series, Box 2. A draft of the figures appeared as "Suggested Press Release on Employee Security Program," undated, DDEPL, White House Central Files, Confidential File, Subject Series, Box 66, Folder "Security Program," Exhibit 1. 61 See President's News Conferences of Dec. 2 & 16, 1953, Jan. 7, Feb. 3 & Feb. 17, 1954; cited as Documents 254 & 265, Presidential Papers of Dwight D. Eisenhower. 1953. 802, 840-41; and Documents 18, 25 & 39, Presidential Papers of Dwight D. Eisenhower. 1954. 208-09, 229-30, 276. 62 "Fourth Consolidated Report on Agency Operations Under the Federal Employee Security Program," undated, c. July 1955 [copy in DDEPL, White House Central Files, OF-104-J, Box 481, Folder "Security and Loyalty Program of Government Employees, 1955." Figures reported also New York Times (Jan. 4 & Aug. 27, 1955). 63 See "Second Consolidated Report on Agency Operations Under the Federal Employee Security Program,” undated, c. Oct. 1954 [copy in DDEPL, Papers as President, Names Series, Box 35, Folder "Young, Philip D. (5) [civil service matters]"; and "Fourth Consolidated Report." 64 U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Judiciary (86th Congress, 2d sess.), "Communist Threat to the United States Through the Caribbean," Hearings (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1960), Pt. 12, 822. 65 Cited in Churchill, Homosexual Behavior Among Males. 217. Crockett did not explain why female applicants were not asked the same question. 66 Von Hoffman, op. cit. , 128-29 [without attribution], recalls how, in Washington's "subterranean homosexual world the word was passed that [Montgomery] had hung himself by jumping from thebalcony of the Georgetown house he shared with another man." 593 �67 The subject, aged 80 in 1998 and married with children and grandchildren, has expressly refused to be interviewed, despite longstanding pleas by his lesbian daughter, who confirmed the above events in a telephone conversation with the author, July 10, 1998. It had taken 30 years before he could admit having engaged in homosexual activity during the war (though not after his post-war marriage and commitment to living as a heterosexual). One of his former Navy contacts, however, was later arrested on homosexualrelated charges and gave the names of all his partners to naval intelligence, who passed them on to the FBI — an all-too-familiar case of "naming names" during the anti-communist and anti-homosexual purges. 68 Dulles replied to White that Henry should not have been asked such questions, and noted that she "previously made allegations" to the ACLU "regarding her treatment by State Department agents. Upon investigation, it was determined that her allegations were without substance." See memorandum of [secuiity chief] John W. Ford to [Alfred H.] Morton [a State Department international liaison (IBS)], "Complaints made against SY Agents in the handling of the interrogation of Marcelle Henry (Miscellaneous Morals)," Nov. 3, 1952; and letter of Walter White [NAACP Executive Secretary] to Secretary of State John Foster Dulles (June 11, 1953) and Dulles' reply (July 13, 1953); all in National Archives II, Record Group 59, Decimal File 115/1-350 (Entry 196, Box 487, Folders 1 [Ford memo] and 2 [White letter]). 69 Quotes from author's telephone interview with Fahs, Apr. 22, 1995;I am grateful to Dr. Fahs for sharing this information with me, and to his daughter, Prof. Alice Fahs, for arranging our acquaintance. Dr. Fahs did not keep his letter of suspension, and recalled only seeing the words "lewd conduct" (the standard phrase for homosexual-related charges); his USIA security and personnel files were destroyed c. 1975 (20 years after end of employment "in accordance with the Records Retention Schedule in effect at that time"), as per Lola L. Secora [FOIA/Privacy Act Office, Office of the Genera! Counsel, USIA], letter to Fahs (Nov. 8, 1995). 70 See D'Emilio, Sexual Politics. Sexual Communities. 45-52; and John D'Emilio and Estelle B. Freedman, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (1988; 2nd ed., Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1997), 293-95. See also author's telephone interviews with Jim Kepner, Jan. 20 & Apr. 30, 1995. For Kinsey's second study, see Alfred C. Kinsey, Wardell B. Pomeroy and Clyde E. Martin, Sexual Behavior in the Human Female (Philadelphia: W.B. Saunders Co., 1953. 71 See the excellent study by John Gerassi, The Bovs of Boise: Furor. Vice and Follv in an American City (1966; New York: Colliers, 1968). After a father became concerned with the time his son spent with certain older men, police grilled suspects as the press screamed "Crush the Monster," assuming that persons involved were child molester as well as homosexuals. In the same spirit, sixteen-year F.B.I. veteran and Salt Lake City Police Chief W. Cleon Skousen wrote a book in which he voiced alarm at the Communist conspiracy to subvert the United States through a "Psychological War" and listed Communist objectives, including that of presenting "homo­ sexuality, degeneracy and promiscuity" as "normal, natural, healthy." See his The Naked Communist (1958; 10th ed., Salt Lake City: Ensign Publishing Co., 1961), 261. A lawyer, Mormon elder and father of eight boys, Skousen was also editorial director of Law and Order, which claimed to be "the most widely distributed police magazine in the U.S." 594 �72 See John Howard, "The Library, the Park, and the Pervert: Public Space and Homosexual Experience in Post-World War II Atlanta," Radical History Review 62 (Spring 1995), 166-187. On increased harassment across the country during the 1950s, see D'Emilio, Sexual Politics. Sexual Communities. 44-53. 73 See Jonathan N. Katz, Gav American History: Lesbians and Gav Men in the U.S.A.. (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1976), 582-83 n. 135. Such attention was exactly what Harvard don F.O, Matthiessen had feared in 1950, before his suicide [see Chapter 2]. 74 See Florida Legislature, Report of Florida Investigation Committee [FLIC], "Homosexuality and Citizenship in Florida" (Tallahassee, FL.: FLIC, January 1964. The infamous report became known as the "Purple Pages"; see author's interview with Prof. Louis W. Crompton, Apr. 13, 1997, Lincoln, NE. 75 Randolph E. Wise, "Public Employment of Persons with a Criminal Record," NPPA (’National Probation and Parole Association! Journal 6, 2 (April 1960), 198. See also C. R. Bechtol, Melville Monheimer, J. E. Nolan, and P. J. Sevenich, "Responsibility of Business and Industry for Employing Offenders," op. cit. , 131. 76 Phrase from Colin J. Williams and Martin S. Weinberg, Homosexuals and the M ilitary (New York: Harper & Row, 1971), 36 [31-37 on stigmas]. 77 See Kenneth Keniston, The Uncommitted: Alienated Youth in American Society (1960; New York: Delta/Dell, 1975), esp. 305-10, 470. Though he recognized homophobic social pressures, Keniston reasserted a milder version of the 1940s "Momism" to blame male homosexuality on over-protective mothers and absent fathers. See also William Dienstein, "Conflict of Beliefs about Causes of Delinquency," National Institute of Mental Health Paper [reprinted in NPPA Journal 6, 3 (July 1960), 287-93], who noted the persistent belief of some teachers, police, and probation officers that delinquency was "caused by the desire and willingness of the juvenile to be perverse." 78 Figures listed in Williams and Weinberg, op. cit. , 31-36, 45-47, 53. For early critiques of the military's policy, see Clifford A. Dougherty and Norman B. Lynch, "The Administrative Discharge: Military Justice?" George Washington Law Review 33 (1964), 498-528; and Jerome A. Susskind, "Military Administrative Discharge Boards: The Right to Confrontation and CrossExamination," Michigan State Bar Journal 48, 2 (1965), 25-32. See also New York Times (Aug. 31, 1952), 32:6. Lesbian cases are reviewed in Katz, Gav American History. 119-23; and Bdrubd, Coming Out Under Fire. 264; D'Emilio, Sexual Politics. Sexual C om m unities. 45-46; and Berube and D'Emilio, "The Military and Lesbians during the McCarthy Years," Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 9, 4 (Summer 1984), 770-75. Berube, Coming Out Under Fire. 276, calculates that over 100,000 taxpayer-trained homosexuals have been dismissed to date. 595 �79 See Berubd, Coming Out Under Fire. 269, 277, 355 nn 21 & 22, citing U.S. Department of Defense, "Report of Committee to Review Policy on Discharge of Homosexuals" (October 24, 1952) and "Dissenting Report" (November 28, 1952), plus U.S. Navy, Chief of Naval Personnel, "Memorandum to All Ships and Stations, Subject: Information concerning homosexuality" (October 1953), in U.S. Navy, "Report of the Board Appointed to Prepare and Submit Recommendations to the Secretary of the Navy for the Revision of Policies, Procedures and Directives Dealing with Homosexuals, 21 December 1956 - 15 March 1957," [unpublished; released to public, 1977; hereafter cited as Crittenden Report]. The secret Report (the result of a secret investigative board, chaired by Navy Captain S.H. Crittenden, Jr.) even shifted blame for the military's policy back to the federal government, correctly citing the Hoey Committee hearings and report as providing the first official definition of homosexual-security-risks. The Report admitted, however, that the intelligence officers testifying before the 1950 Hoey Committee had given no factual evidence that any American had actually been blackmailed for h o m o sex u ality . To ensure the anti-homosexual purge could not be reversed, the Defense Department further issued a comprehensive directive in 1959. Undesirable discharges could now be issued for "Sexual perversion including but not limited to (a) lewd and lascivious acts; (b) homosexual acts; (c) sodomy; (d) indecent exposure; (e) indecent acts with or assault upon a child, or (f) other indecent acts or offenses." The striking redundancy in these regulations illustrates Defense's desire to eliminate all possible loopholes in their homosexual-exclusion policy. Furthermore, veterans benefits were routinely denied for the thousands of "undesirable" discharges which involved "moral turpitude." From Jerome A. Susskind, "Military Administrative Discharge Boards: The Right To Confrontation And Cross-Examination," Michigan State Bar Journal 48, 2 (1965), 25-26, 28; on denial of VA benefits, see also Cory, The Homosexual in America. 44, 278-80. In 1970, some differentiation was made between homosexual "behavior" and "tendencies." Tendencies-only charges would earn an enlisted individual dismissal for "general unsuitability." See Paul D. Hardman, Homoaffectionalism: Male Bonding From Gilgamesh To The Present (San Francisco: GLB Publishers, 1993), 207-08. 80 The military prosecuted homosexuals at the highest levels. In 1958, retired Admiral Seldon G. Hooper became the highest naval officer ever charged under the 1951 Uniform Code of Military Justice for homosexual offenses when he was convicted of homosexual activity and sexual misconduct, dismissed from the Navy, and suffered loss of pension benefits. News reports, however, only referred to a "morals" charge against him — "homosexual" to those who knew how to read between the lines. After Hooper, no other admiral stood accused of criminal charges of any type for over forty years. See Steven Lee Myers, "Admiral Accused of Steering Navy Contracts to His Lover," New York Times (Nov. 26, 1998), A l, A24. 81 See Joseph R. McCarthy, McCarthvism. The Fight for America: Documented answers to questions asked by friend and foe (New York: Devin-Adair, 1952), 14-15, 18-23 [citing Hoey Committee Report, 4, 5, 11; and 22 for the 1947 Senate letter to Secretary of State Marshall warning about the homosexual threat, the first publication of this document]. 596 �82 On "lavender lads," see Von Hoffman, op. cit. , 127; on "no picnic," see Berubd, Coming Out Under Fire. 274, citing the anonymous, open letter to Dirksen in M attachine Review 1, 1 (January/February 1955), 14. 83 Cong. Rec. (May 1, 1952), A2652-54, includes St. George's insertion of an article by the self-styled "Countess" R.G. Waldeck from the ultra-conservative, W ashington-based Human Events. Waldeck detailed the 1906 Eulenberg case of homosexual blackmail within the circle of Kaiser Wilhelm, a case which had somehow escaped the notice of CIA researchers when they reported the 191214 Raedl case to the 1950 Hoey Committee. St. George had earlier voiced fears of homosexuals taking over the country, during Senator Wherry's inquiry two years earlier [see Chapter 4], See also similar rhetoric in Kenneth Frank, "America, On Guard: Homosexuals, Inc.!" Confidential 2, 2 (May 1954), 18-19; and Waldeck’s later "Homosexual International," Human Events 17, 39 (Sept. 29, 1960), II, 453-56. 84 Childs, Witness to Power (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1975), 67-68; quoted in Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover. 402-03. Gentry added, in a note, "Only heavily excised portions of Adlai Stevenson's Official/Confidential files have been released to date [1991]. They mention alleged forfeiture of bail on a New York morals arrest but not the Illinois and Maryland arrests. They do reveal, however, that Hoover had Stevenson placed on the Sex Deviate index " Stevenson's F.B.I. "Sex Deviate” file in Hoover's "Official/Confidential" system also included claims by his ex-wife (diagnosed with "persecutory paranoia") to various dinner guests (including prominent newsmen) that Stevenson was somehow both a homosexual and was involved with numerous women. 88 "Senate Hearings on H.R. 7439," 13. 88 On Hunt's suicide, see Pearson, D iaries. 323, 325; the columnist claimed he had been "on the verge of writing a story" about the son's arrest in December 1953, but had received a call "from Tracy McCraken of Wyoming newspapers, who pleaded" with him not to, "Hunt also told Jack Anderson at the time that if the story was written, his wife would die. He said she had suffered agonies and had eaten nothing for a week during the boy's trial." Pearson was later pressured by the two Republican senators to retract an insinuation he had made in his column about their link to the suicide; Bridges and Welker had also apparently told Lt. Roy Blick to either prosecute the son or resign. 597 �87 The subject of anti-gay, political blackmail was so common that novelist Allen Drury soon wrote of it in what would become a best-selling and Pulitzer Prize-winning book, Advise and Consent, later turned into a Broadway play and in 1962 a popular Hollywood movie. Titled from the phrase used to describe the Senate's confirming role, the story combined different early-Cold War intrigues. A nominee for Secretary of State is denied confirmation due to his alleged communist sympathies; a Southern senator with a homosexual past is blackmailed and commits suicide. The film distorted the Hunt suicide, however, since it had the blackmailing "culprit" to be a Senate leftist — a fact obscuring the true Republican role in Hunt affair. The issue of blackmail was also raised in films such as The Best Man (1964) in which a Democratic presidential candidate weighs the option of using the potential homosexual affair of his Republican, family-man rival against him — hinting at the dilemma Truman had faced in early 1952, regarding McCarthy; like the hero of the 1964 film, Truman had decided not to use the information fo avoid lowering himself to the level of sexual mudslinging. Drury [1918-1998], who never married and lived an "intensely private life," was concerned with "moral ambiguity" in his books, which all focused on "fallible people in difficult situations who were called upon to solve great problems." Quotes from his obituary in New York Times (Sept. 3, 1998), C20. See also Wayne R. Dynes, Encyclopedia of Homosexuality, vol. 2 (New York: Garland Publishers, 1990), 1385. 88 Kennedy quote from presidential news conference of Oct. 31, 1963, in Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: John F. Kennedv...l963. 830; discussed in Robert D. Dean, "Masculinity as Ideology: John F. Kennedy and the Domestic Politics of Foreign Policy," Diplomatic History 22, 1 (Winter 1998), 2962. See also Dean's Imperial Brotherhood: Gender and the Making of Cold War Foreign Policy (Amherst: Univ. of Massachusetts Press, forthcoming 2000). For older works on political "virility," see Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., "The Crisis of American Masculinity," E squire (Nov. 1958), reprinted in his The Politics of Hope (Cambridge, MA.: Riverside Press, 1962), 242-43; and Marc Fasteau, "Vietnam and the Cult of Toughness in Foreign Policy," in The American Man. eds. Elizabeth A. Pleck & Joseph H. Pleck (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1975), 377-415. On the homophobic politics of the 1963 March on Washington, see John D'Emilio, Lost Prophet: Bavard Rustin and the Quest for Peace and Justice in the United States (New York: Free Press, forthcoming 2000); and Senator Strom Thurmond’s remarks in Cong. Rec. (Aug. 13, 1963), S14836-44. 88 "Cocksuckers" quote from Warren Wiggins [a deputy director of the Peace Corps], "A One-Act Fantasy Dialogue: A Memorial Service for Alex Firfer," paper given to Pink Bag Luncheon of Trans Century Inc. [Washington, D.C.], July 2, 1978, cited in Gerard T. Rice, The Bold Experiment: JFK's Peace Corps (Notre Dame, 1985), 142. Shriver had already ensured that self-professed homosexuals would be "deselected" during recruitment; ibid. , 160. Jenkins [1908-1985] was an advisor who had been with Johnson since the days of his vice-presidency, and was the first of "two other close friends" whose counsel Johnson had sought for advice on the 1964 race; from Lyndon B. Johnson, Vantage Point (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1971), 13, 93, 97. 598 �90 On Welles, see Chapter 1. Former White House Assistant Steve Spingarn tried to defend Jenkins in a letter to the editor of the New York Times, in which he lamented how Jenkins' career was destroyed due to this "compulsive aberration," which Spingarn judged as "minor." See Spingarn Oral History/HSTL, 799-800 [quotes from 799]. Spingarn admitted he did not believe Jenkins (with whom he had worked, before the Johnson years) was hom osexual. 91 For a brief time, Johnson believed Jenkins might have been framed by agents of a foreign power. For further details of White House management of the crisis, see various unprocessed yet summarized tapes, Series WH 6410 (Oct. 14-31, 1964), Lyndon Baines Johnson Library, Austin, Texas. 92 Gentry, J. Edgar Hoover. 432-434. 93 On the homosexual underground in the District of Columbia, see David K. Johnson, "Homosexual Citizens: Washington’s Gay Community Confronts the Civil Service," Washington History (Fall/Winter 1994-95), 45-50. 94 See Drew Pearson, Diaries. 1949-1959. ed. Tyler Abell (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1974), 188-89, 190, 192 [diary entries for Jan. 14, 16 & 21, 1952]. The letter was from Lt. David A. Sayer to Sen. William Benton, dated Dec. 29, 1951; a typed copy of letter, with facsimile of signature, appears in the Tydings Papers, Series V, Box 4 ("Un-American Activities"), Folder "Joseph R. McCarthy, 1950-52" (Archives and Manuscripts Department, University of Maryland Library, College Park, MD.). Pearson [1897-1969] was the noted liberal columnist whom Senator Joe McCarthy had beaten up in the cloakroom of a Washington restaurant in December, 1950. Pearson written his "Washington Merry-Go-Round" column since 1932 (and had just put out a book of the same name). Since 1947, he had been assisted by Jack N. Anderson (b. 1922), who took over the column after Pearson's death; Anderson has not yet answered this author's March 1999 letter about his recollections of this episode. 95 Pearson, D iaries. 190. Benton informed Pearson of his White House-based information on Jan. 16, 1952. Attached to Tydings' copy of the Sayer letter is a carbon copy of a memo from the U.S. Army Adjutant General, Maj. Gen. William E. Bergin, "Statement of Military Service of David Alonzo Sayer" (Jan. 8, 1952), listing Sayer's dates of army service and officer advancements; in Tydings Papers, loc. cit. Such an immediate Army inquiry indicates how sensitive the Army was about the possibility of homosexuals within its ranks (especially in the officer corps), and gives a clue as to the possible pressure placed on Sayer to recant his story and preserve the honor and dignity of the Army. 599 �96 Since McCarthy had made his semi-intentional slip of the tongue off the Senate floor and in front of the editor and hundreds of others in Las Vegas (while campaigning on behalf of Democratic Senator Pat McCarran against the Republican Greenspun), the editor sued McCarthy for defamation. McCarthy settled Greenspun's lawsuit, after many court delays, in 1955; see Hank The Record of a Reckless Man (New Greenspun with Alex Pelle, Where I Stand: York: David McKay, 1966), 197-216, 222, 229-44; and Rovere, Senator Joe M cC arthy. 69 n. The son of Jewish immigrants, Greenspun [1909-1989] was convicted in 1948 and 1950 on charges of having smuggling guns to Israel in 1947, a technical violation of the Neutrality Act, which no longer applied to Israel by the time of the second conviction. Greenspun was stripped of his voting privileges and given a fine but no prison time. See Greenspun and Pelle, 75-167; and Ari L. Goldman, "Hank Greenspun, 79, Publisher,"New York Times (July 24, 1989), D ll. 97 For the homosexual allegations against McCarthy, see Greenspun and Pelle, op. cit. , 220-21; and Greenspun's "Where I Stand" editorials, Las Vegas Sun (Oct. 25, 1952, Oct. 27, 1953, and Jan. 8, 1954), reprinted in Greenspun, "A Few Columns on JOE McCARTHY. Some of the many columns which were published in the Las Vegas Sun during the last two years on the Senator from Washington," (April 2, 1954), pamphlet (Las Vegas: Las Vegas Sun, 1977); I am grateful to Barbara (Mrs. Hank) Greenspun for providing me with this latter co m p ilatio n . Greenspun listed Babcock's arrest as occurring in 1950, possibly as a technical means of avoiding prosecution for defamation of character. The arrest was actually from Sept. 21, 1947; see Hoover-Souers memo (Apr. 10, 1950), in HSTL, President's Secretary's Files, Subject File, Federal Bureau of Investigation, "S" Folder. Babcock (1998) has refused to be interviewed. Through Pearson, Greenspun had heard of a document which had come into the possession of Senator Tydings [undated, unsigned affidavit on stationery of "The Wisconsin Union, University of Wisconsin," was witnessed by Ronald W. May and Jack Northman Anderson; in Tydings Papers, loc. cit. ], written by R. Garth Lewis, who claimed that his friend William McMahon and McCarthy "had engaged in sexual acts with each other in their hotel room" during the convention. Lewis also claimed it was "common talk among some homosexuals in Milwaukee" whom he knew at the White Horse Inn (a local gay bar) "that Senator McCarthy ha[d] engaged in homosexual activity at other times." Even the earliest biographers of McCarthy were forced, by strength of persistent rumors, to deal with the topic of his homosexuality. In his 1959 Senator Joe M cCarthy. Richard Rovere (apparently unaware of the Sayer letter), referred [68] only to Lewis' affidavit es "untried," omitted citing Pearson as Greenspun's source, disparaged the editor as "a former New York lawyer" and "former press agent for a Las Vegas, Nevada, gambling house," and misdated McCarthy's Oct. 13, 1952 attack on Greenspun as from 1951. While admitting that McCarthy’s refusal to respond to Greenspun's charges "did not lend any added weight to the charge," Rovere did aptly reason "No politician is his senses would advertise such charges by attempting to repudiate them." 99 Greenspun and Pelle, op. cit. , 222. The union took place on Sept. 23, 1953. 99 See Peter Collier and David Horowitz, The Kennedvs: (New York: Warner Books, 1984), 248. 600 An American Dream �100 Cohn [1925-1986] was the only child of a respected, New York City judge. Never married, he earned his law degree from Columbia University by the age of twenty, and began work on the staff of the Manhattan D.A.'s office at twenty-one, on the same day he passed the bar exam. Specializing in subversive activities, he helped prosecute Communist party leaders under the Smith Act (1947-48) and worked on the Remington and Rosenberg cases before he earned nation-wide fame prosecuting Owen Lattimore and leading an inquiry into "Fifth Column Communists" at the U.N. See Von Hoffman, op. cit. , 43-142; and Robert P. Newman, Owen Lattimore and the ‘Loss’ of China (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1992), 404-420, 429. On Cohn’s homosexuality (which he denied all his life, to the day he died from AIDS), and the rumors about him and Schine, see Von Hoffman, 142-54, 170-89. Like many "masculine" gay men under the gender-role social construction of sexuality, Cohn could never identify as a homosexual since he played the "dominant" role in sexual activity, making him "a man" but not "effeminate." The tall, handsome, suave and heterosexual G. David Schine [1927-1996] contrasted in many ways with the short, physically undistinguished, and caustic Cohn. The 25-year-old Schine was the Andover- and Harvard-educated scion of a nation-wide empire of hotels, as well as a U.S. Army militarypolice lawyer; he was assigned to McCarthy's subcommittee at Cohn's request. See Von Hoffman, 142-45. Schine also earned the scorn of the press corps after Cohn touted him as an "expert on Communism" and author of a "book" on the subject. In fact, Schine had only written a six-page pamphlet filled with factual errors; see G. David Schine, "Definition of Communism," pamphlet (New York: Schine Hotels, Inc., 1952). I am grateful to the Yale University Library for providing me a photocopy of this now-rare document. 1°1 Ray Mann, quoted in Esther Newton, Cherry Grove. Fire Island: Sixty Years in America's First Gav and Lesbian Town (Boston; Beacon Press, 1993), 101. Mann admitted he was never accused of homosexuality, but "felt — watched" and was "appalled by what was going on." He later became an airline steward, based in New York City, where he watched the televised Army hearings. On the Cohn-Schine trip and damage to U.S.-European relations, see FRUS. 1952-54. Vol. I. Pt. 2. 1437-1548; Von Hoffman, op. cit. , 144-54; and Rovere, Senator Joe McCarthy. 199-205. Rovere, 205, claimed to have talked with "a hundred people" in various American embassies whose "resignations were written, signed, stamped, and ready for mailing or delivery" in the tense atmosphere following the Cohn-Schine tour. The tour included Paris, Bonn, Frankfurt, Munich, Vienna, Belgrade, Athens, Rome and London. 102 Von Hoffman, Citizen Cohn. 233-34, details how two networks, ABC and DuMont, carried "all thirty-six days of the hearings live." "Citadel" quote from Cuordileone, op. cit. , 148. 601 �103 Tim e 63. 12 (Mar. 22, 1954) featured McCarthy's two assistants on the front cover of its first issue to cover the Army hearings, flagged "McCarthy and His Men." Among other contemporary coverage, see Cohn interview in New York T im es (Mar. 15, 1954), 16:4. Adams gave his own version of the story in his Without Precedent: The Story of the Death of McCarthvism (unpublished, 1954; New York: W.W. Norton, 1983), esp. 193-94, 217 on the homosexual charges. See also Von Hoffman, Citizen Cohn. 193-245; and William Bragg Ewald, Jr., Who Killed Joe McCarthy? (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1984). For the official government record, see U.S. Congress, Senate Committee on Government Operations, Special Subcommittee on Investigations (83d Cong., 2d sess.), "Special Senate Investigation on Charges and Countercharges Involving Secretary of the Army Robert T. Stevens, John G. Adams, H. Struve Hensel and Senator Joseph McCarthy, Roy M. Cohn and Francis P. Carr," Hearings (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1954). At the end of the hearings, Republicans issued a summary judging "No Improper Influence by McCarthy" while Democrats found "Severe Criticism" of the Senator’s unwarranted accusations. 104 Welch quoted in Cuordileone, "Politics In An Age Of Anxiety," 148, citing the hard-cover edition of Von Hoffman, 67; the Bantam edition of the same year omits the quote. After the 1954 Army hearings, Schine retired from public life because he felt "shellacked" by the press; see telephone interview with author, Oct. 23, 1995. 1°5 Such comments allowed longtime McCarthy enemy, Washington Post columnist Joseph Alsop, to question the true "nature of the McCarthy-CohnSchine relationship" in his "McCarthy-Cohn-Schine Tale Was Half Told," Washington Post (Mar. 15, 1954), cited in Von Hoffman, Citizen Cohn. 225 [23940 for Flanders and McClellan quotes]; Cohn supposedly threatened to sue Alsop but never took action. Even former State Department analyst George Kennan obliquely attacked McCarthy for being a closet homosexual. "Let us, for the love of God," he pleaded, "keep out of the ranks of the finger-pointing holier than thous — the people who sublimate their own sex urge in the peculiarly nasty and sadistic practice of snooping on others and exploiting the failures and embarrassments of others in this most excruciating of problems." Quoted in Princeton Alumni Weekly (Feb. 12, 1954), from his (originally requested as off-the-record) remarks before the annual Christian Conference on the Relevance of Religious Belief to Problems of Everyday Living, cited in ONE: The Homosexual Magazine 2. 4 (April 1954), 28-29. 1 °6 Impugned by the many damaging aspects of the Army case, McCarthy never regained control of the national spotlight he so craved, and his favorable rating dropped from 50 percent in January, 1954, to 34 percent after the June 17th ending of the hearings; see Gallop poll cited in Gabler, W in c h e li. 474. By the end of the year, McCarthy received the unique honor of being censured by his fellow Senators for bringing disrepute to that distinguished body. On his censure, see U.S. Senate (83d Congress, 2d Session), Select Committee To Study Censure Charges, "Report on Resolution to Censure, No. 2508, To accompany S. Res. 301," (Washington, DC: U.S. G.P.O., Nov. 8, 1954); and idem. , "McCarthy Condemnation Resolution," S. Res. 301, as amended (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., Dec. 2, 1954). McCarthy would continue to serve on various committees over the next two years, but his influence was gone. 602 �107 From author's interview with Hay; and Katz interview with Hay (Mar. 31, 1974) in Katz, Gav American History. 406-29. See also D'Emilio, Sexual Polities. Sexual Communities. 57-91; Stuart Timmons, The Trouble with Harrv Hav: Founder of the Modern Gav Movement (Boston: Alyson Publications, 1990); and Harry Hay, Radically Gav: Gav Liberation in the Words of its Founder. Harrv Hav. ed. Will Roscoe (Boston: Beacon Press, 1996), esp. 358 for Hay's claim that he had heard of anti-homosexual purges of the State Department as early as the summer of 1948. His original name for the group was the "International Bachelors' Fraternal Order for Peace and Social Dignity." 108 Hay was aware of socialist condemnation of "degeneracy," such as in Frederick Engels, The Origin of the Family. Private Property, and the State (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1972), 73-74. The USSR was one of the last countries in Europe to criminalize male homosexuality (1927) but its ideological condemnation of the practice as a form of capitalist-bourgeois decadence led to a severe persecution of homosexuals which lasted into the early 1990s; see Igor S. Kon, The Sexual Revolution in Russia: From the Age of the Czars to Today (New York: Free Press, 1995); and Allen Young, Gays Under.. The Cuban Revolution (San Francisco: Grey Fox Press, 1981). 109 For Hay's HUAC testimony, see "Testimony of Harry Hay, Accompanied by Counsel, Frank Pestana," in U.S. Congress, House Committee on Un-American Activities (84th Congress, 1st session), "Investigation of Communist Activities in Los Angeles, California area," Pt. 4, 1872-75; for an informer's testimony about Hay, see op. cit. , Pt. 4, 1790-91. For Hay's later account of the hearings (the transcript of which he claims was altered), see Katz interview with Hay (Mar. 31, 1974), loc. cit. Hay claims, however, that it was not until 1955 that the FBI "discovered" the Mattachine Society. 110 See Hansen, op. cit. , 32-38. 111 In the first (1951) edition of The Homosexual in America. 67, 72-75,Cory criticized but ultimately accept the "arrested development" or"fixation theory" model, but in his preface to the second edition (1960), he was even more convinced that the homosexual's "emotional maladjustment" was a true neurosis. As Edward Sagarin, he later wrote his sociology thesis on a homosexual veterans group; see his Structure and Ideology in an Association of Deviants (Ph.D. dissertation in Sociology and Anthropology, New York University, 1966; reprint under same title, New York: Arno Press, 1976). 603 �113 Op. cit. , 14, 40-45 [opening paragraphs of the Hoey Committee Report cited, 42; Report (minus tables) reprinted, 270-77. Cory later wrote articles encouraging homosexuals to seek their civil rights, and disparaging attempts at what today would be called "reparative therapy" (as a deprivation of identity); see Daniel Webster Cory, pseud., "Can Homosexuality Be Cured?" Sexology 18 (Oct. 1951), 146-56; and Donald [sic] Webster Cory, pseud., and John P. LeRoy, pseud., "Why Homosexuals Resist Cure: Some of the reasons that make it difficult to change homosexuals by psychotherapy," S exology 30, 7 (Feb. 1964), 480-82. See also comment on Cory in "Let's Be Honest About Homosexuals," Our World: A Popular Magazine for the Entire Family 9, 8 (Aug. 1954), 49; the New York-based magazine was a liberal publication dedicated to prom oting interracial understanding. 114 Quotes from Cory, The Homosexual in America, xix, 39. 115 The first account of Kameny's suit was published in Kay Tobin and Randy Wicker, eds., The Gav Crusaders (New York: Paperback Library/Coronet, 1972), 94; see also Johnson, "Homosexual Citizens," 52-56 [plus 45-46, 61 for Kameny's assistance in others' successful suits]. "Yelled" quote from Kameny telephone interview with author, Feb. 14, 1995; the exchange took place in 1965. 116 Kameny telephone interview; and Johnson, "Homosexual Citizens," 62. general counsel of the Civil Service Commission telephoned Kameny personally to tell him of the change in regulations. The 117 Clellan S. Ford & Frank A. Beach, Patterns of Sexual Behavior (New York: Harper & Row, 1951). On social constructionist theory, see also the influential work of John H. Gagnon and William Simon, Sexual Conduct: The Social Sources of Human Sexuality (Chicago: Aldine, 1973); and D.F. Greenberg, The Construction of Homosexuality (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1988). For an extensive bibliography of old-school "cure" promoters during the 1950s and '60s, see Katz, Gav American History. 594-96. Evelyn Hooker, "A Preliminary Analysis of Group Behavior of Homosexuals," Journal of Psychology 42 (1956), 217-25. Her follow-up studies were published as "The Adjustment of the Male Overt Homosexual," Journal of Projective Techniques 21 (1957), 18-31; and "Male Homosexuality in the Rorschach," Journal of Projective Techniques 22 (1958), 33-54. For discussion of the role of Hooker [1912-1996] in the homosexual-emancipation movement, see D ’Emilio, Sexual Politics. Sexual Communities. 73-74, 84, 112-13, 117, 141, 217. 118 For a listing of anti-homosexual legal statutes in the continental U.S. as of the late 1940s, see Cory, The Homosexual in America. 281-92. On the Illinois sex law reform (as part of the state's general revision of its criminal code), see Claude S ow lt, A Concise Explanation of the Illinois Criminal Code of 1961 (Chicago, IL.: B. Smith, 1961). By the 1990s, half the states had decriminalized homosexual acts. 119 For an excellent account of this important decision, see Ronald Bayer, Homosexuality and American Psychiatry: The Politics of Diagnosis (New York: Basic Books, 1981). 604 �120 Quote from an organizer of the 1968 Council on Religion and the Homosexual symposium, reviewed in Nancy L. Ross, "Gay Is Good — Homosexual Revolution," Washington Post (Oct. 25, 1969), inserted in Cong. Rec. (Nov. 3, 1969), H I0469; the congressman who inserted the article called the P ost "leftwing" (due to its approving editorial accompanying Ross' article) and warned that the gay movement threatened "to destroy the fabric of the N ation." 121 See John D'Emilio, "Gay Politics, Gay Community: San Francisco's Experience," Socialist Review 55 [11, 1] (Jan.-Feb. 1981), 77-104 [reprinted in Wayne R. Dynes and Stephen Donaldson, eds., Studies in Homosexuality. Volume V: History of Homosexuality in Europe and America (New York: Garland, 1992), 85-112]; and Martin Duberman, Stonew all (1993; New York: Plume, 1994). 122 For a discussion of the Moral Majority's anti-homosexual campaigns, see Dennis Altman, The Homosexualization of America. The Americanization of H om osexuality (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1982), esp. ix-x, 5, 108-145. For two comparative studies of the 1980s New Right and the men's movement, see Bert Young, "Feminism and Masculinism: A Backlash Response," and Blye W. Frank, "The 'New Men's Studies' and Feminism: Promise or Danger?" in Tony Haddad, ed., Men and Masculinities: A Critical Anthology (Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press, 1993), 313-332, 333-43. 123 Fundamentalist candidates continue to tout their heterosexuality and masculinity; see New York Times (May 27, 1997), A12, and (May 7, 1998), A14. 124 On the racist, anti-feminist, and anti-gay aspects of conservative Christian movements, including Buchanan's, see Didi Herman, The Antigay Agenda: Orthodox Vision and the Christian Right (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1997); and Keith Hartman, Congregations in Conflict: The Battle Over H om osexuality (1997; Piscataway, N.J.: Rutgers Univ. Press, 1998). On Buchanan's politics, see also Eric A. Nordlinger, Isolationism Reconfigured: American Foreign Policy for a New Century (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 1995). On 1990s political masculinity, see Linda Kintz, "Conservative Cowboy Stories: Adventures of the Chosen Sons," in Paul Smith, ed., Boys: Masculinities in Contemporary Culture (Boulder, CO.: Westview Press, 1996), 219-254; and Matthew Ruben, "Of Newts and Quayles: National-Political Masculinity in the Current Conjuncture," op. cit. , 255-292, 125 Quotes from Jon Wiener, "Looking for the Left's Limbaugh," (Spring 1995), 160. D issent 126 See, among others, Williams and Weinberg, op. cit. ; Kate Dyer, ed., Gays in Uniform: The Pentagon's Secret Reports (Boston: Alyson, 1990); U.S. General Accounting Office, Defense Force Management: DOD's Policy on Homosexuality. Report to Congressional Requesters. Report GAO/NSIAD-92-98 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.A.O., 1992); National Defense Research Institute, Sexual Orientation and U.S. Military Personnel Policy: Options and Assessment. MR-323-OSD (n.c.: Rand Corp., 1993). 605 �127 Quote from Stephen O. Murray, American Gay (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1996), 136. For an early "gays in the military" perspective, see materials on the (1968-70) "Committee to Fight Exclusion of Homosexuals from the Draft," in William F. Damen Papers (Philadelphia: Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual and Transgendered Library/Archives of Philadelphia). On the fight for inclusion, see, among others, Mary Ann Humphrey, Mv Country. Mv Right To Serve: Experiences of Gav Men and Women in the Military. World War II to the P resent (New York: Harper Collins, 1990); Lois Shawver, And The Flag Was Still There: Straight People. Gav People, and Sexuality in the U.S. Military (New York: Haworth Press, 1996); and Judith Butler, "Contagious Word: Paranoia and 'Homosexuality' in the Military," in her Excitable Speech: A Politics of the Perform ative (New York: Routledge, 1997), 103-126. 128 On the policy's failure, see also Todd Jennings, '"Don't Ask’ Is a Failure," New York Times, letter to the editor, (Jan. 23, 1998); Tim Weiner, "Military Discharges of Homosexuals Soar," New York Times (Apr. 7, 1998); and Andrew Sullivan, "Undone by 'Don't Ask, Don't Tell'," New York Times (Apr. 9, 1998). 129 Senate bill 1337, section 546(a) 15 [from 1994]; quoted in Murray, op. cit. , 137. 130 "Fag-baiting" has also played a role in recent mass killings by ostracized high school males in Paducah, Kentucky, and Littleton, Colorado, in 1998 and 1999. Though mainstream media reports insisted that the killers were not gay (implicitly implying that had they been, ostracism would be acceptable), homophobic taunts allegedly motivated the rampages against "popular" students and "jocks." See Richard Goldstein, "The 'Faggot' Factor: The chickens come home to roost at Columbine High," [Costa Mesa, CA.] OC Weekly: Orange Countv's News. Arts, and Entertainment Publication 4, 37 (May 21-27, 1999),12; and "Gay Secret Made Them Do It," National Enquirer (May 11, 1999), 32. 131 For an analysis of the much-criticized pronouncements of fundamentalist Christian groups who claim to "repair" (cure) homosexuality, see John Leland and Mark Miller, "Can Gays 'Convert'?" Newsweek (Aug. 17, 1998), 47-52. On the now-discredited psychology of Irving Bieber (the psychologist chiefly cited by "reparative therapy" proponents), see William Simon & John H. Gagnon, "Homosexuality: The Formulation of a Sociological Perspective," Journal of Health and Social Behavior 8, 3 (Sept. 1967), 178 n. 5. 132 Undercover officers — sometimes provocatively dressed or lingering suggestively in the showers of public gyms — still occasionally "troll" for men who may be interested in finding homosexual sex in public places. See Dave Wielenga, "Is That A Badge In Your Pocket? Or are you just happy to see me?" OC Weekly 4, 28 (Mar. 19-25, 1999), 20. California Penal Code, Section 647-A forbids "soliciting or engaging in lewd conduct in a public place" while Section 647-D forbids loitering in or near a public restroom for the purposes of committing a crime, including the above. 133 s ee New York Times articles by Philip Shenon, "On-Line Service Accuses Navy of Deception in Inquiry About Sailor" (Jan. 22, 1998), "Navy May Resolve Gay Case by Letting Sailor Retire" (Jan. 30, 1998), and "Sailor Victorious in Gay Case of On-Line Privacy" (June 12, 1998). 606 �134 McCollum quoted in Lizette Alvarez, "House Passes Bill to Confront Pedophiles Who Use Internet," New York Times (June 12, 1998). The Southern Baptist Lott, who had spoken out against the Employment Non-Discrimination Act in 1996, did preach tolerance but that one should "try to show" homosexuals "a way to deal with that" and "to work with that person to learn to control that problem." Quoted in Alison Mitchell, "Gay Behavior Is Described As Sin by Lott," New York Times (June 16, 1998), A24. 135 The author, for example, recalls having been asked a single question about homosexuality (among several regarding Communist contacts) during his F.B.I. security-clearance investigation in 1989, in preparation for a summer internship with the State Department. The question, from a form stamped "Revised 3/81" on the top left corner, asked if the applicant had ever committed any homosexual acts. 136 New York Times (May 29, 1998), A14. 137 For the 1998 debates, see Lizette Alvarez, "House Supports Ban on Bias Against Gay Federal Employees." New York Times (Aug. 6, 1998), A14:l-7. For Helms' bill (S. Res. 45, introduced Jan. 19, 1999), see HRC Quarterly: Political News for Gav and Lesbian America (Summer 1999), 20. 138 Clinton first nominated Hormel on Oct. 6, 1997, and renominated him on Jan. 6, 1999. Hormel was appointed on June 4, 1999, and sworn in on June 29. See Kim I. Mills, "The Art of Diplomacy," HRC Quarterly (Fall 1999), 8-9. 607 �CONCLUSION In the early Cold War, two parallel threats arose on the American political landscape. Homosexuality and communism were each embodied in people hidden from ordinary view, agents of internal subversion who could potentially undermine the moral and physical security of the nation by their very existence. Communists or "pinko" friends and "fellow travelers" presumably operated at the behest of a hostile foreign power, the Soviet Union. Homosexuals were likely to be unwilling victims, but the fact that they could be blackmailed made them equally subversive and seemed to demand a sim ilar response, namely, their elimination from federal employment and defense-related industries. The U.S. government had had laws requiring the dismissal of known homosexuals before the Cold W ar heated up, making possible a type of "pervert purge" before 1950. However, once Joseph McCarthy and friends decided to make internal-security problems an openly political weapon against the Democratic W hite House, the flaws in the existing system were magnified into a briefly vaunted scandal whose solution affected generations of government workers to come. ♦ * * The alleged homosexual threat to the nation had developed when the Soviet Union acquired the atomic bomb, Communists took control of China, and spies appeared to be infiltrating the government — all 608 �during the course of 1949 and early 1950. By the time Senator McCarthy "discovered" supposed Communists in the State Department, therefore, the nation was ready to accept the type of "queer scare" in government that Senator Kenneth Wherry and others created. America's global masculinity was at stake, and the two Senate inquiries acted as official guardians against the presumed threat from "sick" and "psychopathic" — if not unwitting — tools that the Soviet Union was assumed to be using. Ironically, given the enormous amount of attention focused on potential communist sympathizers, far fewer people were dismissed for loyalty than for security reasons. President Eisenhower's new, more strident program weeded out far more homosexuals and other security risks than people of who might have been disloyal. Only two people (Julius and Ethel Rosenberg) died as a result of the anti-communist crusade, officially, but there were an uncountable number of suicides and wasted careers. About 150 people were imprisoned on communist-related charges (most being released within two years), and a few foreign-born radicals were deported. A t the same time, about 10,000 Americans of liberal and free-conscience political persuasions suffered the same fate as did thousands of homosexuals who were discharged from employment due to real or suspected charges.1 Several suicides also occurred over the homosexual issue (including that of a blackmailed father, 609 �Senator Lester Hunt, and that of the State Department's Finnish desk officer, John Montgomery), though none was publicly linked to the m atter at the time. News stories were largely limited to brief accounts of government statistics regarding the numbers of homosexuals and communists fired. The 1950 Senate inquiries encouraged an already officially sanctioned climate of "lavender-baiting." During the full-Senate inquiry, Senators Mundt and McClellan, Chief Counsel Frip Flanagan and even James Webb and Carlisle Humelsine of the State D epartm ent perpetuated stereotypes of sex perverts being blackmailed and/or selling secrets. Following Kenneth W herry's lead, they received and repeated without question the C.I.A.’s arguments regarding Colonel Raedl and the rumors of the infamous Nazi list in Stalin's hands. Those who had to pay the price because of potential homosexual-communist subversives were not American versions of Burgess or even of the Williamses and Mitchells of other countries, buf regular employees of the federal government. The loss of expertise within the State Department personnel was ruinous; the cost of homophobia in terms of mental strain, paranoia and lost opportunities for Ironically (or workers at all federal agencies was as well. perhaps fittingly), the homophobic atmosphere eventually affected even Senator McCarthy, directly through his Cohn-Schine ties and the "pixie" joke during the Army hearings, and indirectly through rumors about his bar haunts. 610 In another twist of �irony, the political climate in late 1990s America has seen a dramatic reversal from the early 1950s. Like the Hiss, Lattimore, Fuchs, Remington and other anti-communist investigations, a 1998 Republican-led impeachm ent attempt based at least partially on sexual matters held the attention of the nation for months, while the potential spy scandal of the decade — nuclear technology stolen by China — was quietly investigated by a bipartisan subcommittee, along the lines of Senator Hoey's group in 1950. For conservatives such as Senator Kenneth W herry, homophobia functioned as a m ajor part of a masculinist worldview. W herry saw a nightmarish New Deal manipulated by "alien-m inded radicals" who were out to destroy American liberties and to weaken a State Department already hopelessly "soft on Communism." W ords like "immoral" referred both to corruption in government and sexual misconduct; indeed, the conflated meanings were linked in the text of the Internal Security Act of 1950, which m andated the deportation of "subversive, criminal, or immoral classes."2 Wherry's views were a "natural concomitant to his fulminations against 'Remote Bigness'" — to the anti-liberal, anti-East Coast, anti­ intellectual and anti-urban imagery he shared with his Populist M idw estern p red ecesso rs.3 He believed in conspiracies against the United States, overt and covert, and he saw them encouraged and assisted by the naivete and ignorance of "weak-minded" officials like 611 �Dean Acheson. Nevertheless, given Wherry's prominent role in Republican legislative circles, his critiques were more carefully phrased than the overtly homophobic language of Joseph McCarthy and others. W herry's and McCarthy's rhetoric may be differentiated in the same way that heterosexism and homophobia differ. McCarthy’s near-pathological focus on perverts betrays the core of his "fear map" more than rational concerns about potential blackmail of certain government personnel. Wherry's worldview, on the other hand, while similar in its emphasis on "foreign" conspiracy, sees homosexuals as part of the victimization process. Monolithic Communism seduced liberal allies (closely positioned on the ideological spectrum), willing (Acheson) or unwilling/naive (Truman), and used unwilling victims (gay government employees) whose "moral weakness" made their presence a dangerous, national security issue. Unlike the paranoid McCarthy, the heterosexist Wherry never implied that homosexuals found in the State Department damned diplomacy in general to a type of moral degeneracy; they were simply "sick" people who needed help and were a "menace" because they were vulnerable. Having conceded this much to Wherry's sincerity, however, the fact remains that the Senate inquiries undoubtedly added to the disrepute and weakening of the State Department. For that, much of the blame must be placed at W herry's feet. 612 �The 1950 investigations, moreover, were certainly part of the political battles of the day and cannot be considered solely in light of the nation's internal-security demands in that particular year. In his "preliminary investigation," Senator W herry m anipulated police estimates and C.I.A. information on spies to present the homosexual problem in the most damning manner to the administration; Senator Lister Hill seemed unable or unwilling to blunt to the attacks of his Midwestern colleague. Similarly, the members of the Hoey Committee entered into their inquiry with foregone conclusions and were unconcerned with understanding the rationale of present practice. The testimony they heard was tailored, for the m ost part, to present the homosexual problem as Truman's failure; no consideration was ever given, for example, to ascertaining if known or suspected homosexuals could possibly work in "non-sensitive" jobs. Conceptions of masculinity aside, homophobia added legitimacy to anti-liberal attitudes which had existed since the mid-1930s but which came to be known officially as Cold War anti-communism. Senators Wherry, Mundt, McClellan and others were part of the neo-conservative wave which would eventually transform former populists and Southern Democrats into Reagan/Bush Republicans by the late 1980s. Today's political liberals and conservatives no longer have the foil of Communist Russia with which to wage battle. Even "Red" China has become merely another geostrategic rival, but will 613 �probably not revert to the demonized, mortal enemy it became back when it first "fell" to Communism. Issues of "big government" still survive, however, with a late-1990s Congress battling President Clinton over comprehensive health care much the same way in which Senators Hoey, Wherry and others battled their presidential Democrat over the 1950 Compulsory Health Insurance bill. The 1950 anti-homosexual investigations reveal yet another questionable chapter in the war members of Congress often wage against the president for power. Why did the Senate investigate "the Infiltration of Subversives and Moral Perverts into the Executive Branch of the United States Government" (Kenneth W herry's report focus) instead of "the Infiltration of Subversive Activity and Homosexuals in Government Service" (covering the entire system, as Lister Hill sought)? Similar dilemmas have befallen subsequent Congresses — campaign finance questions, for example, plagued both major parties following the 1996 elections, for example, yet the resulting investigations focused on one party and not the system as a whole (leaving the integrity of the investigation in serious doubt). W ith the campaign finance issue, however, at least the majority party (Republicans) could alone be blamed for the bias of focus, whereas in the spring of 1950, numerous members of the majority (Democratic) party collaborated with their more vociferous and vocal, yet erstwhile opponents from the minority party to initiate the larger, possibly unnecessary, and embarrassing investigation. 614 �As in many cases in history, the executive office was caught in a "Catch-22" situation. Truman and his assistants risked the undermining of their administration's integrity and that of the entire federal government by refusing to take seriously the threat of McCarthyism in the spring of 1950. The President was already fighting McCarthy over access to the personnel files of the 108 cases from 1948, so another fight over 91 homosexuals was hardly a battle he would have desired to take on. Furthermore, another executive order covering the reemployment issue would only have infuriated a power-conscious Congress even more. Truman lost little, therefore, in having his staff cooperate with the Hoey Committee investigation, and in signing Public Law 773 (the summary-dismissal bill) on August 26, 1950. By then, however, the sexual and political bandwagons had picked up speed and turned into a single freight train (starting in the form of McCarran Internal Security Act) which would roar through Washington for the remaining two years of the Truman administration. By the end of 1950, even Congress was too busy to take much notice of the Hoey Committee Report since the Korean W ar provided bigger fish to fry — like Dean Acheson and Truman himself. Later, even the Eisenhower administration found itself in the same executive-legislative power struggle when it promulgated the new security program and allowed a "round two" of the "pervert purge" under M cCarthyite State Departm ent security director Scott McLeod. 615 �President Truman was correct in more than one sense, in late M arch 1950, when he called Republican Senators Wherry, McCarthy and Bridges pawns of Stalin. For with the anti-homosexual purges, the United States joined the Soviet Union (its erstwhile rival for preponderance of global power) in ridding government ranks of those men whose masculinity could not be measured by heterosexist standards. At least the American government went about its "pervert purge" in a more civilized way, sparing the victims the horrors of gulags and prison camps. American homosexuals were spared neither social, political and economic ostracism, however, nor the ravages of a psychiatric establishment which resorted even to electrotherapy, lobotomies and mental hospitals in order to protect the nation from sexual deviants. A few brave souls dared to stand up against the tidal wave of McCarthyite rhetoric, partisan attacks and witchhunts. Dr. Robert E. Felix, head of the National Institute of Mental Health, for one, appealed to three groups of personnel security directors in his June 1950 seminar — a "progressive" view though not necessarily pro-homosexual — but the Hoey Committee inquiry overlooked Felix's previous differentiation between sensitive and non-sensitive job capabilities. Even Felix himself knew he was swimming against a strong tide when he faced the Committee, though he privately bemoaned how his analysis had been used in such a crassly political fashion against the government. Social commentators like C.B.S. radio 616 �host Eric Sevareid and New York Post reporter, Professor Max Lerner, also attempted to provide a rare, balanced view of the homosexuality issue to the general public. In any other summer, without several months of irresponsible and vicious attacks by an insecure, junior Senator from Wisconsin, and without the later increased tension due to the war in Korea, the reports of Sevareid and Lerner might have had greater effect. Likewise, the pro-employee-rights counsel of W hite House Assistant Steve Spingarn might have been received better, if not for the negative climate of the day. Newspaper articles on the homosexual issue in 1950 can be both commended for providing basic coverage and criticized for attempting little in-depth analysis. Politically moderate papers such as the Baltim ore Sun — in its coverage of Dr. Felix's June 1950 ambiguous "school" course on homosexual-security issues, for example — were able to imply a more progressive, yet double-edged view toward homosexuality, while also expressing its weariness towards having to cover yet another witchhunt. No attempt, however, was made to interview homosexuals fired from their jobs, or non-government-employed homosexuals. Even Lerner's New York P o st series made little headway into breaking the barriers between mythical and hypothetical versus actual, interviewed homosexuals. Overall, therefore, the press merely reacted to the Senate-inspired "crisis" and lost the chance to independently verify claims that homosexuals might sell out their country in order to safeguard their 617 �homosexuals might sell out their country in order to safeguard their personal integrity. Constituents who wrote their senators were usually more patronizing in their criticism of both the homosexual problem as well as the communist one. Two known correspondents — both female and one a social worker, who were undoubtedly aware of the growing, homosexual, urban subcultures in their cities — berated Senators for "snooping" in the sex lives of Americans and exposing the homophobic "ignorance of human personality development" , reflected by new laws and inquiries.4 the McCarthy years, however. Such sympathy was rare in No politician felt any compunction to stand up for victims of potential employee-rights violations, since the legal and moral system uniformly supported the criminalization of homosexuality. No sympathy needed to be extended, therefore, to those "separated" for homosexual-related charges. Indeed, given the possibility that numerous Soviet spies were manipulating the sentiments of left-liberal members of the State Department and other government agencies, any defense of homosexuals could have been politically disastrous and even treasonable. * * * By no means should today's absence of a credible security-risk/blackmail threat be taken as the end of the decades-long drama. For the very absence of such an argument in 618 �the 1990s reveals all the more clearly the residual and more lasting homophobia which underlay the entire "queer scare" to begin with. As seen in the previous chapter overviewing images of and attitudes toward homosexuality up to the late 1940s, the anti-homosexual purge would have increased regardless of McCarthyism, just on a more even level and without nearly as much publicity.5 The vastly increased indulgence in politicized homophobia, therefore, led to the use of the homosexual issue -- in the hands of Truman administration critics growing more and more desperate to end twenty years of "liberal Democratic" rule in Washington — as a further brickbat in the McCarthyite brawls that swept the nation's capital. Both the armed forces and civilian government agencies had instituted heterosexist (anti-homosexual but not necessarily paranoid) security policies well before the 1950 Senate investigations sought to more fully "eradicate this menace" in civilian employment. The "pervert purge" had, in fact, been going on since at least 1942, had increased at the end of the war, and would have continued through the 1950s whether or not Assistant Secretary of State John Peurifoy had ever mentioned 91 homosexuals in an attempt to deflate McCarthy's charge of Communists within the ranks of the State Department. Visa-selling personnel like John Williams presumably would have been caught sooner or later (regardless of 619 �their sexuality) since the existing security apparatuses within government agencies would have continued operating as effectively as they had previously. The Hoey Committee investigation of homosexuals, therefore, was unnecessary in one sense. The mechanism for weeding out subversives (sexual and political) had been in place for years before 1950, and it had worked well. The only problem, which Wherry, to his credit, correctly discerned was that the system allowed for face-saving resignations for "personal reasons" — if employees dared to reapply at another government agency, they had the technical and legal means to do so. These "rehirees" were, indeed, security risks by the standards of the day; let analysts not confuse the validity of the security risk argument with the existing social, legal and moral conditions facing historical actors within the confines of their own culture. The fact remains that, once defined as such by the albeit homophobic standards of 1950, hom osexuals-as-security-risks should have been removed from the government ranks. The paradox about W herry's reemployment loophole was that it proved to be both a legitimate breach of security and an enormous political brickbat. The question remains: Could the tightening of the security loophole have been accomplished by a less paranoid, obsessive, inflammatory and compassionate means? Could the problem have been resolved through a simple executive order to ensure greater Civil Service Commission vigilance? 620 Furthermore, �could not the F.B.I.'s cross-checking of files, the strict reapplication standards, and employees' unfettered right to appeal a verdict have proceeded under the existing regulations more effectively than it had b e fo re ? No American homosexual was ever proven to have stolen secrets for a foreign power because of blackmail. interpreted in various ways. This fact can be First, one could say that the government's efforts to eliminate homosexuals from its ranks were successful. Even if the Soviet Union sought to exploit the weaknesses of "perverts" in the American government, the security net was cast so tight that no one slipped through — even though the Mitchell case from June of 1960 could disprove such a claim. Overall, however, the 1950 Senate inquiries exposed and plugged the loopholes in existing internal-security procedures, creating a more efficient and commendable program. Secondly, one could argue to the contrary, that the Soviet Union never had any "list of homosexuals" (from Hitler or anyone else), so the "threat" was a paranoid delusion of rabid Cold W arriors and/or an underhanded weapon of desperate opponents of a Truman administration and "liberal" State Department guilty of "selling out" America at Yalta and Pots dam. Thirdly, it could also be argued that homosexuals were not likely to betray their country since the threat of ostracism was greater for sexual than political sins. The construction of cowardly, cringing homosexuals begging to do anything to avoid exposure was clearly 621 �one based on the pathology model of homosexuality, and thus a convenient tool for senators, police lieutenants and government security chiefs who had a preconceived notion of what "those people" were like. Testimony during the 1950 Hoey Committee, however, revealed that accused homosexuals sought to retain their jobs, even in "non-secure" jobs. At least one homosexual even offered his services to Senator Mundt to help catch others — questionable ethics, perhaps, but spurred by overzealous patriotism. Even the case of Auger Hiss supports this latter position. Hiss could not afford to level the fatally damaging accusation of homosexuality against W hittaker Chambers since Hiss could be counter-accused of raising a homosexual step-son. Hiss' claim that he wanted to protect his step-son from adverse public attention thus covered up the fact that Hiss would have been labeled a failed father; Chambers, as well, could have used the weapon of homophobia against Hiss, claiming that Hiss was homosexual, too, and leaving the matter in a "he said, he said" impasse. As it was, Hiss relinquished the opportunity to defend himself for the sake of family duty and his own sense of sexual propriety — at the loss of his political reputation. Another, unspoken aspect of the "pervert purge" is that homosexuals were blackmailable due to institutionalized American homophobia. Once the possibility of blackmail existed, homosexuals had to be separated from government ranks. serve if they wanted to admit their status? 622 But why couldn't they Carmel Offie, the former �secretary to Ambassador William Bullitt who hypocritically helped torpedo the career of Sumner Welles in 1943, proved him self beyond the purview of blackmailers since he was comparatively open about his own homosexuality. This did not keep Offie from being fired from the State Department, however, but it did show that a known homosexual could and did function as an active Cold W arrior promoting American interests overseas. This argument breaks down, however, since most American homosexuals would not have risked being as well known as Offie, and even he was sidelined from official view by the 1950s and had to continue his career in relative obscurity. The tautological reasoning behind the fact that a homophobic society would not allow the possibility of openly homosexual men and women to serve their country, however, should not be overlooked. Blackmail was possible only in a society intolerant of sexual and political deviants. But even this argument has its flaws. Why weren't homosexuals allowed to "come out" after the gay-rights movement and thus openly serve their country? If American society accepted homosexuals, as it began to do in the 1970s, then the Soviet Union could no longer use the weapon of homosexual blackmail. Perhaps the delay was the result of the Reagan Revolution in domestic politics and renewed Cold W ar tensions internationally. In any case, society had not accepted homosexuals enough in the 1980s to where the threat of blackmail had subsided entirely. 623 �There can be no true "test case" scenario, therefore, to prove which was a more enduring impulse in American history, anti-communism or homophobia. A time of relative social tolerance toward homosexuals has never existed concurrently with a time of Cold War-type tensions. The two phenomena began to wane during the same basic period, starting in the 1970s. If the Cold W ar would have ended during the period of detente, then anti-homosexual security regulations could have been eliminated more in keeping with growing social acceptance of gay and lesbian people. As it was, a gradually socially liberalizing America had to wait until the Cold W ar was over, officially — until the Soviet, threat-instigating "menace" was defeated — before the President could eliminate its anti-homosexual security regulations and stop eradicating the "menace" of homosexuals from government jobs. Clinton's 1994 directive and increasing social tolerance should prevent any future return of anti-homosexual policies in civilian government even if Cold War-style tensions arise between the U.S. and China or any other global rival. Today, the only remaining obstacles to the final removal of the 1950s-era "queer scare" appear as remnants of a past era. The occasional backlash from certain homophobic members of Congress and the m ilitary's continued intolerance toward homosexual service members are no longer based on geostrategic factors. Political homophobia has devolved to the level of personalized and 624 �anti-liberal slander; even the pre-Cold W ar atmosphere wherein Sumner Welles was forced to resign out of partisan attack seems unlikely at the dawn of the twenty-first century. * * * Despite discussion of a rare few individual cases, the purpose of this study has not been to "out" anyone as a homosexual. The sexual proclivities of Welles, Whittaker Chambers, Carmel Offie, Joseph McCarthy, Roy Cohn and others have been documented to various degrees, and historians will argue the validity of the charges against each man well into the twenty-first century. Their specific cases came to light, however, due to the politicized nature of the anti-homosexual side of American culture during the early Cold W ar period. I have refrained from touching upon the case of another reputed homosexual, F.B.I. Director J. Edgar Hoover, precisely because the main charges against him (those of cross dressing) happened during the 1960s. Hoover stood firmly on the side of the "pervert purge" in 1950 and continued to use sexual "dirt" against his enemies during his entire tenure. His role during the 1950 Senate investigations was a supportive one, and one which could be judged hypocritical were it shown that he had been secretly homosexual during that time. Proving whether any one individual was or was not homosexual is beside the point, however. Men like Roy Cohn, whose homosexuality was later conclusively established, functioned as if they were not 625 �homosexual since their conception of sexuality was based on the older, now-outdated social construction of gender roles, not upon sexual orientation. If one were a masculine "top man" and played the male role, one could conceive of oneself (or deceive oneself, by today's standards) as heterosexual. This role-based conception had come under professional and government scrutiny by the 1940s, however, to where anyone engaging In homosexual activity was considered a "pervert" regardless of the "active" (male) or "passive" (female) role played in the sex act; no longer was a "sodomite" the prissy, effeminate men who were the reputed objects of the 1919 entrapment scheme at the Newport Naval Station. Since men like McCarthy and Cohn could pass as heterosexuals, still, in the 1950s, their self-appointed roles as guardians of America was relatively safe. Other, "deviant" people were homosexuals and in need of "separation" from government ranks . . . * * * Credit must be given to those who sought to keep the anti­ homosexual inquiries from turning into a modern-day inquisition. The queer scare was different from the House Un-American Activities Committee's attacks on the Hollywood film-making industry. None of the public smear-by-subpoena appeared during the anti-hom osexual investigations.6 The "pervert probe" was conducted behind closed doors and largely out of the limelight due to 626 �Senator Hoey's insistence on countering the McCarthy witchhunt scenario, the taboo nature of the subject of discussion, and the distractions of the Korean War. But even the more diplomatic methods of the anti-homosexual inquiries can be seen as concealing less altruistic motives. For instance, investigators had a valid mechanism at their disposal to safeguard potential speakers. The long-argued "closed session," however, was not necessarily used to protect homosexuals; specific cases would have been discussed off the record whether the sessions were closed or open. The only other people to protect were the "experts" testifying about homosexuals — professionals whose potentially contradictory views could have confused the issue to no end, were their testimonies made public. Closed-door sessions, therefore, facilitated preconceived judgments and pro forma conclusions. Conveniently, as well, the only "leaks" to the press during the Hoey Committee investigation supported the majority conception of homosexuals as security risks; kept tightly under wraps. contrary testimony was The demonization of the homosexual "other" thus fully colonized subjects of the purge under the guise of "protecting" them from adverse publicity. In addition, no redemptive mea culpa homosexuals as it was for ex-communists. was allowed for At least the House Committee on Un-American Activities allowed accused communists to speak in their defense, though the public nature of such 627 �appearances often destroyed the reputation of the accused. W hittaker Chambers embodies this difference in confessions — he was able to rehabilitate himself by admitting he had been a communist in the 1930s, and by turning on, turning in and testifying against his supposed former accomplices, while even he had to keep his sexual deviance hidden. Nonetheless, despite the lack of H.U.A.C.-style subpoenas, homosexuals were subjected to a gauntlet of standard security procedures which potentially violated their rights as citizens. Government security officers and the F.B.I. privately pressured accused homosexuals to both confess their "crimes" and divulge the identities of their previous sex partners. Such a process was and still is standard in most criminal investigations, but in this case, it amounted to a situation by which the U.S. government implicitly blackmailed the very people they feared the Communists might blackmail. Homosexuals were most often spared the devastation of public notoriety, but their lives and careers were still ruined and they faced similar ethical dilemmas as those accused of disloyalty. Even in the latter case, the Hollywood blacklist went away within a decade or so, with victims later being celebrated. Homosexuals were in a special bind and most often became political outcasts for a lifetim e. The lack of homosexuals testifying before Hoey Committee also allows charges of a lack of integrity on the part of the American 628 �government. At no time during the 1950 Senate investigations were homosexual employees allowed to speak for themselves in defense of their right to hold even "non-sensitive" jobs. Not that many would have dared to come forward, and many who might have would have agreed with the "security risk" definition. The Hoey Committee would have been faced with a greater representation dilemma than they faced in deciding which of the many "experts" to testify; the problem of vetting witnesses based on their probable testimony could have destroyed the credibility of the inquiry, altogether. Outside the committee rooms, homosexual voices against the purge were similarly nonexistent. No letters of protest or support were sent by either self-proclaimed and/or self-loathing homosexuals, not even anonymously. Nonetheless, D.W. Cory’s 1951 book and even the slow-growing M attachine Society can be taken as indirect protests against the Hoey Committee. The sad fact of the anti-homosexual investigations remains the fear which enveloped all those potentially accused — even a half-century later, many survivors of the era remain locked in closets of shame and refuse to divulge the details of their firings for fear of losing pensions or (for those who upheld heterosexist social proscriptions and remained married) out of a desire not to embarrass their children and grandchildren. The historical record remains largely locked, as well. Files kept on fired homosexuals are still protected by privacy laws -safeguarding personal secrets and perpetuating national secrecy 629 �about a topic many would still hold as taboo. The anti-homosexual purge, therefore, holds a unique place in Cold War history, one where, even after the threat has officially past, the penalties remain — or are self-maintained ~ by victims who are theoretically now free to tell their stories but who have internalized the silencing effect of politicized homophobia. A triumphant return along the lines of that allowed for Hollywood blacklist victims is possible but unlikely. Homosexuals were thus also caught in the proverbial "Catch 22." Unlike communism, homosexuality could not be seen as an "idea" since it was also judged an mental illness. No true rehabilitation was possible for an innate condition, so society could maintain its bias against that particular group and individuals could be denied security clearance in perpetuity. On the other hand, members of the nation's psychological establishment who testified before the 1950 Hoey Committee based their diagnoses on the gender-role model of sexuality and therefore insisted that a rare few individuals could change their sexual "preferences." This allowed Senate investigators to claim that homosexuals were purposeful deviants who could change their behavior if they so chose. "Sexual perverts" could thus be constructed as subversive elements whose very presence in a government office was, in the words of Republican National Committee Chairman Guy George Gabrielson, "perhaps as dangerous as the actual Communists."7 630 �Because of the professional and official condemnation of homosexuality, Americans did not have to face the inconsistencies of their own homophobia, which went well beyond the rational strictures of internal security. Cold W ar homophobia thus functioned in a way similar to ideological anti-communism. One historian's description of the countersubversive nature of anti-communism equally fits the ideological impulse behind politicized homophobia, masculinism and heterosexism. The countersubversive tradition was "a subterranean source of popular irrationality and xenophobia that could be exploited by ambitious politicians or special-interest groups to direct hostility against the opponents of their choice."8 The intensity of anti-communist paranoia, combined with anti-homosexual fears, make the "irrationality" of the "countersubversive tradition" seem almost predictable, much less irrational. No one, for instance, thought of applying to homosexuals the critique of anti-communist intolerance voiced by Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas in early 1952. always be free. "The mind of man must The strong society is one that sanctions and encourages freedom of thought and expression," Douglas reminded the nation. "If we are true to our traditions, if we are tolerant of a whole market place of ideas, we will always be strong. Our weakness grows when we become intolerant of opposing ideas, depart from our 631 �standards of civil liberties, and borrow the policeman's philosophy from the enemy we detest."9 The fears of Cold War American homophobes stifled consideration of treating homosexuals as fellow Americans with differing opinions. As with communists, homosexuals were assumed to have fallen under the influence of an alien influence; anti-communism and anti-homosexualism each formed a deadly mixture of xenophobia and the realization that America was vulnerable for the first time after the Soviets exploded their first atomic bomb. Just as the homophobic and heterosexual male feared being placed in the submissive, "feminine" sexual position, leaving him open to "penetration" in every sense — with the assumed loss of masculine dignity and self-control — Cold War American leaders saw in the homosexual threat a mirror image of their worst nightmare, the dreaded "penetration" of America by the Soviet Union. As we have seen, the anti-homosexual investigators involved not just a coalition of ambitious leaders who manipulated public sentiment and rational arguments of blackmail to aim the "queer scare" weapon at the Truman administration. Their largely partisan politics also functioned as a masculinist and heterosexist shield against the moral decay and foreign invasion of the United S tates. A study employing gender discourse clearly has its advantages and limitations, as this essay shows. 632 The addition of "lavenders" to �"Reds" and "pinks" does more than add to a "colorist" historical repertoire; it sexualizes the discourse and challenges decades of Cold W ar history thinking and heterosexist silencing. Critics of Frank Costigliola's recent article on gendered "tropes" in foreign-policy rhetoric shows how the meanings of words are connotative, culturally bound and temporally specific.10 Rather than merely examining the use of tropes and semantics, the historicization of gendered images, fear-maps and worldviews is valuable as means to further expand the parameters of discourse. In that sense I applaud Costigliola's efforts and hope to contribute to a fuller exploration of the worldviews of Cold W ar policym akers.11 We must continue seeking to better understand the motivations of positions and actions of those who have long passed into history themselves but whose policies effected the nation for the entire Cold W ar.12 * * * The 1950s, therefore, can truly be seen as a "dark age" of American homophobia. Fears of lost or failed masculinity suffused the entire political climate. Gone was the "pansy craze" of the 1920s, when a harmless, quaint and even entertaining era of drag queens and effeminate men could thrive on the margins of society. Yet the concept of "sexual identity" had not yet emerged, leaving all Americans in the limbo of "latent homosexuality" whereby none could prove beyond the shadow of doubt that one was not a potential 633 �security threat or child molester. Once the new concept emerged, both heterosexual and homosexual people could claim a relatively ironclad identity backed up by changes in the medico-psychological establishment. That change, however, came too late for the thousands of federal employees "separated" during the early Cold W ar anti-homosexual witchhunt, when cultural and institutionalized hom ophobia reigned supreme. The anti-communist and anti-homosexual impulses in Cold W ar American history functioned hand in hand. W hat some historians have called the anti-communist "National Security State" also functioned as a convenient smoke-screen for ridding the federal ranks of threats to the Cold W ar heteronormative paradigm which developed after the end of the Second World War. The anti-homosexual aspects of this developing phenomenon were only magnified by the politicization of the "pervert purge" during the course of 1950. "Eradicating this menace" became a Cold War dom estic-containment imperative -- the U.S. Senate safeguarding the image of America as a heterosexual nation -- as well as a weapon against a "lax" and similarly demonized, liberal administration. Given the fact that politicized attacks against homosexuality still exist after the end of the Cold War in the 1990s (albeit in a much more limited form that in the 1950s), the claim can be made that homophobia and heterosexism thus were more durable features of American culture than was anti-com m unism . 634 �Did Kenneth Wherry and the other instigators of the 1950 investigation need to go to such great lengths to root out blackmail threats in government? Not likely. The system operating before the purges — that of quiet transfer or dismissal — would have continued to solve the problems posed by those so stigmatized by society. W hat Wherry, Hoey and others accomplished, however, was a further discrediting of the State Department and other government agencies for the sake of partisan gain and out of a sense of acting as America's moral saviors. Did the anti-homosexual investigations and purges matter? Was a half-century of homophobic Federal military and government policy necessary to keep the "moral fiber" of America from falling prey to decadence and communism? The collapse of both the Soviet Union and the anti-homosexual legal and social systems prove that the fears of Wherry, McCarthy and others were misplaced and highly exaggerated. Their basic assumption — the conflation of socialism -com m unism and hom osexuality-weakened m asculinity — was fatally flawed. perpetuate the myth. They just played upon wide-spread fears to In the end, the Republicans did return to office after a twenty-year absence. The high cost of victory, though, affected the nation for decades to come. 635 �1 On job loss, see Ralph S. Brown, Jr., "Loyalty-Security Measures and Employment Opportunities," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (April 1955), 11317; on imprisonments, see Ellen Schrecker, The Age of McCarthvism: A Brief History with Documents (Boston: Bedford Books, 1994), 76. 2 See, for example, Wherry's letters of May 13, 1943 to Ross Mickey (Columbus, NE.), in Wherry Papers, Box 14, Folder "Mickey, Ross"; and of June 16, 1951 to Senator Harry F, Byrd [Box 13, Folder "Misc. Corres. - Save"]. See also Press Release of Wherry's address to "Young Republican Rally and Picnic" [Box 19, Folder "Speech - 7-29-51 - Young Republicans - Vennelyst Park, Omaha"] On the McCarran (Internal Security) Act, which Wherry had helped sponsor, see materials in Box 11, Folder "S. 4037." 3 Quote from Harl Dalstrom,"Kenneth S. Wherry," unpublished Master's thesis, Univ. of Nebraska (1965), 984. 4 See letters of Joan Bathrick to Lister Hill (May 25, 1950), in Hill Papers [discussed in Chap. 4]; and of Phyllis Ireland to Clyde Hoey (Dec. 19, 1950), in Hoey Papers [discussed in Chap. 7], This study thus contributes to the historiography of homosexuality only as foreground to the world of compulsory, institutionalized heteronormativity -similar to Kenneth Stampp’s 1956 study of the effects of slavery on white slave-owners — much more is revealed about the fear-driven worldviews of the investigators rather than objective realities of the subjects of inquiry. I must leave it to future historians to rescue the remaining voices of those blacklisted from government service as "perverts" and "security risks." 5 6 See Navasky, Naming Names, esp. 75, 304, 392. 7 Quoted in New York Times (Apr. 19, 1950), 25:3. 8 Schrecker, The Age of McCarthvism. 10. 9 William O. Douglas, "The Black Silence of Fear," New York Times Magazine (Jan. 13, 1952), 37-38. 10 See Frank Costigliola, "The Nuclear Family: Tropes of Gender and Pathology in the Western Alliance," Diplomatic History 21, 2 (Spring 1997), 163-84 [originally published as "’Unceasing Pressure for Penetration': Gender, Pathology, and Emotion in George Kennan's Formation of the Cold War," Journal of American History 83, 4 (March 1997), 1309-39]. 11 See also the works of Robert D. Dean, "Masculinity as Ideology: Kennedy and the Domestic Politics of Foreign Policy," Diplomatic (Winter 1998), 29-62; and Imperial Brotherhood: Gender and the Cold War Foreign Policy (Amherst: Univ. of Massachusetts Press, 1999-2000]). John F. History 22, 1 Making of [forthcoming, 12 See Appendix for vignettes of the subsequent careers o f key players in the anti-hom osexual purge. 636 �BIBLIOGRAPHY GOVERNMENT REPORTS: California, State of. Department of Mental Hygiene. "Final Report on California Sexual Deviation Research." Vol. 20, No. 1. Sacramento: Assembly of the State of California, March 1954. Florida, State of. Florida Legislative Investigative Committee [FLIC]. "Homosexuality and Citizenship in Florida." Tallahassee: FLIC, 1964. Kansas, State of. House of Representatives. Topeka: [n.p,], Jan, 23, 1962. "House Journal, Proceedings." United Kingdom, Government of. Report of the Committee on Homosexual Offenses and Prostitution. (1957) London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 1962. [Reprinted in U.S. (New York: Stein and Day, 1963, and Lancer, 1964)]. United States. Congress (99th Congress, 1st Session). Memorial Addresses and Other Tributes in the United States on the Life and Contributions of Lister Hill. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1985. (82d Congress, 2d Session). Memorial Services held in the House of Representatives and Senate of the United States, together with remarks presented in eulogy of Kenneth Spicer Wherrv. late a Senator from Nebraska. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1952. (83d Congress, 2d Session). Memorial Services held in the House of Representatives and Senate of the United States, together with remarks presented in eulogy of Clyde Roark Hoey. late a Senator from North Carolina. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1954. (85th Congress, 1st Session). Memorial Services held in the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, together with Remarks Presented in Eulogy of Joseph Raymond McCarthy. Late A Senator From W isconsin. New York: National Weekly, 1959. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Appropriations (81st Congress, 2d Session). "Department of State Appropriations For 1951." Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations. Part 2. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1950. 637 �(82d Congress, 1st Session). "Third Supplemental Appropriation Bill For 1951." Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Appropriations. Part 2. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1951. (82d Congress, 1st Session). "Departments of State Appropriations For 1952. Hearings before a Subcommittee on Appropriations." Feb. 26 - Mar. 2, 1951. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1951. . . (82d Congress, 2d Session). "Department of State Appropriations For 1953. Hearings before a Subcommittee on Appropriations." Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1952. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on the District of Columbia. Subcommittee No. 4 ( 88 th Congress, 1st Session). "Amending the District of Columbia Charitable Solicitation Act, Hearings before Subcommittee No. 4 of the Committee on the District of Columbia on H.R. 5990." Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., Aug. 8-9, 1963. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments (80th Congress, 2d Session). "State Department." Hearings before a subcommittee, Mar.10 & 12, 1948. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1950. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Post Office and Civil Service (80th Congress, 1st session). "Federal Employees' Loyalty Act." Hearings on H.R. 3588. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., June 3-30, 1947. (85thCongress, 1st session). "Federal Employees Security Program." Hearings on H.R. 8322 and similar bills, and H.R. 981. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., July 16, 17, 19 & 23, 1957. (81st Congress, 2d session). "To Protect the National Security of the United States." Hearings on H.R. 7439. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., Mar. 7, 23, 30, 1950. U.S. Congress. House. Committee on Un-American Activities (80th Congress, 2d session). "Hearings Regarding Communist Espionage in the United States Government." Parts 1 & 2. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., Aug. & Dec. 1948. U. S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Appropriations (81st Congress, 2d Session). "Departments of State, Justice, Commerce and the Judiciary Appropriations for 1951. Hearings before a Subcommittee on Appropriations." Part 1. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1950. 638 �(81st Congress, 2d session). "Supplemental Appropriations for 1951." Hearings, Sept. 7, 1950. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1951. . -----. (82d Congress, 1st session). "Departments of State, Justice, Commerce and the Judiciary Appropriations for 1952. Hearings before a Subcommittee on Appropriations." Part 1, Feb, 28 - June 6 , 1951. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1951. (81st Congress, 2d Session). Subcommittee on Appropriations for the District of Columbia. "Report, of the Investigations of the Junior Senator of Nebraska, a Member of the Subcommittee Appointed by the Subcommittee on Appropriations for the District of Columbia, on the Infiltration of Subversives and Moral Perverts into the Executive Branch of the United States Government." Rep't No. — [unnumbered], May [17], 1950. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O, 1950. . -----. -----. ----- (81st Congress, 2d Session). "Report, made by the Chairman, the Senior Senator from Alabama, of the Investigations of the Subcommittee Appointed by the Subcommittee on Appropriations for the District of Columbia, on the Infiltration of Subversive Activity and Homosexuals in Government Service." Rep’t No. [unnumbered], May 1950. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O, 1950. U. S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Armed Services (81st Congress, 2d session), "Summary Suspension [of] Civilian Government Employees and Other Bills." Hearings on Nominations, H.R. 8139, S. 3446, and H.R. 7439. Washington, D.C.: U.S.G.P.O., July 20 & 21, 1950. (80th Congress, 2d session). "Summary Termination of Employment of Civilian Employees and to Equalize Retirement Benefits Among Members of Army-Navy Nurse Corps." Hearings on S. 1561 and S. 1570. Feb. 27, 1948. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1948. U. S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments (81st Congress, 2d session). "The Five Percenter Investigation." Interim Report pursuant to S. Res. 52. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., Jan. 22, 1950. ........ ..... ....... (81st Congress, 2d session). "Employment of Moral Perverts by Government Agencies." Report 1746 to accompany S. Res. 280. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., May 25, 1950. 639 �Subcommittee on Investigations (81st Congress, 1st session). "Army Officers' Improper Use of Position to Influence Government Contracts and Administrative Procedure, Investigation," Hearings pursuant to S. Res. 52. Aug. 8-Sept. 1, 1949. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1949. (81st Congress, 2d session). Hearings pursuant to S. Res. 280. Unpublished. Vols. 26, 27, 28, 35 & 36. July 14, 19 & 26 and Sept. 8 & 15, 1950. "Report of Proceedings" transcripts (Ward & Paul, Washington, D.C.), in National Archives I, Record Group 46, Stack Area 4E3, Row 9, Compartment 7, Boxes 6 & 7. , ----- . -----. .— (81st Congress, 2d Session). "Employment of Homosexuals and Other Sex Perverts in Goverment." Interim Report. Document No. 241. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O. Dec. 15, 1950. Reprinted in Government versus Homosexuals (New York: Amo Press, 1975). U. S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Foreign Relations (81st Congress, 1st & 2d Sessions). "Confirmation of Dean Acheson as Secretary of State. Executive Sessions of the Committee on Foreign Relations, Historical Series, Vol. 2." Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1974. (83d Congress, 1st Session). "Loyalty-Security Problems in the Department of State. Executive Sessions of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Historical Series, Vol. 5." Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., February 1977. .--- -----. ----- (83d Congress, 1st Session). "Nomination of Charles E. Bohlen. March 2 and 18, 1953. Hearings before the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, Eighty-Third Congress, First Session, on the Nomination o f Charles E. Bohlen to be United States Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics." Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1953. , -----. (85th Congress, 1st Session)."Nomination of Scott McLeod, Hearings before Committee on Foreign Relations on the Nomination of Scott McLeod to be Ambassador to Ireland, April 30 and May 1, 1957." Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1957. 640 �. ----- (81st Congress, 2d Session). "State Department Loyalty Investigation. Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Foreign Relations pursuant to S. Res. 231." Hearings. 5 vols. March 8 to June 28, 1950. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1950. . ----- (81st Congress, 2d Session). "State Department Loyalty Investigation. Report of the Committee on Foreign Relations pursuant to S. Res. 231.” Report 2108, Parts 1 & 2. July 22, 1950. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1950. .--- ----- ( 86 th Congress, 1st Session). "Study of United Policy. Summary of Views of Retired Foreign Service Officers." 15, 1959. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1959. States Foreign Report. June U. S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Government Operations (82d Congress, 2d Session). "Annual Report of the Committee on Government Operations." Report. Jan. 25, 1954. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1954. U. S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs (81st Congress, 2d Session). "Investigation of Charges by Senator Andrew F. Schoeppel." Hearings. Sept. 7, 8 , 11, 13 & 14, 1950. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1950. U. S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Judiciary ( 86 th Congress, 2d Session). "Communist Threat to the United States Through the Caribbean." 12 vols. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1960. . -----. -----. Subcommittee on Internal Security (82d Congress, 1st & 2d Sessions). "Institute of Pacific Relations." Hearings and Report. 14 vols. July 24, 1951 to June 20, 1952. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1952. . -----. ----- (85th Congress, 1st Session). "Internal Security Annual Report for 1956." Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1957. Subcommittee on Juvenile Delinquency (83d Congress, 2d Session). "Investigation of Alleged Homosexual Activity by Staff Members of the Senate Subcommittee on Juvenile Delinquency." Unpublished Hearing, July 8 , 1954. Executive Session, Confidential. C.I.S. Microfiche Report [83] SJT.190. 641 �U. S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Naval Affairs (67th Congress, 1st Session). "Alleged Immoral Conditions and Practices at the Naval Training Station, Newport, R.I." Report. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1921. U.S. Congress. Senate. Committee on Post Office and Civil Service. Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Federal Employees' Security Program (83d Congress, 2d Session). "Administration of the Federal Employees' Security Program." Hearings. Part 1. Mar. 2, 1954 & May 26-Sept. 28, 1955. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1956. U.S. Department of Defense. Navy. "Report of the Board Appointed to Prepare and Submit Recommendations to the Secretary of the Navy for the Revision of Policies, Procedures and Directives Dealing with Homosexuals, 21 December 1956 - 15 March 1957." Unpublished; released to public, 1977. U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare. National Institute of Mental Health [NIMH]. "Final Report of the Task Force on Homosexuality." Washington, D.C.: NIMH, Oct. 10, 1969. , -----. "Final Report and Background Papers," 9116. Washington, D.C.: NIMH, 1972. DHEW Pub. No. (HMS) 72- U.S. Department of the Interior. Records of the Office of the Secretary of the Interior. Central Classified Files, 1937-1953. File No. 12-41 - Administrative (Part 7), Jan. 20, 1950 - Dec. 18, 1950. In R.G. 48, Box 3838, National Archives II, College Park, MD. U.S. Department of State. Biographic Register. Washington, D.C.: Various issues, 1946-56. . Department of State Bulletin. Various issues, 1949-54. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of State. . Foreign Relations of the United States. Washington, D.C.: Various volumes, 1950-94 [cited as FRUS1. . State Magazine. issues, 1988-98. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O. U.S. G.P.O. U.S. Department of State. Various . United States Relations With China. With Special Reference to the Period 1944-1949. Washington, D.C.; U.S. G.P.O., 1949. 642 �M A N U S C R IP T C O L L E C T IO N S Eisenhower, Dwight D. Presidential Library and Archives, Abilene, Kansas. Evans, Len. Papers of Len Evans, 1920-1983. McCarthy Project Oral History Interviews, OHP GLHS #00-01 to #00-08. Record Group 93-8. San Francisco, CA.: [joint holdings by] San Francisco Archives, Special Collections, San Francisco Public Library (SFPL), and the Gay and Lesbian Historical Society of Northern California (GLHSNC). Hill, J. Lister. Lister Hill Papers, Hoole Special Collections Library, University of Alabama (Tuscaloosa, AL.). Lister Hill Files [unindexed, miscellaneous clippings and reference files], Alabama Department of Archives and History (Montgomery, AL.). Hoey, Clyde Roark Hoey. Papers. Special Collections, Duke University, Durham, N.C. Cited in notes as Hoey Papers. International Gay and Lesbian Archives/ONE Institute for Homophile Studies. West Hollywood, CA. Matthews, J. B. Papers. Special Collections, Duke University, Durham, N.C. Mundt, Karl E. Papers. Karl E. Mundt Historical and Educational Foundation and Archives, Dakota State University, Madison, S.D. Nixon, Richard M. Senatorial and Vice Presidential Papers. Richard M. Nixon Library and Archives, Yorba Linda, CA.; and National Archives, Pacific Branch, Laguna Niguel, CA, Schoeppel, Andrew F. Vertical File [newspaper clippings]. 282. Kansas State Historical Library, Topeka, KS. Smith, Margaret Chase, Papers. College, Skowhegan, ME. Truman, Harry S. Microfilm Reel MF Margaret Chase Smith Library, Northwood Presidential Library and Archives, Independence, Missouri. Tydings, Millard D. Papers. Archives and Manuscripts Department, McKeldin Library, University of Maryland at College Park. 643 �U.S. Department of State. Records. Office of the Historian, Bureau of Public Affairs (Washington, D.C.); and National Archives II, Civilian Records, Texual Archives Services Division (College Park, MD.). Wherry, Kenneth S. Papers. Nebraska State Historical Society, Lincoln, NE. White, Francis. Papers (MS. 197, Series 7.1). Special Collections/John Work Garrett Rare Books Library, Milton S. Eisenhower Library, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, MD. UNPUBLISHED REPORTS AND ESSAYS Federal Bureau of Investigation. Files No. 65-14920 (Laurence Duggan), 10026967 (F.O. Matthiessen), and 145-2942 (Pacifica Foundation). Lekus, Ian K. "'Nothing But a Bunch of Faggots': Greg Calvert and the Politics of Homophobia in the New Left." Paper presented, annual conference of the Organization of American Historians, Toronto, Canada. Apr. 23, 1999. Peters, 1st Lt. Kenneth W., USAF (MSC), ed. "History of the 4035th USAF Hospital, For the Period 1 July 1955 through 31 December 1955." RCS: AU-D 6 . Unpublished report, c.1956. Copy in Archives Branch, Research Studies Institute, Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama. Speiser, Lawrence, "Memorandum on Appeal, In the Matter of Ian A. Nabeshima, Appellant, Before the United States Civil Service Commission Board of Appeals and Review." San Francisco, CA.: American Civil Liberties Union of Northern California, c .l956-57. Copy in Len Evans Papers [93-8], folder: "Security - Nabeshima Case," San Francisco Public Library. PERSONAL CORRESPONDENCE WITH AUTHOR [anonymous] Telephone interview with woman whose father had been fired from the State Department in 1956 for homosexual indiscretions in the 1940s. Battle, Lucius D. Telephone interview with author. Irvine, CA. Jan. 16, 1999. 644 Washington, D.C. and �C olem an, C harlotte. Irvine, CA. T elephone interview w ith author. San F rancisco and Jan. 9, 1998. Crompton, Louis W. Interview with author. Dawson, Gen. Donald S. [USAF Ret'd]. 25, 1997, Feb. 19 & Mar. 14, 1998. Lincoln, NE. Telephone interviews with author, July Elsey, George. Telephone interview with author. CA. November 10, 1998. Washington, D.C. & Irvine, Fahs, Ned-Carey. Telephone interviews with author. CA. April 22, 1995. Glover, William Edward. Princeton, N.J. & Irvine, Letters to author of June 20 and July 1, 1998. Hay, Harry. Telephone interviews with author. Mar. 25, 1998. Hatcher, Susan T. N.C, Sept. 4, 1997. Apr. 13, 1997. Los Angeles & Irvine, CA. Telephone interview with author. Hechler, Ken. Telephone interviews with author. CA. November 5 & 7, 1998. Greensboro & Durham, Charleston, W.VA. & Irvine, Kameny, Fnnklin. Telephone interview, Feb. 14, 1995 (Washington, D.C. & Irvine, CA.). Personal interview, June 21, 1997 (Washington, D.C.). Kepner, James. Irvine, CA.). Telephone interviews, Jan. 20 & Apr. 30, 1995 (Los Angeles & Kight, Morris. Telephone interview, Jan. 19, 1995. Lyon, Phyllis & Del Martin. Irvine, CA. Jan. 9, 1998. Los Angeles & Irvine, CA. Telephone interview with author. Palmer, Amb. Ronald D.F. (USFS Ret'd). D.C. Jan. 9, 1999. Interview with author. San Francisco & Washington, Schine, G. David. Telephone interviews with author (Los Angeles & Irvine, CA.), Oct. 23, 1995, Feb. 20 and June 10, 1996. 645 �S p in g a m , C ol. Edward D .W . D .C . and Irvine, C A .). T elephone interview with author (W ashington, Apr. 19, 1999. NEWSPAPERS AND PERIODICALS Advocate: The National Gav & Lesbian Newsmagazine. 1989-99. American Journal of Psychiatry. 1937-50. American M ercury. 1935-51. American Scholar. 1950-53. Blade. The [Orange Co., CA.], 1994-99. Journal of Homosexuality. 1976-90. Ladder. The. 1956-59. M attachine Review. 1955-59. Mental Hygiene. 1938-41. NPPA (National Probation and Parole Association) Journal. 1960. New York Daily News. 1950. New York Post. 1950. New York Times. 1919-99. N ew sw eek. 1948-84. Saturday Evening Post. 1950. Saturday Review of Literature. 1948-50. Science News Letter: The Weekly Summary of Current Science. 1937-56. S tar [Evening and Sunday, Washington, D.C.]. 1950. Time: The Weekly Newsmagazine, i 937-54. Washington Blade. 1983-87. Washington Post. 1950. W ashington Times-Herald. 1950. ARTICLES Adams, Grace. "The Lesser Ways of Love." American Mercury 34, 133 (Jan. 1935), 24-30. [Anonymous]. "The Sex Criminal," Christian Century 54, 45 (Nov. 10, 1937), 1391-1393. Alsop, Joseph and Stewart. "Why Has Washington Gone Crazy?" The Saturday Evening Post (July 29, 1950): 20-21, 60-61. 646 �American Civil Liberties Union, Board of Directors. "Homosexuality and Civil Liberties: Policy statement adopted by the Union's Board of Directors, January 7, 1957." Civil Liberties: Monthly Publication of the American Civil Liberties Union 150 (March 1957): [3]. Anderson, Warwick. "The Trespass Speaks: White Masculinity and Colonial Breakdown." American Historical Review 102, 5 (December 1997): 1343-70. Bechtol, C.R., Monheimer, Melville, Nolan, J.E., and Sevenich, P.J. "Responsibility of Business and Industry for Employing Offenders." NPPA ^National Probation and Parole Association') Journal 6 , 2 (April 1960): 129-37. Berkman, Ted. "The Third Sex — Guilt or Sickness? An Adult With Child-Like Emotions, The Victim Of A Physical Imbalance — Or A Dangerous NonConformist? Here Is A Frank Answer To These Perplexing Questions," C oronet 39, 1 (Nov. 1955): 129-133. Berubd, Allan, and John D’Emilio. "The Military and Lesbians During the McCarthy Era." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 9, 4 (Summer 1984): 759-75. Bess, Demaree. "Why Americans Hate the State Department." Post (Aug. 19, 1950): 22-23, 77-78, 80, 83. Eianco, David. "Who Was Christine Jorgensen?" 7, 10 (Jan. 1999): 66 . Saturday Evening The Blade [Orange County, CA.] Bowman, Karl M. "Review of Sex Legislation and Control of Sex Offenders in the United States of America." International Review of Criminal Policy 4 (July 1953): 20-39. Bowman, Karl M., and Bernice Engle. "A Psychiatric Evaluation of Laws of Homosexuality." Temple Law Quarterly 29, 3 (Spring 1956): 274-326. Brown, Ralph S., Jr. "Loyalty-Security Measures and Employment Opportunities," Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (April 1955): 113-17. Bull, Chris. "His Brother's Keeper: Maryland Governor Parris Glendening pushed for a gay rights bill in memory of his gay brother." Advocate: The National Gav & Lesbian Newsmagazine (May 25, 1999): 30, 32. 647 �Burton, Arthur. "The Use of the Masculinity-Femininity Scale of the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory as an Aid in the Diagnosis of Sexual Inversion." Journal of Psychology 24, 1 (July, 1947): 161-64. Butts, William M. "Boy Prostitutes of the Metropolis," in Journal of Clinical P sy ch o p ath o lo g y 8 (April 1947): 673-81. Cain, Harry P. " 'I Could Not Remain Silent' by Harry Cain, Former U.S. Senator from Washington, As told to Tris Coffin. From the depths of his conscience, a public servant speaks out in a frank warning to all Americans," C o ro n et 39, 1 (Nov. 1955): 29-34. Chase, Harold W. "The Libertarian Case For Making It A Crime To Be A Communist." Temple Law Review 29, 2 (Winter 1956): 121-33. Chauncey, George. "Christian Brotherhood or Sexual Perversion? Homosexual Identities and the Construction of Sexual Boundaries in the World War One Era." Journal of Social History 19 (Winter 1985): 189-211. "From Sexual Inversion to Homosexuality: Medicine And The Changing Conceptualization of Female Deviance." Salmagundi: A Quarterly of the Humanities and Social Sciences. Published bv Skidmore College 58-59 (Fall 1982-Winter 1983): 114-46. . "The Postwar Sex Crime Panic," in True Stories from the American Past. ed. William Graebner (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1993): 160-178. Modified version of original, "The National Panic Over 'Sex Crimes' and the Construction of Cold War Sexual Ideology, 1947-1953," paper to Organization of American Historians, New York City, April 1986. Cleaver, Richard. "Sexual Dissidents and the National Security State, 19421992." In Richard Cleaver and Patricia Myers, eds., A Certain Terror: Heterosexism. Militarism. Violence and Change (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993): 171-207. Coben, Stanley. "Nativism and the Red Scare of 1919-1920." Q uarterly 79, 1 (March 1964): 52-75. Political Science Committee on Cooperation with Governmental (Federal) Agencies of the Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry, "Report on Homosexuality with Particular 648 �Emphasis on This York: [n.p.], Jan. Problem in Governmental Agencies," Report No. 30. New 1955. [Reprinted, Topeka, KS.: [n.p.], Sept.1967.] Comsweet, Cmdr. A.C., and Lt. Cmdr. M.F. Hayes. "Conditioned Response to Fellatio." American Journal of Psychiatry 102, 1 (July 1945): 92-101. Cory, Donald Webster [pseud, for Edward Sagarin]. "Homosexuality," in The Encyclopedia of Sexual Behavior, eds. Albert Ellis and Albert Abarbanel, 2nd ed. (New York: Hawthorn, 1967): 485-93. Costigliola, Frank. "The Nuclear Family: Tropes of Gender and Pathology in the Western Alliance." Diplomatic History 21. 2 (Spring 1997): 163-84. Updated version of his "'Unceasing Pressure for Penetration': Gender, Pathology, and Emotion in George Kennan's Formation of the Cold War," in Joumai of American History 83, 4 (March 1997): 1309-39. Couvares, Francis G., ed. "Hollywood, Censorship, and American Culture." Special issue of American Quarterly 44, 4 (Dec. 1992). Dean, Robert D. "Masculinity as Ideology: John F. Kennedy and the Domestic Politics of Foreign Policy." Diplomatic History 22, 1 (Winter 1998): 29-62. D'Emilio, John. "Closeted Spies? Answer to anti-Gay hysteria of the 50s is not so simple." The Washington Blade (November 18, 1983): 1, 18. Dienstein, William. "Conflict of Beliefs about Causes of Delinquency." NPPA Journal 6 , 3 (July 1960): 287-93. Dougherty, Clifford A., and Norman B. Lynch. "The Administrative Discharge: Military Justice?" George Washington Law Review 33 (1964): 498-528. Dubbert, Joe L. "Progressivism and the Masculinity Crisis." Review 61, 3 (Fall 1974): 443-55. Psychoanalytic DuBridge, Lee A. "U.S. Security Program a Bar to Progress," in The Yale R ev iew , reprinted in M attachine Review (March 1956 special issue): 16. Elshtain, Jean B. "Homosexual Politics: The Paradox of Gay Liberation." Salmagundi: A Quarterly of the Humanities and Social Sciences. Published bv Skidmore College 58-59 (Fall 1982-Winter 1983): 252-280. 649 �E m st, M orris L. "Some A ffirm ative S u ggestion s for a L oyalty Program." A m erican S cholar 19, 4 (Autumn 1950): The 452-60. Ficarrotto, Thomas J. "Racism, Sexism, and Etotophobia: Attitudes of Homosexuals Toward Homosexuals." Journal of Homosexuality 19, 1 (1990): 111116. Fingal, Mackinneth, Aug. 1955): 29-31. "The Homosexual Veteran." M attachine Review 4 (July- Freedman, Estelle B. '"Uncontrolled Desires': The Response to the Sexual Psychopath, 1920-1960," Journal of American History 74 (June 1987), 83-106. Reprinted in Passion and Power: Sexuality in History, ed. Kathy Peiss and Christina Simmons with Robert A. Padgug (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1989), 199-225. Fugate, James (Barr). "Release from the Navy UNDER HONORABLE CONDITIONS." M attachine Review 2 (May-June 1955): 6-9, 39-42. "Homosexuality and the Liberal Mind." M attachine 1955): 18-18-22, 27. Review 5 (Sept.-Oct. Girard, Philip. "From Subversion to Liberation: Homosexuals and the Immigration Act, 1952-1977." Canadian Journal of Law and Society 2 Cl9871: 1-27. Greenspan, Herbert, and Cambell, John D. "The Homosexual as a Personality Type." American Journal of Psychiatry 101, 5 (March 1945): 682-689. Greenspun, Hank. "A Few Columns on JOE McCARTHY, by Hank Greenspun, Editor & Publisher of The Las Vegas Sun , Las Vegas, Nevada. Some of the many columns which were published in the Las Vegas Sun during the last two years on the Senator from Wisconsin." April 2, 1954. Pamphlet reprint. Las Vegas: Las Vegas Sun, 1977. Haeberle, Erwin J. "A Movement of Inverts: An Early Plan for a Homosexual Organization in the United States." In John De Cecco, ed., Bashers. Baiters & Bigots: Homophobia in American Society (New York: Harrington Park Press, 1985). 650 �Healy, Paul. "Big Noise from Nebraska." 5, 1950): 22-23, 71-72, 76, 78. Saturday Evening Post 223, 6 (August Hedgpeth, Judith M. "Employment Discrimination Law and the Rights of Gay Persons." Journal of Homosexuality 5, 1/2 (Fall-Winter 1979/80): 67-78. Henry, George W. "Psychogenic Factors in Overt Homosexuality." American Journal of Psychiatry 93, 4 (Jan. 1937): 889-908. Henry, George W., and Alfred A. Gross. "Social Factors in the Case Histories of One Hundred Underprivileged Homosexuals." Mental Hygiene 22, 4 (Oct. 1938): 591-611. "The Homosexual Delinquent." Mental Hygiene 25, 3 (July 1941): 420-42. Herald, George W., "Sex Is A Nazi Weapon." American Mercury 54, 222 (June 1942): 656-665. Herek, Gregory M. "The Context of Anti-Gay Violence: Notes on Cultural and Psychological Heterosexism." Journal of Interpersonal Violence 5, 3 (1990): 316-33. Hersey, John. "The Truman Way." New York Times (Aug. 3, 1973): 31. Higham, John. "Another Look at Nativism." Catholic Historical Review 44 (1958), 147-58. Hodes, Martha, "The Sexualization of Reconstruction Politics: White Women and Black Men in the South after the Civil War," in John C. Fout and Maura S. Tantillo, eds., American Sexual Politics: Sex. Gender and Race since the Civil W ar (1990; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993): 59-74. Hofstadter, Richard. "Manifest Destiny and the Philippines." In America In Crisis: Fourteen Crucial Episodes in American History, ed. Daniel Aaron (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1952), 173-200. Hooker, Evelyn. "The Adjustment of the Male Overt Homosexual." Journal of Projective Techniques 21 (1957): 18-31. "Male Homosexuality in the Rorschach." Journal of Projective Techniques 22 (1958): 33-54. 651 �"A Preliminary Analysis of Group Behavior of Homosexuals." Journal of Psychology 42 (1956): 217-25. Howard, John. "The Library, the Park, and the Pervert: Public Space and Homosexual Experience in Post-World War II Atlanta." Radical History Review 62 (Spring 1995): 166-187. Jacobs, Andrew. "Gay Couples Are Divided by '96 Immigration Laws." New York Times (Mar. 23, 1999), A25:2-6. Janis, Irving L. "Psychodynamic Aspects of Adjustment to Army Life." Psychiatry 8 (May 1945): 159-76. Johnson, David K. "Homosexual Citizens: Confronts the Civil Service." Washington 93-96. Washington's Gay Community History (Fall/Winter 1994-95): 45-63, Johnson, Dirk. "Battle of Conservatives In Nebraska's Primary: G.O.P. Seems Likely to Gain Governorship." New York Times (May 7, 1998), A14. Joyce, "Miss" Marion [pseud.]. (August 1938): 90-94. "Flight From Slander," Forum and Century 50, 2 Kimmel, David and Robinson, Daniel. "The Queer Career of Homosexual Security Vetting in Cold-War Canada." Canadian Historical Review 75, 3 (1994): 319-45. Kinsman, Gary. '"Character Weakness' and 'Fruit Machines': Towards an Analysis of the Anti-Homosexual Security Campaign in the Canadian Civil Service." Labour/JLe Travail 35 (Spring 1995): 133-61. "'Inverts,' 'Psychopaths,' and 'Normal' Men: Historical Sociological Perspectives on Gay and Heterosexual Masculinities." In Tony Haddad, ed., Men and Masculinities: A Critical Anthology (Toronto: Canadian Scholars' Press, 1993): 3-35. Kollodge, Richard. "Back to the fifties: Washington Blade (Dec. 11, 1987): 1, 7. A little-known investigation." Kutler, Stanley I. "Truth or Consequences." (Mar. 2, 1997): 4. 652 Los Angeles Times Book Review �Lamb, Chris. "Herblock talks about life as a cartoonist: the four-time Pulitzer Prize winner discusses his 45 years at the Washington Post , McCarthyism, Nixon, Bush, and more," Editor & Publisher 124, 26 (June 29, 1991): 32-35. Lange, Gerald. "Mundt vs. McGovern: The 1960 Senate Election." Heritage of the Great Plains 15, 4 (Fall 1982): 33-42. Lee, R. Alton. '"New Dealers, Fair Dealers, Misdealers, and Hiss Dealers': Karl Mundt and the Internal Security Act of 1950." South Dakota History 10, 4 (Fall 1980): 277-90. Lees, Hannah. "The WORD You Can't Say," Hvgeia: The Health Magazine of the American Medical Association 22. 5 (May 1944): 336-339. Lemer, Max. "'Scandal' in the State Department." 10-14, 16, 19-20 & 23, 1950. New York Post series, July Lewin, Miriam. '"Rather Worse Than Folly?' Psychology Measures Feminity and Masculinity, 1: From Terman and Miles to the Guilfords.” In her edited In_ the Shadow of the Past: Psychology Portrays the Sexes. A Social and Intellectual History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), 155-78. "Psychology Measures Femininity and Masculinity, 2: From '13 Gay Men' to the Instrumental-Expressive Distinction." In her edited In the Shadow of the Past: Psychology Portrays the Sexes. A Social - ri.d Intellectual History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), 179-204. Leznoff, Maurice, and William A. Westley, "The Homosexual Community." Social Problem s 4 (April 1956): 257-63. Reprinted in Ronald M. Holmes, ed. Sexual Behavior: Prostitution. Homosexuality. Swinging (Berkeley, CA.: McCutchen, 1971), 44-51. Licata, Salvatore J. "The Homosexual Rights Movement in the United States: A Traditionally Overlooked Area of American History." Journal of Homosexuality 6 , 1/2 (Fall/Winter 1980/81): 161-189. Lumby, Malcolm E. "Homophobia: The Quest for a Valid Scale," Journal of H om osexuality 2/1 (Fall 1976): 39-47. MacLeish, Archibald. "The American State of Mind." The American Scholar 19, 4 (Autumn 1950): 398-408. 653 �"Loyalty and Freedom." i b i d . 22, 4 (Autumn 1953): 393-98. Mailer, Norman. "David Riesman Reconsidered," in Dissent: Socialist Opinion I, 4 (Autumn 1954): 349-359. Major, Ralph H., Jr. 1950): 101-108. A Quarterly of "The New MORAL MENACE To Our Youth," Coronet (Sept. Marshall, John. "Pansies, perverts, and macho men: changing perceptions of male homosexuality." In The Making of the Modem Homosexual. Kenneth Plummer, ed. (London: Hutchinson, 1981): 133-54, 248-49. Mart, Michelle Mart. "Tough Guys and American Cold War Policy: Images of Israel, 1948-1960." Diplomatic History 20, 3 (Summer 1996): 357-80. Matthews, Arthur Guy. "Homosexuality is Stalin's Atom Bomb to Destroy America." Physical Culture (April 1953): 12. McCrary, Jerel, and Lewis Gutierrez. "The Homosexual Person in the Military and in National Security Employment," in Journal of Homosexuality 5, 1/2 (Fall/Winter 1979-1980): 115-146. McEnaney, Laura. "He-Men and Christian Mothers: The America First Movement and the Gendered Meanings of Patriotism and Isolationism." Diplomatic History 18. 1 (Winter 1994): 47-57. McIntosh, Mary. "The Homosexual Role." Social Problems 16, 2 (Fall 1968), 18292 [reprinted with additional comment in The Making of the Modern H om osexual. Kenneth Plummer, ed. (London: Hutchinson, 1981): 30-44, 24243]. Mumford, Kevin J. "'Lost Manhood' Found: Male Sexual Impotence and Victorian Culture in the United States." In John C. Fout and Maura S. Tantillo, eds., American Sexual Politics: Sex. Gender and Race since the Civil War (1990; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 75-99. Murphy, Lawrence R. "The House on Pacific and Politics during World War II." Journal of Street:Homosexuality, Intrigue, Homosexuality 12 (1985): 27-49. Nikoloric, L.A. "The Government Loyalty Program." The American Scholar 19, 3 (Summer 1950): 285-98. 654 �Peters, H.F. "American Culture and the State Department." The American Scholar 21, 3 (Summer 1952): 265-74. Phelan, Albert F. "Note: Organization Subversive." The Power of the Attorney General to Declare an Temple Law Review 29, 1 (Fall 1955): 95-102. Pleck, Joseph H. "The Theory of Male Sex Role Identity: Its Rise and Fall, 1936 to the Present." In Miriam Lewin, ed. In the Shadow of the Past: Psychology Portrays the Sexes. A Social and Intellectual History (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984): 205-25. Rechy, John, "A Quarter Ahead," in Evergreen Review 5, 19 (July-August 1961): 1-25. Reichart, William O. "The Price of Non-Conformity," in Dissent: Socialist Opinion II, 3 (Summer 1955): 286-288. A Quarterly of Reiss, Albert J., Jr. "The Social Integration of Queers andPeers," in TheOther Side: Perspectives on Deviance. Howard S. Becker, ed. (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1964).Reprinted in Ronald M. Holmes, Sexual Behavior: Prostitution. Homosexuality. Swinging (Berkeley, CA.: McCutchen, 1971), 52-79. Reynolds, William T. "The Immigration and Nationality Act and the Rights of Homosexual Aliens," in Journal of Homosexuality 5, 1/2 (Fall-Winter 1979/80): 79-87. Rosenberg, Bernard. "The 'New American Right'," in Dissent: Socialist Opinion III, 1 (Winter 1956): 45-50. A Quarterly of Rosenberg, Emily S. '"Foreign Affairs' after World War II:Connecting Sexual and International Politics." Diplomatic History 18, 1 (Winter 1994): 59-70. "Revisiting Dollar Diplomacy: Narratives of Money and Manliness." Diplomatic History 22, 2 (Spring 1998): 155-76. Rotter, Andrew J. "Gender Relations, Foreign Relations: The United States and South Asia, 1947-1964." Journal of American History 81, 2 (Sept. 1994): 518-42. Rotundo, E. Anthony."Romantic Friendship: Male Intimacy and Middle-Class Youth in the Northern United States, 1800-1900." Journal of Social History 23, 1 (Fall 1989): 1-25. 655 �Russell, Sten. "The Open Mind: (November 1957): 4-7, 22. A Review of Three Programs." The Ladder 2, 2 "The Searchers Probe 'The Homosexual Neurosis,'" The Ladder 1, 6 (March 1957): 13-15. Schine, G. David. "Definition of Communism." New York: Schine Hotels, 1952. Sears, James T. "Thinking Critically/Intervening Effectively About Heterosexism and Homophobia: A Twenty-Five-Year Research Retrospective." In James T. Sears and Walter L. Williams, eds., Overcoming Heterosexism and Homophobia: Strategies That Work (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997): 13-48. Seldes, Gilbert. "The Masculine Revolt," Scribner’s M agazine 155, 4 (April 1934): 279-282. Serlin, David H. "Christine Jorgensen and the Cold War Closet." Radical History Review 62 (Spring 1995): 136-65. Short, James F. Jr. "TheSociocultural Contextof Delinquency." NPPA Journal 6, 4 (Oct. 1960): 365-75. Smith, Geoffrey S."National Security and Personal Isolation: Sex, Gender, and Disease in the Cold War." International History Review 14, 2 (May 1992): 30737. Smith-Rosenberg, Carroll. "Davey Crockett as Trickster: Pornography, Liminality and Symbolic Inversion in Victorian America." Journal of Contemporary History 17, 2 (April 1982): 325-50. Snow, William F. "Venereal Diseases and Sex Abnormalities in Relation to Population Growth," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 188 (Nov. 1936): 70-77. Spinrad, William. "On McCarthy and the Spectre," Socialist Opinion II, 3 (Summer 1955): 288. in Dissent: A Quarterly of Sprague, Gregory A. "Male Homosexuality in Western Culture: The Dilemma of Identity and Subculture in Historical Research," in Journal of Homosexuality 10, 3/4 (Winter 1984): 29-43. 656 �Susskind, Jerome A, "Military Administrative Discharge Boards: The Right To Confrontation And Cross-Examination." Michigan State Bar Journal 48, 2 (1965): 25-32. Tanner, Juanita. "Demoniac Possession," Scribner's Magazine 87, 6 (June 1930): 643-648. Terry, Jennifer. "'Momism' and the Making of Treasonous Homosexuals." In Molly Ladd-Taylor and Lauri Umansky, eds., "Bad" Mothers: The Politics of Blame in Twentieth-Century America (New York: New York University Press, 1998): 169-90. Theoharis, Athan G. "Authors, Publishers, and the McCarthy Era: History," in USA Today Magazine 122, 2580 (Sept. 1993): 90-93. A Hidden Towne, Alfred. "Homosexuality in American Culture: the new Taste in literature," American Mercury 73. 332 (August 1951): 3-9. Weeks, Jeffrey. "Capitalism and the Organization of Sex," in Homosexuality: Power and Politics, ed. Gay Left Collective (London: Allison and Busby, 1980): 11 - 20 . "Discourse, desire and sexual deviance: some problems in a history of homosexuality," in The Making of the Modern Homosexual. Kenneth Plummer, ed. (London: Hutchinson, 1981): 76-111, 245-46. White,William S. "Portrait of a 'Fundamentalist'." New York Times Magazine (Jan. 15, 1950): 14, 22, 24, 27. Whitman, Howard. "Terror in Washington." C ollier's (June 24, 1950). Wiegman, Robyn, "The Anatomy of Lynching," in John C. Fout and Maura S. Tantillo, eds., American Sexual Politics: Sex. Gender and Race since the Civil W ar (1990; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993): 223-245. Wielenga, Dave. "Is That A Badge In Your Pocket? Or are you just happy to see me?" [Costa Mesa, CA.] PC Weekly 4. 28 (Mar. 19-25, 1999): 20-23, 25. Wiener, Jon. "Looking for the Left's Limbaugh." D issent (Spring 1995): 657 160-64. �Wise, Randolph E. "Public Employment of Persons with a Criminal Record." NPPA Journal 6, 2 (April 1960): 197-201. Wittmer, Felix. "Freedom's Case Against Dean Acheson." (April 1952): 14-15. American Mercury Wrong, Dennis H. "Theories of McCarthyism — A Survey," in Dissent: Quarterly of Socialist Opinion I, 4 (Autumn 1954): 385-392. A DISSERTATIONS Cuordileone, Kyle A. "'Politics In An Age Of Anxiety': Masculinity, The Vital Center and American Political Culture in the Cold War, 1949-1963." Ph.D. dissertation in U.S. History, University of California, Irvine, 1995. Ann Arbor, MI.: UMI Dissertation Services, 1997. Dalstrom, Harl A. "Kenneth S. Wherry." Master's thesis in U.S. History. University of Nebraska at Lincoln, 1965. 2 Vols. Graham, Thomas E. "Getting Right With China: Membership, Scandal, and Weaknesses of the China Lobby."Ph.D. dissertation in Political Science, Northern Illinois University, 1994. Ann Arbor, ML: UMI Dissertation Services, 1997. McIntyre, Michael T. "Homosexuality and the U.S. Military." Monterey, CA.: Naval Postgraduate School, June 1980. Master's thesis. Tanner, William R. "The Passage of theInternal Security Act of 1950." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Kansas. Ann Arbor, MI.: University Microfilms, 1971. BOOKS Abels, Jules. The Truman Scandals. Chicago: Acheson, Dean. Present at the Creation: New York: Norton, 1969. Henry Regnery, 1956. Mv Years at the State Department. 658 �. Sketches From Life of Men I Have Known. (1959) Row, 1961. New York: Harper & Adams, John G. Without Precedent: The Storv of the Death of McCarthvism. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 1983. Adler, Selig. The Isolationist Impulse: New York: The Free Press, 1966. Aitken, Jonathan. Nixon: A Life. Its Twentieth-Centnrv Reaction. (1957) London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1993. Allen, Clifford. The Sexual Perversions and Abnormalities: A Study in the Psychology of Paraphilia. (1940, 1949) Westport, CT.: Greenwood Press, 1979. Altman, Dennis. Homosexual: Oppression and Liberation. (1971) New York: New York University Press, 1993. . The Homosexualization of America. The Americanization of H om osexuality. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1982. Ambrose, Stephen E. Nixon. Volume I. The Education of a Politician. 1913-1962. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1987. Asprey, Robert. The Panther's Feast. (1959) New York: Bantam, 1969. Aycock, William B., and Wurfel, Seymour W. Military Law Under the Uniform Code of Military Justice. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1955. Bailey, Derrick S. Homosexuality and the Western Christian Tradition. New York: Longmans, Green, 1955. Bayer, Ronald. Homosexuality and American Psvchiatrv: The Politics of D iagnosis. New York: Basic Books, 1981. [Reprinted with new section on AIDS; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987.] Bederman, Gail. Manliness and Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States. 1880-1917. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995. Bell, Daniel, ed. The New American Right. (1955) Reprinted, revised and enlarged as The Radical Right. New York: Doubleday, 1963. 659 �B6rub6, Allan. Coming Out Under Fire: A History of Gav Men and Women in World War Two. (1990) New York: Plume/Penguin Books, 1991. Bimbach, Martin. Neo-Freudian Univ. Press, 1961. Blumenfeld, Warren J., ed. Beacon Press, 1992. Bontecou, Eleanor. Univ. Press, 1953 Social Philosophy. Homophobia: Stanford, CA.: Stanford How We All Pav The Price. Boston: The Federai Lovaltv-Securitv Program. Ithaca: Cornell Brown, Ralph S., Jr. Lovaltv and Security: Employment Tests in the United S tates. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1958. Buckley, William F., Jr., and the Editors of National Review . The Committee and Its Critics: A Calm Review of the House Committee on Un-American Activities. New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1962. Buttino, Frank, with Lou Buttino. A Special Agent: New York: William Morrow, 1993. Gay and Inside the FBI. Byrd, Robert C., ed. The Senate. 1789-1989: Addresses on the History of the United States Senate. Vol. 1. Bicentennial Edition. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1988. . The Senate. 1789-1989: Classic Speeches. 1830-1993. Bicentennial Edition. Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1988. Byrnes, James F. Speaking Frankly. Calder-Marshall, Arthur. Davis, 1959. New York: Havelock Ellis: Volume 3. Harper & Brothers, 1947. A Biography. London: Rupert Hart- Carnes, Mark C., and Clyde Griffen, eds. Meanings For Manhood: Constructions of Masculinity in Victorian America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990. Caro, Robert. The Years of Lvndon Johnson. York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1990. 660 Volume 2: Means of Ascent. New �Carr, Robert K. The House Committee on Un-American Activities: Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1952. 1 1945-1950. Caute, David. The Fellow-Travellers: Intellectual Friends of Communism. Revised edition. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988. . The Great Fear: The Anti-Communist Purge Under Truman and E isenhow er. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1978. Chafe, William H., and Harvard Sitkoff, eds., A History Of Our Time: Readings on Postwar America. Second Edition. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987. Chambers, Whittaker. W itness. (1952) Chicago: Regnery Gateway, 1980. . Odvssev of a Friend: Letters to William F. Bucklev. Jr.. 1954-1961. New York: Putnam/National Review,1969. Chauncey, George. Gav NewYork: Gender. Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gav Male World. 1890-1940. New York: Basic Books, 1994. Christianson, Cornelia V. University Press, 1971. Kinsev: A Biography. Bloomington: Indiana Churchill, Wainwright. Homosexual Behavior Among Males: A Cross-Cultural and Cross-Species Investigation. New York: Hawthorn Books, 1967. Coontz, Stephanie. The Wav We Never Were: American Families and the Nostalgia Trap. New York: Basic Books, 1992. Corber, Robert J. In The Name of National Security. Hitchcock. Homophobia and the Political Construction of Gender in Postwar America. Durham: Duke University Press, 1993. . Homosexuality In Cold War America: Resistance and the Crisis of M ascu lin ity . Durham: Duke University Press, 1997. Cory, Donald Webster [pseud, for Edward Sagarin]. The Homosexual In America: A Subjective Approach. (1951) New York: Castle Books, 1960. Costello, William. The Facts About Nixon: York: Viking Press, 1960. 661 An Unauthorized Biography. New �Crosby, David F. God. Church, and Flag: Senator Joseph R. McCarthy and the Catholic Church. 1950-1957. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1978. Current Biography. Various issues, 1943-1989. Dallek, Robert. The American Style of Foreign Policy: Foreign Affairs. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1983. Cultural Politics and Darling, Arthur B. The Central Intelligence Agency: An Instrument of Government, to 1950. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1990. Dean, Robert D. Imperial Brotherhood: Gender and the Making of Cold War Foreign Policy. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, [forthcoming, 2000 ]. De Cecco, John P., ed. Bashers. Baiters & Bigots: Homophobia in American S o cie ty . New York: Harrington Park Press, 1985 [originally published as Homophobia: An Overview (New York: Haworth Press, 1984), and as Journal of H om osexuality 10, 1/2 (Fall 1984)]. D'Emilio, John. Making Trouble: Essavs on Gav History. Politics, and the U niversity (New York: Routledge, 1993). . Sexual Politics. Sexual Communities: The Making of a Homosexual Minority in the United States. 1940-1970. (1983) Second Edition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998. D'Emilio, John, and Freedman, Estelle B. Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America. (1988) Second Edition. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997. Dershowitz, Alan M. Sexual McCarthvism: Clinton. Starr and the Emerging Constitutional Crisis. New York: Basic Books, 1998. Dollimore, Jonathan. Sexual Dissidence: Augustine to Wilde. Freud to Foucault. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991. Douglas, Jack D. American Social Order: New York: Free Press, 1971. Social Rules in a Pluralist Society. 662 �Duberman, Martin. S to n ew all. Dyer, Kate, ed. Gays in Uniform: Alyson Publications, 1990. (1993) New York: Plume/Penguin Books, 1994. The Pentagon's Secret Reports. Boston: Dynes, Wayne R., and Donaldson, Stephen, eds. Studies in Homosexuality. Volume V: History of Homosexuality in Europe and America. New York: Garland, 1992. Ehrenreich, Barbara. The Hearts of Men: American Dreams and the Flight from Commitment. New York: Anchor Books/Doubleday. 1983. Ellis, (Henry) Havelock. Social Hygiene. (1917) Essays In War-Time: Further Studies in the Task of Freeport, N.Y.: Books For Libraries Press, 1969. . The Philosophy of Conflict and Other Essavs in War-Time. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1919. Ellis, Havelock, and John Addington Symonds. Sexual Inversion. Reprint of 1897 edition (London: Wilson and Macmillan; issued as Vol. 1 of Studies in the Psychology of Sex'). New York: Arno Press, 1975. Englehardt, Tom. The End of Victory Culture: Cold War America and the Disillusioning of a Generation. New York, N.Y.: BasicBooks/HarperCollins, 1995. Ewald, William B., Jr. McCarthvism and Consensus? Press of America, 1986. Lanham, MD.:University . Who Killed Joe McCarthy? The First Complete Account, based on New Documentary Evidence, of the Wisconsin Senator’s Politically Fatal Confrontation with the Armv. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1984. Farnsworth, David N. The Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1961. Filene, Peter. Him/Her/Self: Sex Roles in Modem America. Hopkins University Press, 1986. Finlay, David J., Ole R. Holsti, and Richard R. Fagen. Chicago: Rand McNally, 1967. 663 Baltimore: Enemies in Politics. Johns �Flynn, John T. The Lattimore Story, (1953) New York: Devin-Adair Co., 1962. Fone, Byrne R.S., ed. Hidden Heritage: History and the Gav Imagination. A n th o lo g y . (1980) New York: Irvington Publishers, 1981. Foucault, Michel. The History of Sexuality: New York: Vintage Books, 1990. An Introduction. An Volume 1. (1978) Fout, John C., and Tantillo, Maura S., eds. American Sexual Politics: Sex. G e n d e r and Race since the Civil War (1990) Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993. Freeland, Richard M. The Truman Doctrine and the Origins of McCarthvism: Foreign Policy. Domestic Politics, and Internal Security. 1946-1948 3rd ed. (1971) New York: New York University Press, 1985. Fried, Richard M. Nightmare in Red: York: Oxford University Press, 1990. The McCarthy F.ra in Perspective- New Fryer, Russell G. Recent Conservative Thought: Arbor, MI.: University Press of America, 1979. American Perspectives. Ann Gallagher, Maggie. Enemies of Eros: How the sexual revolution is killing family, marriage, and sex and what we can do about it. Chicago: Bonus Books, Inc., 1989. Gellerman, William. Martin Dies. New York: John Day, 1944. Gellman, Irwin F. Secret Affairs: Franklin Roosevelt. Cordell Hull, and Sumner W elles. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1995. . The Contender. Richard Nixon: York: Free Press, 1999. Gentry, Curt. J. Edgar Hoover: Penguin, 1992. The Congress Years. 1946-1952. New The Man and His Secrets. (1991) New York: Gerassi, John. The Bovs of Boise: (1966) New York: Colliers, 1968. Furor. Vice and Follv in an American Cttv. 664 �Glueck, Sheldon & Eleanor. Kraus Reprint Co., 1970. Physique and Delinquency. (1956) New York: Goldberg, Isaac. Havelock Ellis: Simon & Schuster, 1926. A Biographical and Critical Survey. New York: Goldman, Eric F. The Crucial Decade — And After. America. 1945-1960. New York: Vintage Books, 1960 [originally published, 1956, as The Crucial Decade — America. 1945-19551. Goulden, Joseph C. The Best Years. 1945-1950. New York: Graham, Frank, Jr. Margaret Chase Smith: John Day Company, 1964. Greenspun, Hank, with Alex Pelle. Atheneum, 1976. Woman of Courage. New York: Where 1 Stand : The Record of a Reckless M an. New York: David McKay, 1966. Griffith, Robert. The Politics of Fear: Joseph R. McCarthy and the Senate. (1970) Second Edition. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1987. Griffith, Robert, and Athan Theoharis, eds. Cold War and the Origins of McCarthvism. Griswold, Robert L. 1993. Fatherhood in America: Grosskurth, Phyllis. The Woeful Victorian: S vm onds. New York: Holt, Rinehart, 1965. The Specter: Original Essays on the New York: New Viewpoints, 1974. A History. New York: A Biography of John Addington , ed. The Memoirs of John Addington Svmonds. London: Hutchinson, 1984. Haddad, Tony, ed. Men and Masculinities: Canadian Scholars' Press, 1993. BasicBooks, [Unpublished, 1889-1891] A Critical Anthology. Toronto: Hale, Nathan G., Jr. Freud and the Americans: The Beginnings of Psychoanalysis in the United States. 1876-1971. New York: Oxford University Press, 1971. 665 �Hamby, Alonzo L. Beyond The New Deal: Harrv S. Truman and American L ib eralism . New York: Columbia University Press, 1973. . Man of the People: University Press, 1995. A Life of Harrv S. Truman. New York: Oxford Hamilton, Virginia Van der Veer. Lister Hill: Statesman from the South. Durham: University of North Carolina Press, 1987. Hansen, Joseph. A Few Doors West of Hope: The Life & Times of Dauntless Don S later. Universal City, CA.: Homosexual Information Center, 1998. Hanson, Ole. Americanism versus Bolshevism. Page & Co., 1919, 1920. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, Hardman, Paul D. Homoaffectionalism: Male Bonding From Gilgamesh To The P re se n t. San Francisco: GLB Publishers, 1993. Hatcher, Susan Tucker. The Ph.D. thesis in History, Duke Senatorial Career of Clyde R. Hoev. Unpublished University, 1983. Ann Arbor, ML: UMI, 1984. Hay, Harry. Radically Gav: Gav Liberation in the Words of Its Will Roscoe. Boston: Beacon Press, 1996. Founder. Ed. Hays, Will H. The Memoirs of Will H. Havs. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1955. Heale, M J. American Anticommunism: Combating The Enemy 1 9 7 0 . Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990. Within. 1830- Healy, Murray. Gav Skins: London: Cassell, 1996. Class. Masculinity and Queer Appropriation. Heidepriem, Scott N. A Fair Chance For A Free People: Biography of Karl E. Mundt. United States Senator. Madison, S.D.: Karl E. Mundt Historical and Educational Foundation/Leader Printing Co., 1988. Hekma, Gert, Harry Oosterhuis, and James Steakley, eds. Gav Men and the Sexual History of the Political Left. New York, N.Y.: Harrington Park Press, 1995 [originally published as Journal of Homosexuality 29, 2/3 & 4 (1935)]. 666 �Henry, George W. Sex Variants: A Study of Homosexual Patterns. (1941) OneVolume Edition. New York: Pau* B. Hoeber, Inc., 1948. Hewitt, Andrew. Political Inversions: Homosexuality. Fascism, and the M odernist Imaginerv. Stanford, CA.: Stanford University Press, 1996. Higham, John. Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism. 18601925. (1955) Second Edition. New York: Atheneum, 1963. Hiss, Tony. The View From Alger's Window: A. Knopf, 1999. Hodges, Andrew. Alan Turing: A Son's Memoir. New York: Alfred The Enigma. (1983) London: Vintage, 1992. Hoffman, Martin. The Gav World: Male Homosexuality and the Social Creation of Evil. New York: Basic Books, 1968. Hofstadter, Richard. The Paranoid Stvle in American Politics and Other Essavs. (1964) Chicago: Uni”ersity of Chicago Press, 1979. Hogan, Steve, and Hudson, Lee. Completely Queer: E ncyclopedia. New York: Henry Holt, 1997. The Gav And Lesbian Horowitz, Daniel. Vance Packard and American Social Criticism. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994. , ed. American Social Classes in the 1950s: Selections from Vance Packard's The Status Seekers . Boston: Bedford Books/St. Martin's Press, 1995. Hoover, J. Edgar. Masters of Deceit: The Storv of Communism in America and How to Fight It. (1958) New York: Pocket Books, Inc., 1959. Janis, Irving L. Groupthink: F iascoes. 2nd ed. Boston: Johnson, Lyndon Baines. 1971. Psychological Studies of Policy Decisions and Houghton Mifflin, 1982. Vantage Point. Jones, James H. Alfred C. Kinsey: Norton, 1997. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, A Public/Private Life. New York: W.W. 667 �Jorgensen, Christine. Christine Jorgensen: New York: Bantam, 1968. A Personal Autobiography. (1967) Jung, Patricia Beattie, and Ralph F. Smith, Heterosexism: An Ethical C h allen g e. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993. Kahn, Albert E. High Treason: Hour Publishers, 1950. . The Matusow Affair: Moyer Bell, Ltd., 1987. Kaplan, Justin. Kaiser, Charles. The Plot Against the People. New York: The Memoir of a Na.ional Scandal. Mt. Kisco, N.Y.: Walt Whitman: A Life. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1980. The Gav Metropolis. 1940-1996. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1997. Katz, Jonathan Ned. Gav American History: Lesbians and Gav Men in the U.S.A. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1976. . Gav/Lesbian Almanac: & Graf, 1994. A New Documentary. (1983) New York: . The Invention of Heterosexuality. New York: Carroll Penguin, 1995. Keith, Caroline H. "For Hell And A Brown Mule": The Biography of Senator Millard Tvdings. Lanham, MD.: Madison Books, 1991, Keller, William W. The Liberals and J. Edgar Hoover: Rise andFall of a Domestic Intelligence State. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989. Keniston, Kenneth. (1960) New York: The Uncommitted: Delta/Dell, 1975. Alienated Youth in American Society Kennedy, Hubert. Ulrichs: The Life and Works of Karl Heinrich Ulrichs. Pioneer of the Modern Gav Movement. Boston: Alyson, 1988. Key, V.O., Jr., ed. Southern Politics in State and Nation. New York: Vintage, 1949. Later reprinted with assistance of Alexander Heard (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1984). 668 �Kinsey, Alfred C., Wardell B. Pomeroy and Clyde E. Martin. Sexual the Human Male. Philadelphia: W.B. Saunders Co., 1948. Kirwin, Harry W. The Inevitable Success: MD.: Newman Press, 1962. Herbert R. O'Conor. Behavior in Westminster, Klehr, Harvey, and Ronald Radosh. The Amerasia Spy Case: Prelude to M cC arth v ism . Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996. Kon, Igor S. The Sexual Revolution in Russia: T oday. New York: Free Press, 1995. From the Age of the Czars to Kubek, Anthony. How The Far East Was Lost: American Policy and the Creation of Communist China. 1941-1949. Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1963, Lait, Jack, and Lee Mortimer. Washington Confidential. New York: Crown Publishers, 1951. [Reprinted as Washington Confidential Today, 1952], . U.S.A. Confidential, New York: Crown Publishers, 1952. Latham, Eric, ed. The Meaning of McCarthvism. Problems in American Civilization Series. Boston D.C. Heath and Company, 1965. Lattimore, Owen. Ordeal by Slander. Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1950. Leary, William M., ed. The Central Intelligence Agency: History and D ocum ents. University [Tuscaloosa]: University of Alabama Press, 1984. Lemer, Max. America As A Civilization: Life and Thought in the United States Today. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1957. . The Unfinished Country: Simon & Schuster, 1959. A Book of American Symbols. New York: . Wounded Titans: American Presidents and the Perils of Power. Ed. Robert Schmuhl. New York: Arcade, 1996. Levin, Murray B. Political Hysteria in America: R epression. New York: Basic Books, 1971. 669 The Democratic Capacity for �Lewes, Kenneth. The Psychoanalytic Theory of Male Homosexuality. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1988. MacDonnell, Francis. Insidious Foes: The Axis Fifth Column and the American Home Front, New York: Oxford University Press, 1995. MacLeod, David. Building Character in the American Bov: The Bov Scouts. YMCA. and Their Forerunners. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983. Mandelbaum, Seymour J. The Social Setting of Intolerance: The KnowNothings. The Red Scare, and McCarthvism. Chicago: Scott, Foresman & Co., 1964. Martin, George W. Mifflin, 1976, Madam Secretary. Frances Perkins. Boston: Houghton Matthews, Donald R. U.S. Senators And Their World. Chapel Hill: North Carolina Press, 1960. May, Elaine Tyler. Homeward Bound: (1988) New York: Basic Books, 1990, University of American Families in the Cold War Fra. Barren in the Promised Land: Childless Americans and the Pursuit of H ap p in ess. Boston: Harvard University Press, 1995. McCarthy, Joseph. McCarthvism: The Fight For America: Documented answers to questions asked bv friend and foe. New York: Devin-Adair Co., 1952. McClosky, Herbert. Political Inquiry: The Nature and Uses of Survey R esearch. London,: Macmillan, 1969. [Originally published in James N. Rosenau, ed., Domestic Sources of Foreign Policy (New York: Free Press, 1967), 51-109]. McCullough, David. T rum an. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1992. McGiffert, Michael, ed. The Character of Americans: Homewood, IL.: The Dorsey Press, 1964, Menninger, William. 1948. A Book of Readings. Psychology in a Troubled World. 670 New York: Macmillan, �Miller, Frank. Censored Hollywood: Turner Publishing, 1994. Sex. Sin & Violence on Screen. Atlanta: Miller, Merle. Plain Speaking: An Oral Biography of Harrv S. Truman. (1973) New York: Berkley/Putnam, 1974. Mitchell, Greg. 1997. Morgan, Ted. Tricky Dick and the Pink Lady. New York: FDR: A Biography. New York: Morris, Roger. Richard Milhous Nixon: New York: Henry Holt, 1990. Random House, Simon & Schuster, 1985. The Rise of an American Politician. Murray, Robert K. Red Scare: A Study in National Hysteria. 1919-1920. (1955) New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964. Murphy Lawrence R. Perverts by Official Order: The Campaign Against Homosexuals bv the United States Navy. New York: Harrington Park Press, 1988 [Originally published as Monographic Supplement #1 of Journal of H o m osexuality!. Nadel, Alan. Containment Culture: American Narratives. Postmodernism, and the Atomic Age. Durham: Duke University Press, 1995. Navasky, Victor S. Naming Names. New York: Penguin Books, 1980. Neils, Patricia. China Images In the Life and Times of Henry Luce. MD.: Rowman & Littlefield Pubs., Inc., 1990. Savage, Neville, John F. The Press, the Rosenbergs. and the Cold War. Westport, CT.: Praeger Press, 1995. Newman, Bernard. Epics of Espionage. New York: Philosophical Library, 1951. Newman, Robert P. Owen Lattimore and the ‘Loss' of China. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992. Newton, Esther. Cherry Grove. Fire Island: Sixtv Years in America's First Gay and Lesbian Town. Boston: Beacon Press, 1993. 671 �Newton, Verne W. The Cambridge Spies: The Untold Storv of Maclean. Philhv and Burgess in America. Lanham, MD.: Madison Books, 1991. Norton, Rictor, ed. Mv Dear Bov: Gav Love Letters through the Centuries. San Francisco: Leyland Publications, 1998. Oshinsky, David M. A Conspiracy So Immense. New York: Free Press, 1983. . Senator Joseph McCarthy and the American Labor Movement. University of Missouri Press, 1976. Parenti, Michael, 1969. The Anti-Communist Impulse. Parmet, Herbert S. Co., 1990. Partridge, Burgo. Columbia: New York: Random House, Richard Nixon and His America. Boston: Little, Brown & A History of Orgies (1958) New York: Bonanza Books, 1960. Paterson, Thomas G. On Everv Front: The Making and Unmaking of the Cold W ar. (1972) New York: W.W. Norton, 1992. Patterson, James T. Congressional Conservatism and the New Deal: of the Conservative Coalition in Congress. 1933-1939. Lexington: Kentucky Press, 1967. Pearson, Drew. Diaries. 1949-1959. Ed. Tyler Abell. and Winston, 1974. New York: The Growth University of Holt, Rinehart Pessen, Edward. Losing Our Souls: The American Experience in the Cold War. (1993) Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 1995. Peterson, Houston. Mifflin, 1928. Pharr, Suzanne, Press, 1988. Havelock Ellis: Homophobia: Philosopher of Love. A Weapon of Sexism. Plant, Richard, The Pink Triangle: York: Henry Holt, 1986. Boston: Houghton Inverness, CA.: Chardon The Nazi War Against Homosexuals. New 672 �Pomeroy, Wardell B. Bovs and Sex. (1968) New York: Dell Books, 1971. . Dr. Kinsey and the Institute for Sex Research. New York: 1972. Harper & Row, Powers, Richard G. Not Without Honor: The History of American Anti­ co m m u n ism . New York: The Free Press, 1995. . Secrecy and Power: The Life of J. Edgar Hoover. New York: Free Press, 1987. Preston, William, Jr. Aliens and Dissenters: Federal Suppression of Radicals. 1903-1933. Cambridge: Harvard University Tress, 1963. Quirk, John P., ed. The Central Intelligence Agencv: Guilford, CT.: Foreign Intelligence Press, 1986. Reinhardt, James M. C. Thomas, 1957. Rees, Goronwy. Sex Perversions and Sex Crimes. A Chapter of Accidents. Reeves, Thomas C., ed. E. Krieger, 1989. New York: APhotographic History. Springfield, IL,: Library Press, 1972. M cC arthvism . (1973) 3rd editions. Reuben, William A. The Honorable Mr. Nixon. (1956) New York: Action Books, 1958. Charles Malabar, FL.: Robert New Revised Edition. Rogin, Michael P. Ronald Reagan: The Movie and Other Episodes in Political D em onologv. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987. . The Intellectuals and McCarthy: Press, 1967. The Radical Specter. Cambridge: Rose, Lisle A. The Cold War Comes To Main Street. Lawrence: of Kansas, 1999. MIT University Press Rosteck, Thomas. See It Now Confronts McCarthvism: Television Documentary and the Politics of Representation. Tuscaloosa, AL: University of Alabama Press, 1994. 673 �Rotundo, E. Anthony. American Manhood: Transformations in Masculinity from the Revolution to the Modem Era. New York: Basic Books, 1993. Ruddy, T. Michael. The Cautious Diplomat: Charles E. Bohlen and the Soviet Union. 1929-1969. Kent, OH.: Kent State University Press, 1988. Russo, Vito. The Celluloid Closet: Homosexuality in the Movies. (1981) Revised Edition. New York: Harper & Row, 1987. Savran, David. Communists. Cowbovs. and Queers: The Politics of Masculinity in the Work of Arthur Miller and Tennessee Williams. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1992. Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr. The Vital Center: The Politics of Freedom (1949) Sentry Edition. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1962. Schlesinger, Arthur M., Jr., and Roger Bruns, eds. Congress Investigates. 1974. New York: Chelsea House/R.R. Bowker, 1975. 1792- Schonbach, Morris. Native American Fascism During The 1930s and 1940s: A Study of Its Roots. Its Growth and Its Decline. New York: Garland Publishing, Inc., 1985. Schrecker, Ellen W. No Ivory Tower: York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1986. . The Age of McCarthvism: Bedford Books, 1994. McCarthvism & the Universities. New A Brief History with Documents. Boston: Schroth, Raymond A. The American Joumev of Eric Sevareid. VT.: Steerforth Press, 1995. South Royalton, Schueller, Herbert M., and Peters, Robert L. The Letters of John Addington S v m o n d s. 3 vols. Detroit, MI.: Wayne State University Press, 1967-69. Scobie, Ingrid Winther. Center Stage: York: Oxford University Press, 1992. Helen Gahagan Douglas. A Life. New Sears, James T., and Williams, Walter L., eds. Overcoming Heterosexism and Homophobia: Strategies That Work. New York: Columbia University Press, 1997. 674 �Sevareid, Eric. Not So Wild A Dream. New York: Atheneum, 1976. Shils, Edward A. The Torment of Secrecy: The Background and Consequences of American Security Policies. Glencoe, 1L: The Free Press, 1956. Shilts, Randy. Conduct Unbecoming: Gays & Lesbians in the U.S. Military — Vietnam to the Persian Gulf. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1993. Sinfield, Alan. The Wilde Centurv: Effeminacy. Oscar Wilde and the Queer M om ent. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1994. Skotheim, Robert A. Totalitarianism and American Social Thought. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971. Skousen, W. Cleon. The Naked Communist. (1958) 10th edition. Salt Lake City: Ensign Publishing Co., 1961. Small, Melvin. Democracy & Diplomacy: The Impact of Domestic Politics on U.S. Foreign Policy. 1789-1994. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996. Smith, Joseph. The Cold War. Blackwell Publishers, 1998. Second Edition. 1945-1991. (1989) Malden, MA.: Smith, Margaret Chase. Doubleday, 1972. Declaration of Conscience. Garden City, N.Y.: Smith, Paul, ed. Bovs: Westview Press, 1996. Masculinities in Contemporary Culture. Boulder, CO.: Smith-Rosenberg, Carroll. Disorderly Conduct: A m erica. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1985. Socolofsky, Homer E. Kansas, 1990. Kansas Governors. Visions of Gender in Victorian Lawrence: University Press of Steakley, James D. The Homosexual Emancipation Movement in Germany. New York: Arno Press, 1975. Steam, Jess. The Sixth Man. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday & Co., 1961. 675 �Stoller, Robert J. Perversion: American Psychiatric Press, The Erotic Form of Hatred. Washington, D.C.: 1975. Stone, I.F. A Nonconformist History Of Our Times: Boston: Little, Brown & Co., 1988. The War Years. 1939-1945. Stowe, Steven M. Intimacy and Power in the Old South: Ritual in the Lives of the Planters. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987. Stromer, Marvin B. The Making of a Political Leader: Kenneth S. Wherry and the United States Senate. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press. 1969. Suall, Irwin. The American Ultras: the extreme right and the militaryindustrial complex. New York: New America, 1962. Summers, Anthony. Official and Confidential: The Secret Life of J. Edgar H oover. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1993. Sutherland, Edwin. Press, 1937. The Professional Thief. Tanenhaus, Sam. Whittaker Chambers: Library/Random House, 1997. Chicago: University of Chicago A Biography. New York: Modem Tillotson, Lee S. Index-Digest and Annotations to the Uniform Code of Military Ju stic e . Fourth Edition. Harrisburg, PA.: Military Service Publishing Company, 1956. Toledano, Ralph de. Wagnalls, 1969. One Man Alone: Richard Nixon. New York: Funk & . Spies. Dupes, and Diplomats. New York: Theoharis, Athan G. Dee, 1991. Duell, Simon & Pearce, 1952. From the Secret Files of J. Edgar Hoover. Chicago: Ivan . Seeds of Repression: Harry__S. Truman and the Origins of McCarthvism. Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1971. Timmons, Stuart. The Trouble with Harrv Hav: Founder of the Modem Gav M ovem ent. Boston: Alyson Publications, 1990. 676 �Von Hoffman, Nicholas. Citizen Cohn: York: Bantam Books, 1988. The Life and Times of Rov Cohn. New Voorhis, Jerry. The Strange Case of Richard Milhous Nixon. New York: Paul S. Eriksson, Inc., 1972. Wallace, Patricia W. Politics of Conscience: Sm ith. Westport, CT.: Praeger, 1995. A Biography of Margaret Chase Warren, Frank A., III. Liberals and Communism: Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1966. The ‘Red Decade’ Revisited. Watkins, Senator Arthur V. Enough Rope: The inside story of the censure of Senator Joe McCarthy bv his colleagues — the controversial hearings that signaled the end of a turbulent career and a fearsome era in American public life. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1969. Weeks, Jeffrey. Coming Out: Homosexual Politics in Britain from the Nineteenth Century to the Present. London: Quartet Books, 1977. Wehl, Nathaniel. 1951. The Battle Against Disloyalty. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, White, William S. Citadel: Harper & Brothers, 1957. The Story of the U.S. Senate. (1956) New York: Whitfield, Stephen J. The Culture of the Cold War. University Press, 1991. Baltimore: Who's Who In America and Who Was Who in America. Chicago: Co., 1950-98. Williams, Colin J., and Martin S. Weinberg. York: Harper & Row, 1971. Wittner, Lawrence S. Cold War America: York: Praeger, 1974. Wolff, Charlotte. Magnus Hirschfeld: York: Quartet Books, 1986. Johns Hopkins A.N. Marquis Homosexuals and the Military. New From Hiroshima to Watergate. New A Portrait of a Pioneer in Sexology. New 677 �Wotherspoon, Garry. 'Citv of the Plain': Hale & Iremonger, 1991. Wylie, Philip. 1955. Zion, Sidney. Generation of Vipers. History of a Gav Sub-Culture. Syndey: New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1942, The Autobiography of Rov Cohn. Secaucus, N.J.: Inc., 1988. 678 Lyle Stuart, �A PPEN D IX The great dramas of the McCarthy era, including the "pervert purge" of the early 1950s, encompassed a wide range of individuals — politicians and their staffs, military officials, diplomats, news commentators, and homosexuals themselves. It would be a disservice to end the preceding account without showing, in some limited way, if and how those involved continued along the paths they found themselves in at the height of events in 1950. The following vignettes are offered, therefore, not as a complete retrospective on the careers of the many participants, but as a means of finishing their stories.1 SENATOR KENNETH WHERRY, instigator of the 1950 Senate investigations against homosexuals in government employment, was considered as a possible presidential candidate for 1952 by fellow arch-conservatives who deemed Robert A. Taft to be too willing to c o m p ro m ise.2 The bombastic, chain-smoking Nebraskan was forced to cut short his career, however, when he died of lung cancer on November 29, 1951, a few months short of his sixtieth birthday. SENATOR LISTER HILL, the liberal-moderate Southern Democrat who tried to balance Wherry in the preliminary investigation of 679 �homosexuals, moved up the Senate ladder to lead the Appropriations Subcommittee on Labor, Public W elfare and Education for sixteen years. Reelected in 1952, 1958 and 1964, Hill continued championing health and education legislation, including every National Institutes of Health, which named a lasting monument to his family's devotion to medicine, the Lister Hill Center, in the year the Senator announced his retirement. He remained a Southerner at heart, co-sponsoring the 1958 States Rights Bill to curb the powers of the Supreme Court (an effort which failed to pass the Senate by only one vote); in 1959, he jointly co-sponsored the same bill with Jim Eastland, then-chair of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee. Following his retirement, Hill lived out his remaining years in his native Montgomery, before passing away eight days shy of his ninetieth birthday, on December 21, 1984.3 SENATOR JOSEPH McCARTHY, instigator of the most vehement and sensational anti-communist witch-hunts in 1950, returned to the Hoey Committee for the 1951 session after having recused himself during the course of the 1950 anti-homosexual inquiry. He was reelected in 1952 and succeeded Clyde Hoey as chair of the Executive Expenditures Investigations Subcom m ittee (renamed the Government Operations Committee). From this position, he earned the ire of the Eisenhower administration after attacking the Army 680 �officer corps for supposedly harboring communist and homosexual spy rings; he floundered on nationally televised and was censured in the Senate on December 2, 1954. He and his wife Jean adopted a daughter in 1956, but the alcoholic senator did not live to raise her, dying at the age of forty-nine on May 2, 1957, of acute liver failure. His widow later remarried and died in 1979. McCarthy's papers cannot be accessed until after the death of their adopted daughter. SENATOR CLYDE HOEY, who led the full-scale inquiry of homosexuals in government employment, was reelected to the Senate in November 1950. He was briefly considered for the vice-presidential spot by fellow North Carolinians in 1952 (a spot he refused), and though he supported Stevenson in the election, he became one o f the strongest "pro-Eisenhower" Democrats in the new Congress. Replaced by McCarthy as chair of the investigations subcommittee, Hoey and others kept up their criticism of the Wisconsin Republican, whose Army hearings he considered a "sorry spectacle" and a "national disgrace." The lifelong segregationist also continued to fight civil rights initiatives, but was spared by five days from the Supreme Court's Brown v. Board o f Education decision when he died of a stroke at the age of seventy-six, in his Senate office on May 12, 1954. All but one of his eulogizers omitted his role in the homosexual investigation, choosing, instead to laud him for the 1949 "Five-Percenters" inquiry.4 681 �SENATOR JOHN McCLELLAN remained on the Investigations Subcommittee until July, 1953, when he resigned after the new chairman, Joseph McCarthy, created a firestorm by supporting the anti-semitic and anti-Catholic remarks of one of his investigators.5 McClellan succeeded McCarthy as chair, however, in 1955 and served until 1972.6 Despite these efforts, McClellan remained "out of step with his own party," in the words of one Senate historian, and came "fortuitously and reluctantly to national attention only because he becfame] involved in something widely televised, like the ArmyM cCarthy hearings."7 As the comment implied, McClellan kept a low profile, though this didn't keep him from fighting communism, pornography, and other perceived social ills for another three terms after his reelection to the Senate in 1954. He was later described, during the run-off election in 1972, as "the aging legislator who, during a 29-year career, struck terror in the hearts of labor racketeers, gangsters and — ironically -- liberal Dem ocrats,"8 One year after receiving a presidential reception in honor of his eightieth birthday, M cClellan underwent surgery to implant a permanent pacemaker and declared that he would not stand for a seventh term; six months later he passed away in Little Rock on November 28, 1977, at the age of eighty-one, after thirty-five years in public office. His Senate papers are closed until the year 2000. 682 �SENATOR JAMES EASTLAND fought communism via congressional investigation for many years, though he left the Hoey Committee in January, 1951, to fry bigger fish than "moral perverts." Having secured, by his loyalty to fellow arch-conservative Democrat Pat M cCarran, a seat on the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee (SISS) which he had been instrumental in creating, Eastland would succeed McCarran as chairman in 1955 and continued to root out Communist influence in government into the 1960s. In 1956, Eastland also took over the chairmanship of the Senate Judiciary Committee, heading the powerful body for twenty-two years — dominated by his reaction to civil rights legislation — until his retirem ent in 1978.9 A conservative who would have become a Republican had he lived into the 1990s, he completed his thirty-six years as President Pro-Tempore of the Senate, due to seniority. The longest living of the men who served on the 1950 Hoey Committee, he returned to his farm upon retirement, and died at the age of eighty-one, on February 19, 1986, in Greenwood, Mississippi. His Senate papers are closed until the year 2001. SENATOR HERBERT O’CONOR, the only non-Southern Democrat to serve on the 1950 Hoey Committee, continued his work there and also served on Senator Kefauver's crime investigating committee during 1951 and 1952. Greatly disappointing Pat McCarran, his 683 �anti-communist comrade-in-arms on the Judiciary Committee, O'Conor did not stand for a second term, after having led a grueling legislative schedule in six years and perhaps recalling the fate dealt to his fellow Marylander, Millard Tydings, by Joseph M cCarthy in November 1950. Following his retirement from Congress in early January, 1953, O'Conor returned to practicing law, was appointed to the American Bar Association's Committee on Communist Tactics, Strategy and Objectives, and was cited by the National Conference of Christians and Jews for his work in promoting U.S.-Israeli relations. Following two strokes in 1957 and a heart attack in 1958, he suffered more severe stroke and died at the age of sixty-three on March 4th, in his native Baltimore. His senatorial papers were lost, though the single biography of him made use of materials drawn from other archives; even this extensive study, however, did not examine his role in the 1950 anti-homosexual investigation. In a point of historical irony, O'Conor's 1998 successor as governor of the Free State, Parris Glendening, is a champion of gay rights.10 SENATOR KARL MUNDT continued serving with Nixon, McCarthy and McClellan on the Investigations Subcommittee and, in 1954, acted as chairman of the Army hearings. After McCarthy's death, M undt served under chairman M cClellan as the ranking minority member, and also coordinated anti-com m unist investigations with 684 �Senator Eastland on the Judiciary Committee into the 1960s. Aside from his anti-communism, however, Mundt maintained a moderate record. He occasionally worked with coordinated the work of the Government Operations Committee with Senator Lister Hill (by then chairman of the Labor and W elfare Committee), and he twice joined other senators in sponsoring the Equal Rights Amendment. Reelected in 1954, 1960 (when he fended off a newcomer, George McGovern), and 1966, he suffered a debilitating stroke in late 1969 but refused to surrender his seat in the Senate; he served the remaining three years of his term in the hospital as an invalid and left office in January 1973.11 He died in the Washington rest home to which he had been confined, at the age of seventy-four on August 16, 1974, only one week after the resignation of his fellow co-author of the 1948 Mundt-Nixon bill to outlaw the Communist Party, the thenPresident Richard Nixon. SENATOR ANDREW SCHOEPPEL, the freshman Republican who served on the Hoey Committee during the homosexual investigation in the place of Joseph McCarthy, continued his rather ineffectual attacks on suspect liberals.12 He supported Robert Taft for President in 1952 but backed Ike in '56, and was returned to Congress by his fellow Kansans in 1954 and 1960. A stern anti-communist to the end, he warned against inflation as "the greatest threat to the 685 �nation’s welfare" since an unbalanced budget and uncurbed government spending would allow Communism to "take over without firing a shot." On January 21, 1962, at the age of sixty-seven, he suffered heart failure during surgery for abdominal cancer, at the Bethesda Naval Hospital in Maryland; K a n sa s.13 he was buried in his native He kept no papers from his Senate years and left only his gubernatorial papers to the Kansas State Historical Society. SENATOR MARGARET CHASE SMITH named her autobiography after the "Declaration of Conscience" speech she gave on June 1, 1950, at the height of McCarthy's original rampage about Communists in the State Department. Despite being replaced on the Hoey Committee by Richard Nixon (at McCarthy's instigation) in January, 1951, Smith continued her efforts to reform government and fight communism as America's "first female Cold Warrior." Ironically, starting in 1953, after accepting the chair of the Armed Service Preparedness Subcommittee, she actually worked with McCarthy to monitor trade embargoes against Soviet-bloc countries. Old wounds could not be completely forgotten, however, and she would ultimately refuse to sign a Senate resolution commemorating his after his death. Her popularity increased to where she was nominated for the vice-presidency at the 1952 Republican convention (she declined in favor of the already announced Nixon candidacy, citing the need for 686 �party unity), and in 1964 she announced her own intention to run for president, the first female candidate from a major party in U.S. history. Reelected in 1954, 1960 and 1966, she took great pride in her perfect attendance record for Congressional voting (2,941 consecutive roll-call votes), but unexpectedly lost to a younger rival, Edmund Muskie, in 1972. She left Congress in January, 1973, after thirty-two years in office, toured the country as a visiting professor, and helped establish the Margaret Chase Smith Library Center in her hometown (dedicated in August, 1982). Longest living of all the members of the 1950 Hoey Committee, she lived to see another female Maine Republican, Susan Collins, succeed to the chair of the same committee in 1996. Smith died at the age of ninety-seven after suffering a stroke, on May 29, 1995.14 FRANCIS D. TR IP" FLANAGAN, former F.B.I. agent and chief counsel for the Hoey Committee whose views added to existing biases during the 1950 anti-homosexual investigation, left the subcommittee in 1954 and took up a career as a business executive with W.R. Grace & Company, where he rose to vice president and manager of Washington, D.C. operations by 1967. He retired after over thirty years with the firm in 1986, and died in Washington on April 2, 1999, at age eighty-seven, after a long illness. 687 �SENATOR MILLARD TYDINGS, after having been smeared by McCarthy and friends as a "whitewashing Commiecrat" in the mid-term election of 1950, went down to defeat and retired in January, 1951, from what had been considered a "safe" Democratic seat. He and his wife promptly left for a luxurious trip to Europe for several weeks; he spent his remaining years writing at his country estate in Maryland, and died in 1961 at the age of seventy. CONGRESSMAN ARTHUR L. MILLER, whose 1948 revision of D istrict of Columbia sex crimes penalties predated the Senate's homosexual investigations by two years, continued his efforts against "socialized medicine" and other perceived national threats. After losing reelection for a ninth term in the House in 1958, he was appointed by President Eisenhower as director of the Office of Saline Water. He retired in January 1961, and passed away in Chevy Chase, Maryland on March 16, 1967, at the age of seventy-four. CONGRESSMAN WAYNE HAYS, one of only a few Democrats to comment publicly about the 1950 Senate investigation when he preserved the Sevareid radio broadcast about the homosexual inquiry in the Congressional Record, was reelection to another thirteen terms in Congress. In 1976, the sixty-five-year-old Hays became embroiled in a sex scandal and was forced to resign a few 688 �months later; his wife divorced him soon thereafter. He died in February 1989, in St. Clairesville, Ohio, at the age of seventy-seven.15 ROY COHN, legal assistant to Joe McCarthy (and successor to Frip Flanagan as Chief Counsel of the Senate Investigations Subcommittee), whose "book-burning" tour of American Embassies in Europe with David Schine in 1952 first fostered gossip about his possible homosexuality, remained a homophobic and anti-communist power-player in New York for many years. By the 1970s he was frequenting well-known gay bars but he vehemently denied being gay all his life. He died from complications from AIDS on July 3, 1986, at the age of fifty-one.16 G. DAVID SCHINE, Cohn's wealthy and socially well-connected "pal" and fellow object of queer-baiting jokes, was transferred to duty in Alaska for one year after the Army-McCarthy hearings. He thereafter retired from the Army and from politics, having felt "shellacked" by the media and deprived a "fair trial in the court of public opinion." He returned to his hometown of Gloversville, New York, married a former Miss Sweden and started a large family. He never gave official interviews on his time with the McCarthy committee, except for a brief discussion once in the 1970s with his daughter's high school civics class in Los Angeles, to which he had 689 �moved in 1966. His forays into movie production and funding ventures in high-density television expanded well beyond the hotel chain he inherited from his father; he was financing a community theater venture in Menlo Park, California and planning to retire to write his autobiography (with the assistance of this author) after his seventieth birthday (Sept. 1996) when, after attending a Dole for President rally, he, his wife and one of his sons were killed in a plane crash on June 19, 1996, in Burbank, California. rem ain His political papers unprocessed.17 ROBERT W. "SCOTT" McLEOD, the puritanical State Department security chief appointed by President Eisenhower at the insistence of Senator McCarthy, was approved as U.S. Ambassador to Ireland in 1957, after two days of tense hearings about his witch-hunts in the State Department (while his chief target in 1953, Charles Bohlen, was confirmed the same day for Ambassador to the Philippines, in hearings that lasted only two hours). McLeod served in Dublin until early 1961, when he was stricken with cancer; he returned to the U.S. and died within months.18 RICHARD M. NIXON, who as a freshman congressman had teamed up with Karl Mundt and other members of H.U.A.C. to successfully crack the case against Alger Hiss in 1948, turned his fame into 690 �political hay when he ran for the Senate in November 1950. Nixon played no part, officially, in the 1950s anti-homosexual purge, but his distrust of the State Department persisted to where, after he became President, he demanded that key functions of American foreign policy be run by his National Security Advisor, Henry Kissinger (later also named as Secretary of State), who undermined the Department by directing policy from the White House. A quarter of a century after the Hiss case, Nixon justified his views with the comment to his staff that foreign policy could never be left to "the striped-pants faggots in Foggy Bottom ."19 Perhaps as the result of a similar mistrust of established norms of American politics, Nixon became the only presidentto resign, on almost twenty years later, August 9, 1974. He died on April 25, 1994, at the age of e ig h ty -o n e. PRESIDENT HARRY TRUMAN, long lambasted as naive towards the threat of Communist influence among U.S. liberals (despite his initiation of the 1947 loyalty-security program which first revealed the homosexual-personnel issue), fought McCarthyism long after his retirem ent from the White House in January 1953. He refused to ever comment on the homosexual scandal, sidestepping a question in a 1971 interview by declaring he would not lower himself to the level of a "guttersnipe."20 Truman's reputation rose during the 691 �ensuing years of the Cold War, and he was regarded as a senior statesman by the time he passed away at his home in Independence, Missouri, on December 26, 1972, at the age of eighty-eight. STEPHEN SPINGARN, the civil-rights-oriented White House assistant who tried unsuccessfully to stem the Hoey Committee tide labeling all homosexual employees as security risks, served with distinction on the Federal Trade Commission, where he had been appointed in September 1950 after irritating too m any senators over his fervent opposition to the Internal Security Act. Spingarn served for five years on the F.T.C. (including time as Acting Chairman), then spent the remainder of his active life local and national Democratic Party politics — in October, 1956, for example, he was appointed to an advisory committee for vice-presidential candidate Senator Estes Kefauver. His political career suffered, however, due to a feud he had had with White House assistant Clark Clifford, a client of whose Spingarn had decided a case against on the F.T.C.; Clifford apparently advised John F. Kennedy that Spingarn was "not a team player." Spingarn never married, and died of diabetes at his home in Washington, D.C., on August 6, 1984. He was seventy-five.21 SUMNER WELLES, longtime Acting Secretary of State who was forced to resign in 1943 after Republican enemies spread news of his 692 �1940 drunken homosexual propositions of Negro taxi drivers and train porters, never regained his former prominence in foreign policy circles. He wrote several books on American foreign relations, remained a "shadow" diplomatic advisor of Democrats for many years, and died in 1961. DEAN ACHESON remained the eternal nemesis of American conservatives, and left public office in January 1953. He wrote his memoirs and stayed active as a behind-the-scenes senior statesman, however, until his death at age seventy-eight in October, 1971.22 JOHN PEURIFOY, Acheson's Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Administration, who unwittingly touched off the 1950 anti­ homosexual investigations with his discussion of non-communist firees, was appointed U.S. Ambassador to Greece in July of 1950. He quickly became known as a "leading 'trouble-shooter' for U.S. Department of State in critical areas" in his top posts in Greece (1950-53), Guatemala (1953-54, where he oversaw the covert American role in the overthrow of the Arbenz government), and in Thailand. He was killed driving a sports car in the Thai countryside, three days after his forty-eighth birthday, in 1955,23 693 �CARLISLE HUMELSINE, Peurifoy's successor who headed and strengthened the State Department's personnel and security operations and who testified before the Hoey Committee, continued his tough-minded approach to security threats into first year of the Eisenhower administration. After Senator McCarthy (Hoey's successor) charged the Department with covering up the same 81 cases he had raised in 1950, Humelsine once again defended his agency, but left in late 1953 to start a second career at the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation in Virginia. He rose from Executive Vice President to President in 1958 (succeeded as vice president by Lucius Battle, Acheson's former special assistant), and Chairman in 1977 (succeeding Supreme Court Justice Lewis F. Powell, Jr.). After thirty-two years at W illiamsburg, Humelsine (having also chaired the American Bicentennial Commission in 1975, and hosted the hosting of the Summit of Industrialized Nations in 1983), he retired in 1985, and died at the age of seventy-three, in January 1989.24 JAMES WEBB, Undersecretary of State who testified before the 1950 Hoey Committee, returned to private business in 1953, as an executive with Kerr-McGee Oil Industries in Oklahoma. He returned to the national spotlight when appointed director of NASA by President Kennedy in 1961, and won national fame for his management of the space program from its infancy to the manned 694 �moon landing (accomplished ahead of schedule) in 1969, when he retired. He died in 1992 at the age of eighty-five.25 D. MILTON LADD, Assistant to the Director of the F.B.I. who testified before the Hoey Committee about the Bureau's imperfect liaison system with the D.C. police and U.S. Civil Service Commission, retired from the F.B.I. on Feb. 28, 1954, and moved to a Florida lakeside cottage with his wife to pursue a hobby of collecting Indian artifacts. A sedentary lifestyle did not befit the former security officer, leading him to run for Congress from Florida's Fifth District; he was killed in an auto accident while on the campaign trail, at age fifty-seven on July 11, I960.26 HAMILTON H. HOWZE, former Horse Cavalry and Army tank commander who confirmed the Hoey Committee's opinion that homosexuals were security risks, later rose to the level of general, and served as the first director of Army Aviation in 1955. He devised a plan for the invasion of Cuba by helicopter, during the Cuban Missile Crisis, a role for which President Kennedy awarded him the Legion of Merit. Howze also commanded the 18th Airborne Corps, which Kennedy sent to M ississippi to quell the violence over the admission the first black student at "Ole Miss" in 1962. The now-famous "Huey" choppers of the First Cavalry Division stemmed 695 �from Howze's plans, though he himself retired in 1965 after being passed over for command in Vietnam, in favor of General William W estmoreland. Howze became an executive for many years with Bell Helicopter in Ft. Worth, Texas, where he passed away on Dec. 8, 1998, two weeks short of his ninetieth birthday.27 REAR ADMIRAL ROSCOE HILLENKOETTER, within weeks of his July 1950 testimony before the Hoey Committee (where he detailed the case of the infamous Austrian homosexual spy, Colonel Alfred Raedl), stepped down as Director of Central Intelligence after sustained criticism of the C.I.A.'s failure to predict the Korean War in June. A true ship's captain at heart, Hillenkoetter secured a position as Commander of the Navy Task Force in the Korean theater and spent ten months there before returning to naval administration in W ashington in September, 1951. He later served as Inspector General of the Navy before retiring as Vice Admiral in 1957.28 In 1962, he began a second career in the m ilitary hardware business, as an executive with the Hegeman-Harris Company; he died at the age of eighty-five in Weehawken, New Jersey, in June, 1982. FRANCES PERKINS, former Labor Secretary who testified as a member of the Civil Service Commission before the 1950 Hoey Committee in place of Commissioner Harry Mitchell, retired to 696 �academia in 1953. She was a visiting lecturer in labor relations and political science at the University of Illinois and at the Seminar of American Subjects in Austria before accepting a full-time position at Cornell University in 1956. She died at her home in Newcastle, Maine, at the age of eighty-five in May, 1965; Congress renamed the Department of Labor Building after her in 1979. SETH RICHARDSON, Chairman of the Presidential Loyalty Review Board who testified before the 1950 Hoey Committee, soon left the position to head the Subversive Control Activities Board (created by the McCarran Internal Security Act of September, 1950); he died in office at the age of seventy-three in March, 1953. DR. ROBERT H. FELIX, who testified before the Wherry-Hill and Hoey Committees as to the percentages of homosexuals in society and on the dangers of "latent" homosexuality, later regretted how the Senate investigators used his expertise to inflate the "pervert" threat. He continued to head the country's mental health establishm ent for many years, serving as an advisor to the World Health Organization and as president of the American Psychiatric Association. In 1964, Felix left the Public Health Service to become dean of the St. Louis University Medical School. He retired in 1986, and died of an asthma attack at age eighty-five, on March 31, 1990, at his home in Sun City, A rizona.29 697 �ERIC SEVAREID, who broadcast a balanced radio report on the Senate anti-homosexual investigations in July 1950, remained fearful that McCarthy would ruin him as a liberal journalist, but escaped ever being hauled before one of Tail Gunner Joe's committees. Sevareid denounced McCarthy's political amorality in a broadcast of January 10, 1954, which predated Edward R. Murrow's more-widely publicized, scathingly critical See It Now retirement from the CBS Evening News expose. By the time of his in 1977, Sevareid had become a national icon in radio and television news commentary during the Civil Rights, Vietnam and Watergate eras. He died in 1992 at the age of eighty-nine.30 HERMAN "HANK" GREENSPUN, Las Vegas Sun publisher who accused his fellow Republican, Senator Joseph McCarthy, of being a homosexual and a former Communist, won his defamation lawsuit against McCarthy in 1955. In 1961, Greenspun was granted a full pardon by President Kennedy for his 1948 and 1950 convictions on gun-running charges for Israel, enabling him to run (unsuccessfully) for Nevada governor. He died of cancer at his Las Vegas home on July 23, 1989, shortly before his eightieth birthday.31 ALGER HISS, the former State Department official convicted in January 1950 of perjury, served 44 months of his five-year sentence 698 �in New York's Lewisberg State Penitentiary — ironically along with J. Parnell Thomas, the former HUAC chairman who had been jailed after a kickback scandal. Following his release, Hiss sold stationery and rare books in New York City, and lived the remainder of his life in obscurity, the perpetual bete noire of American anti-communists. He wrote two autobiographical defenses before he passed away in 1996, at the age of ninety-two.32 TIMOTHY HOBSON, whose expulsion from the Navy on charges of homosexuality was one of the reasons his stepfather Alger Hiss did not call upon him to testify against Whittaker Chambers in 1949, later went into a career in medicine, studying at New York University and in Switzerland. He married in 1961, fathered four children, and had his own surgery practices in California and Wyoming. In 1986, after thirty-five years' marriage, he separated from his wife, moved to San Francisco and "came out" of the closet at the age of fifty. He has since retired, and enjoys leisure time sailing with his long-time gay partner. Dr. Hobson sent off for his FBI file in the late 1980s, but the Bureau blacked out most all of the copies they sent him.33 WHITTAKER CHAMBERS received immunity from possible treason charges as a result of his testimony against Alger Hiss. In 1952, he published his own account of his Communist (but not homosexual) 699 �past and supposed relationship with Hiss; a collection of his views on democracy and Communism were published after his death, in the long-sought obscurity of his Maryland farm, of heart failure at the age of sixty in 1961. Defended by the political right as a self-sacrificing savior of American government, Chambers was posthumously awarded the Congressional Medal of Freedom in 1984 by a fellow, former anti-communist F.B.I. informant, then-President Ronald Reagan; in 1989, Interior Secretary Donald Hodel overruled the National Park Service Advisory Board to designate Chambers' farm (discovery site of the infamous "Pumpkin Papers") a national historical landm ark.34 DANIEL WEBSTER CORY, the author of the ground-breaking 1951 book on homosexuality as something o ther than a disease or mental illness, gave speeches to Mattachine (gay rights) groups throughout the 1950s, and ran his own mail-order book service to provide the public with positive publications on homosexuality. He gradually stopped using his pseudonym, and left a 32-year career in the cosmetics industry in 1961. As Edward Sagarin, he completed a sociology dissertation on the nation's first homosexual veterans group, in 1966, and co-authored a short history of the hom osexual-rights m ovem ent in 1969.35 Cory/Sagarin was never unable to move beyond a negative self-conception as a homosexual, 700 �however. He resolutely separated his two selves, going so far as to write — as Sagarin - an encyclopedia entry on homosexuality which included comments on the importance of the work of "Cory" while not admitting he was the same person. By the 1970s, having become a sociology lecturer at City College of New York, he even published articles which labeled homosexuals as "frequently borderline psychotics" and condemned gay-rights activists as "defensive, neurotic, and disturbed" for denying homosexuality was a disease. He died in 1986 at the age of seventy-three.36 DRS. ALFRED C. KINSEY & WARDELL POMEROY, chief co-authors of the ground-breaking book on male sexual behavior in America (1948), soon published a companion volume on female sexual behavior (1953), and continued their research. In the fall of 1950, Kinsey attempted to import some sexually explicit materials for his studies from Europe, only to see them confiscated by the U.S. Customs Service; he did not live to see the subsequent case settled in his favor in the fall of 1957. He was labeled a communist by some right-wing and Catholic Church newspapers, and by 1954 had lost most of the federal and private funding for his Institute for Sex Research. Kinsey died of a heart attack on August 25, 1956, at the age of sixtv-two.37 Pomeroy actively campaigned for greater acceptance of homosexuals (including as a panelist with Evelyn 70 1 �Hooker before the New York City Mattachine Society in 1958), and he criticized conservatives’ condemnation of masturbation and homosexuality in a bestselling textbook he wrote on sex education. As of 1998, Pomeroy is still living, retired in a Michigan retirement home, though he no longer gives interviews. The 1948 Kinsey Report still elicits heated debate half a century after its publication.3 8 MAX LERNER, Yale Professor of Government and New York Post colum nist who produced the longest sustained newspaper coverage of the 1950 anti-homosexual inquiries, maintained his interest in the sexual proclivities of the nation throughout the 1950s and '60s. In 1957, he appeared along with famed anthropologist and author M argaret Mead on W RCA-TV's third-ever television program featuring a discussion of homosexuality, "Male and Female in American Culture," in which he appealed for America to "go back" to "simple" cultures that "didn't have" homosexuality. He reprinted several of his articles from the 1950 "Scandal in the State Department" series in a 1959 book, reminding readers that he still viewed homosexuals as sick, but deserving of sympathy. He later was Professor of American Civilization at Brandeis University for twenty-five years, during which time he wrote extensively on the presidency. He died in 1992 at the age of ninety.39 702 �JAMES T. "JIM" BERRYMAN, Pulitzer-Prize-winning, Evening Star cartoonist and masculinist friend of Senator Kenneth W herry, later also won the National Cartoonist Society Award, the American Legion Distinguished Service Medal, the Medal for Merit, and the National Headliners Award. He retired in 1966, and moved to Florida, where he died in 1971 at the age of sixty-nine. ALAN DUNN, whose cartoon about a man fired from the State Departm ent merely for "incompetence" implicitly spoofed the homosexual scare in the spring of 1950, continued drawing for the New Yorker until his death in 1971 at the age of seventy-one. By that time he had produced over 1,600 cartoons, including two books of reprints.40 LT. ROY BLICK, member and later head of the D.C. Vice Squad in who testified before the W herry-Hill and Hoey Committees, later confessed to gay legal activist Franklin Kameny that the "5,000" and "6,000" figures he had given in 1950 were completely invented, guesses without any statistical basis whatsoever — worse than Max Lerner had surmised in his P o st articles.4* Blick continued his efforts to rid the nation's capitol of "perverts" and other threats, testifying before several other congressional committees over the years (chiefly regarding pornography). 703 Promoted to Captain by the �end of 1950, he later rose to Inspector and finally Deputy Chief before retiring in late 1964. He lived to see the beginning of the end of the anti-homosexual section of the Vice Squad's Morals Division, whose scope was limited after the ACLU backed an anti-harassment lawsuit against the Metropolitan Police; the Vice Squad was even barred by court order from reporting sex-offense arrests to employers. The Squad came under further attack when several officers were arrested for conspiring to arrest people on false charges, including the standard anti-gay charge, "lewd and imm oral purposes." On May 31, 1972, the District government agreed that the sodomy statute (D.C. Code 22-3502) did "not apply and cannot be applied to private, consensual acts involving adults." died on June 18, 1972, in Washington, D.C.42 Days later, Blick The Morals Division of the Vice Squad was abolished altogether in 1975. NED CAREY FAHS, who was mistakenly accused of homosexuality and temporarily relieved of his duties in the U.S.I.A. in the summer of 1954, never returned to work in government, but instead took a job with the Kellogg Foundation in Michigan. He later earned his doctorate, enjoyed a second career in academia, and retired in 1975. He attempted to search for his F.B.I. file in 1995 but found that U.S.I.A. records were kept only for twenty years; 704 his file had been �destroyed in the mid-1970s. Dr. Fahs died in Princeton, New Jersey, at age eighty-six on July 4, 1997.43 HARRY HAY (b. 1912), who tried to start a homosexual-rights group as early as 1948 but did not succeed (via the M attachine Society) until late 1950, continued to incite heterosexuals and homosexuals alike with his "Radical Faerie" views for over half a century. His left-wing political ties earned him a HUAC appearance in 1955, though the F.B.I. did not realize until afterwards that he had connections to the Mattachine. Hay has long been hailed by gay rights activists as the grandfather of the movement. After living for several years on a commune in New Mexico with his long-time lover, Hay retired to Los Angeles; he remains a fervent socialist.44 DR. FRANKLIN KAMENY (b. 1925), whose 1957 dismissal from the U.S. Army Corps of Geographers ultimately led to a second career as a gay rights activist and lawyer, became the first openly gay person to testify before a congressional committee in 1963, protesting Texas Congressman John Dowdy's attem pt to revoke the license of the Mattachine Society of Washington. Kameny helped organize the first gay rights demonstration in 1965, picketing the W hite House and the Civil Service Commission headquarters, and was the first openly gay candidate for Congress in 1971. 705 He was �instrumental in passing the pro-gay D.C. Human Rights Law in 1973, and became the first gay member of the District Civil Rights Commission in 1975. One of his first recommendations was to push the District Council to eliminate the Morals Division of the M etropolitan Police Vice Squad — the Council took Kameny's advice without question, and quietly killed the Division by eliminating its budget for 1976. Kameny's legal efforts assisting others to fight anti­ gay dismissals led the Civil Service Commission to expunge the term "immoral conduct" from disqualification lists for federal employment, on July 3, 1975. He remains involved in gay-rights politics.45 706 �1 Uncited portions of vignettes are compiled from A.N. Marquis' Who's Who in A m erica and Who Was Who in America (various editions, 1950-1998). 2 Presidential supporters cited in White, "Portrait of a 'Fundamentalist'," 27. 3 See Virginia Van der Veer Hamilton, Lister Hill: Statesman From the South (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1987), 181 ff; and University of Alabama Medical Center Bulletin (August 13, 1966), 3-5. 4 Quotes from Hatcher, The Senatorial Career of Clvde R. Hoev. 70-72, 149-50. Senator Margaret Chase Smith, whom Hoey had offered to have written transcripts of the hearings sent to her, so as to not embarrass her with the subject matter, praised him in death for having conducted a "quiet and forceful" investigation which avoided "lurid publicity," See U.S. Senate, Memorial Services ... in eulogy of Clvde Roark Hoev.... 112. 5 The investigator, J. B. Matthews, accused 7,000 Protestant ministers of being Communist in 1953 [see discussion in Chapter 8], McClellan also disagreed with McCarthy when the latter tried to supported Cohn & Schine's infamous "bookburning" tour of U.S. Embassies in Europe). See "McCarthy, Mundt Call Easing Of Book Ban 'Ridiculous, Silly'," Evening Star fJulv 9, 1953); unpaginated copy in Spingarn Papers/HSTL, Box 38, Folder "Newspaper Clippings [1 of 2]." 6 McClellan retained the services of one of McCarthy's subcommittee counsels, Robert F. Kennedy, and appointed him Chief Counsel (the role formerly filled by Roy Cohn). William S. White, Citadel: The Storv of the U.S. Senate (1956; New York: Harper & Brothers, 1957), 192-93. 7 8 Quote from Washington Post (May 31, 1972), Al:4. McClellan Senate history as linked exclusively to the labor racketeering see Byrd, The Senate. 1789-1989. 512. For McClellan's support labor, see Walter Karp, Indispensable Enemies: The Politics of A m erica (New York: Saturday Review Press, 1973), 195. is recorded in investigation; of (white) union Misrule in 9 See White, op. cit. , 90. Eastland's subcommittee managed to perform the same type of character assassination, however, as had McCarthy's, leaving dozens of witnesses bereft of livelihood after employers "lost confidence" in them. Melvin Barnet, for example, was dismissed as an editor of the New York Times after having been investigated by Eastland's committee in July 1955; from Barnet's obituary in New York Times [June 19, 1998). 707 �10 See Kirwin, The Inevitable Success. 447-64, 523-57 [561 on papers]; and Chris Bull, "His Brother's Keeper: Maryland Governor Parris Glendening pushed for a gay rights bill in memory of his gay brother," The Advocate: The National Gav & Lesbian Newsmagazine (May 25, 1999), 30, 32. The Senator's office did not retained general constituent correspondence, only tabulating the number of letters received on various issues. Even Joseph McCarthy, among other senators, decried the potential loss of a great anti­ communist in O'Conor; see Cong. Rec. 98, 4 (Jan. 14, 1952), and 98, 5 (Jan. 15, 1952), 192. The scandai-mongering Lait and Mortimer, however fU.S.A. C o nfidential. 360-63], describe the machine-politician O'Conor as too liberal to "dare run for reelection" — despite turning "Commie-fighter," they summarized, he knew "it was too late" to avoid the fate of Tydings, 11 See Gerald Lange, "Mundt vs. McGovern: The 1960 Senate Election," Heritage of the Great Plains 15, 4 (Fall 1982), 33-42. On Hill, see Mundt Papers, Boxes 115 folder 1, 566 f. 4, 628 f. 4, 641 f. 1, 996 f. 1, 1000 f. 9, 1005 f. 7, and 1027 f. 2. On McClellan, see Mundt Papers, Boxes 361 folder 5, 365 f. 1, 366 f. 2, 396 f. 3, 393 f. 2, 399 f. 10, 529 f. 6 , 530 ff. 2, 4 & 7, 531 ff. 7 & 8, 532 f. 2, 533 f. 3, 544 ff. 4, 6 & 7, 566 f. 4, 572 ff. 1-4, 592 f. 13, 625 f. 1, 629 f. 4, 630 f. 1, 701 ff. 2 & 6 , 705 ff. 2 & 6 , 944 f. 2, 948 f. 4, and 1228 f. 2. On Eastland, see Mundt Papers, Boxes 333 folder 3, 336 f. 3, 583 f. 13, 591 f. 4, 592 f. 11. 593 f. 1, 595 f. 4, 596 f. 4, 599 f. 7, 618 ff. 3 & 5, 625 f. 1, 947 f. 2, and 1015 f. 5. Mundt was commended for his ERA efforts, ironically, by John M. Butler, the man who had defeated Millard Tydings with the help of Joseph McCarthy in one of the dirtiest, Red-baiting campaigns of 1950; see Mundt-Butler and Butler-Mundt letters, Jan. 14 & 15, 1955, in Mundt Papers, R.G. VI, Box 915, Personal File (Roil 151). N.B. -- The E.R.A. had been first introduced in Congress in 1923, and was endorsed by the Republican Party from 1940 and by the Democratic Party from 1944. The measure would not pass (with a ten-year limit for ratification) until 1972; it was not ratified and died in 1982. 12 Jack Williams, "Kansan Gets His Say: Senator Murray Is Now The Target of Schoeppel," Kansas Citv Star (Mar. 11, 1951); unpaginated clipping in Schoeppel Vertical File, Kansas State Historical Society, Topeka. 13 See U.S. Congress, Biographical Directory of the United States Congress (1971), 1664; plus "Kansan Off Farm Group," Topeka Journal (Jan. 13, 1961), "Services Will Be in Wichita; Day Uncertain," Topeka Capital (Jan. 22, 1962), "Tribute In Topeka At Schoeppel Bier," Kansas City Times (Jan. 25, 1962), and "Final Services Held For Senator Schoeppel," Wichita Morning Eagle (Jan. 26, 1962); unpaginated clippings in Schoeppel Vertical File, loc. cit. 14 Quote from chapter of same title, in Wallace, Politics of Conscience. 131-56 [164-66, 188-98 on her later years]; see also Smith, Declaration of Conscience (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1972). On the trade embargo, see Smith's memo to Frip Flanagan (July 22, 1953), her letter to McCarthy (July 23, 1953), and their replies (July 23, 1953); in M.C. Smith Papers, Government Operations Committee File, Folder "Control of Trade with the Soviet Bloc." On McCarthy's death, see Smith's June 6 , 1957 letter to John L. McClellan; in M.C. Smith Papers, Government Operations Committee File, Folder "Correspondence." Smith broke her role-call stretch only in 1968, when she missed a vote while in the hospital for hip surgery; her record stood until 1981. 708 �15 U .S . C ongress, B iographical D irectory o f the U nited States C ongress. 1095, 16 On Cohn's later life and less-hidden homosexuality, see Von Hoffman, Citizen C ohn. 340-460. Cohn wrote two books about his political life and that of his mentor, M cCarthy (New York: New American Books, 1968), and A Fool For A C lient (New York: Hawthorn Books, 1971). 17 See telephone interviews with Randolph W. Baxter, Oct. 23, 1995 [quotes], Feb. 20 & June 10, 1996; and Lawrence Van Gelder, "Crash Kills G. David Schine, 69, McCarthy-Era Figure," New York Times (June 21, 1996), B13. 18 See U.S. Congress, Senate Foreign Relations Committee (85th Cong., 1st sess.), "Nomination of Scott McLeod," Hearings, Apr. 30 & May 1, 1957 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1957); New York Times (Jan. 22, 1961), 7:4, (Feb. 7, 1961), 20:5, and (Nov. 8, 1961), 35:1. 19 Nixon quoted in Jack Anderson, "Kissinger: One-Man State Department," Washington Post (Oct. 18, 1974), D19. "Foggy Bottom" was the section of Washington where the State Department was headquartered. 20 Truman quoted in John Hersey, "The Truman Way," New York Times (Aug. 3, 1973), 31. 2 1 Quote from author's interview with Edward D.W. Spingarn, Apr. 17, 1999; see also Democratic National Committee, Publicity Division, Press Release B-1399 (Washington, D.C.: DNC, Oct. 30, 1956), copy in Spingarn Papers/HSTL, APLWHDM File, Box 29, Folder "Misc. Material in the White House Manual"; and Washington Post (Aug. 8 , 1984), B4 [I am grateful to Randy Sowell of the Truman Library staff for providing me with this article]. 22 See Dean Acheson, Present at the Creation: D epartm ent (New York: Mv Years at the State Norton, 1969). 22 See Current Biography 1955: and New York Times (Aug. 13, 1955), 1. I am grateful to Leland Barrow for his personal anecdotes of Peurifoy. 24 See obituary by Hope Reese, "Crowd expected at Humelsine rites," Virginia G azette (Jan. 28, 1989); I am grateful to Ambassador Ronald Palmer and the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation for providing me with these references. For McCarthy's exchanges with Humelsine, see FRUS. 1952-54. Vol. I. Pt. 2. 1433-37. 25 See Bruce Lambert, "James Webb, Who Led Moon Program, Dies at 85," New York Times (Mar. 29, 1992), A32. 26 From internal FBI newsletter articles, "Assistant to the Director Ladd Retires," In v estig ato r (Mar. 1954), 2, 7; and Milton A. Jones, "Ladd, Rosen and Coffey Served FBI With Dedication for Years," G rapevine (Aug. 1979), 30. 27 Richard Goldstein, "Gen. H.H. Howze, 89, Dies; New York Times (Dec. 18, 1998), C32. 709 Proposed Copters as Cavalry," �28 Leary, The Central Intelligence Agency. 23-24; Intelligence Agency. 399; Darling, The Central and Quirk, The Central Intelligence Agency. 223. 29 Washington Post (April 2, 1990), D 6 :l; regrets expressed in interview with Richard Kollodge, "Back to the fifties: A little-known investigation," Washington Blade (Dec. 11, 1987), 1, 7. 30 Schroth, The American Journey of Eric Sevareid. 320, 324-25, 401, 423. 31 Hank Greenspun with Alex Pelle, Where I Stand : The Record of a Reckless Man (New York: David McKay Co., 1966), 229-304; and Ari L. Goldman, "Hank Greenspun, 79, Publisher," New York Times (July 24, 1989), D ll. 32 Alger Hiss, In The Court Of Public Opinion (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1957); ibid ., Recollections of a Life (New York: Arcade, 1988). See also the account of Tony Hiss, The View From Alger's Window: A Son's Memoir (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1999). 33 From Tony Hiss, The View From Alger's Window: interview and author's telephone with Hobson. 34 See New York Times (Feb. 22, 1984), 1; plus Whittaker Chambers, "I Was the Witness," Saturday F.vening Post (Feb. 9, 1952), 17-19, 60, 62-63, 66 , 68 ; his W itness (1952; Chicago: Regnery Gateway, 1980); and his Odyssey of a Friend: Letters to William F. Bucklev. Jr.. 1954-1961 (New York: Putnam, 1969). 35 See Donald Webster Cory, pseud., "Homosexuality," in The Encyclopedia of Sexual Behavior, eds. Albert Ellis and Albert Abarbanel, 2nd ed. (New York: Hawthorn, 1967), 485-93; Edward Sagarin, Marvin Cutler [pseud.], and Foster Gunnison, "The Homophile Movement in America," in The Same Sex: An Appraisal of Homosexuality, ed. Ralph W. Weltge (Philadelphia: United Church Press, 1969); and Sagarin, Structure and Ideology in an Association of Deviants (Ph.D. dissertation, New York University, 1966; reprint, New York: Amo Press, 1975). On the Veterans Benevolent Association [1948-1954], see Katz, Gav American H istory. 635 n 116. 36 Steve Hogan and Lee Hudson, Completely Queer: Encyclopedia (New York: The Gav and Lesbian Henry Holt, 1998), 154-55. York T i m e s (Apr. 1 5 , 1 9 5 6 ), V I , 2 8 :1 & 6 0 :3 , (Aug. 2 5 , 1 9 5 6 ), 1 7 :8 , (Aug. (Aug. 2 7 , 1 9 5 6 ) , 1 8 :3 , and (Aug. 2 8 , 1 9 5 6 ), 2 7 :1 ; "Censorship vs. Sex Study," The Ladder 2 , 7 (April 1 9 5 8 ) , 1 4 - 1 5 ; "Research Experts Report on Homosexual Studies," The Ladder 3 , 1 (October 1 9 5 8 ), 1 7 - 2 1 ; Christenson, K insev. 163-66; and Jones, Alfred C. Kinsey. 701-758. S7 N e w 26, 1 9 5 6 ) , 1 :3 , 38 Pomeroy, Bovs and Sex (1968; New York: Dell Books, 1971). For an example of a conservative critique, see Judith A. Reisman and Edward W. Eichel, Kinsev. Sex and Fraud: The Indoctrination Of A People ([n.p.]: Lochinvar-Huntington House, 1990). Congressman Steve Stockman [R-TX] even introduced a bill in the House demanding an investigation of Kinsey's influence on sex education and whether or not he had been a child molester; see Jones, op. cit. , 770-71. 710 �39 Sten Russell, "The Open Mind: A Review of Three Programs," The Ladder 2, 2 (Nov. 1957), 7, 22; Max Lerner, The Unfinished Country: A Book of American Sym bols (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1959), 310-30; idem . America As A Civilization: Life and Thought in the United States Today (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1957), whose sections on "Morals in Revolution" and "Society and Sexual Expression" discuss the 1950 Senate probe; and idem , Wounded Titans: American Presidents and the Perils of Power, ed. Robert Schmuhl (New York: Arcade, 1996), 40 See his Should It Gurgle? A Cartoon Portfolio. 1946-1956 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1956); Is There Intelligent Life On Earth? A Report to the Congress of Mars bv Alan Dunn. Translated into English bv the Author (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1960); and A Portfolio of Social Cartoons. 1957-1968 (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1968). 41 Telephone interview with Franklin Kameny, Jan. 17, 1998. 42 See news articles in Washington Post (Sept. 10, 1971), C2:6-7, (Jan. 22, 1972), Al:5 & 10:1, (Jan. 26, 1972), C l :6 & 4:1, (Feb. 3, 1972), A14:8, and (May 31, 1972), A l :6 & 9:2-3; plus Jean R. Hailey, "Roy Blick, Ex-Police Official, Dies at 72," Washington Post (June 19, 1972), C4. Blick and his wife were childless. Five other state legislatures, by the time of his death, had decriminalized consensual homosexual acts; by the 1990s, the number had risen to 27 states. 43 From author's telephone interview and personal correspondence with Fahs, 1995-97. 44 See author's telephone interview with Hay (Mar. 25, 1998); Timmons, The Trouble With Harrv Hav: Henry Hay, "Testimony of Harry Hay, Accompanied by Counsel, Frank Pestana" (July 2, 1955), in U.S. Congress, House Committee on Un-American Activities (84th Cong., 1st sess.), Investigation of Communist Activities in Los Angeles. California Area. Hearings, June 27-July 2, 1955, Vol. 1, Part 4 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O., 1955), 1790-91, 1872-75. From author's telephone interviews with Kameny (Aug. 19, 1997 and Jan. 17, 1998) and personal interview (June 22, 1997); Johnson, "Homosexual Citizens," 55-63; Kameny's testimony in U.S. Congress, House Committee on the District of Columbia ( 88 th Cong., 1st sess.), "Amending the District of Columbia Charitable Solicitation Act," Hearings ... on H.R. 5990, Aug. 8-9, 1963 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. G.P.O.: 1963); and Washington Post (Feb. 23, 1971), A l:7. The first openly gay person elected to Congress (from Massachusetts) won in 1972. 45 711 � Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource “Eradicating This Menace”: Homophobia and Anti-Communism in Congress, 1947-1954 Abstract A summary of the resource. Dissertation addressing what has come to be known as the "Lavender Scare," and what was known in the popular press of 1950 as the "Pervert Purge": the investigation and firing of gay and lesbian civil servants during the late 1940s and 1950s. This dissertation examines the relationship between homophobia and American politics as suggested in the political rhetoric of early Cold War "anti-communism" in general and specifically in the U.S. Senate's 1950 investigations of "Homosexuals and Other Moral Perverts in Federal Employment." Avoiding the usual simplification of "anticommunism" into a political-ideological debate devoid of gender and sexuality analysis, this work expands upon the traditional definition of "anti-communism" as against a "foreign" threat to include oft-hidden domestic fears of (especially male) homosexuality--in the context of a preoccupation with masculinity and national security--both in society at large and as potential "security risks" in government. Fear of "latent homosexuality" became a touchstone for McCarthy-era conspiracy-theorists using "masculinist" political rhetoric. Such fears distorted most U.S. government leaders' views during the Cold War; the 1950 investigations led to the extension to every level of federal, state and city government of the military's anti-homosexual, World War II-era screening and discharge policies. Later, the Eisenhower administration implemented a screening process against such "security risks" more stringent than those of the Truman years. This project details the circumstances and progression of the 1950 investigation, including an examination of the writings, worldviews and views on homosexuality of key leaders--Republican Senator and Minority Floor Leader Kenneth Wherry, who vowed to "eradicate" the "menace" of homosexuals in government; and Democratic Senators Lister Hill and Clyde Hoey--the response of the Truman administration, the press and constituents; and the effects of the inquiry on government policy and employees, some of which lasted into the 1990s. The work thus delves into little-explored areas of a topic fraught with sexual and political fears, and allows for the construction of a model for future studies of anti-liberal and anti-homosexual attitudes. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Randolph Baxter; rbaxter@Exchange.fullerton.edu Date Created Date of creation of the resource. 1999 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource All rights to publication, quotation, or other reproduction held by the author, Randolph Baxter. Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Dissertation Provenance A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource. Posting to Rainbow History Project website courtesy of the author. https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/232a443d953f0fe54f40736b075925ca.pdf 5f78d9a5d92274fc70f0c74dd04a08ca Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource An Incurable Romantic: The Life and Loves of John Moore McCalla, Jr. Alternative Title An alternative name for the resource. The distinction between titles and alternative titles is application-specific. Presented at the 30th Annual Washington, D.C. Historical Studies Conference 2003 Abstract A summary of the resource. The memoirs of Dr. John McCalla Jr., a nineteenth century Washington DC physician, portray the life of an active male bisexual in the second half of that century. The papers, at the Historical Society of Washington, were transcribed and edited by Mark Herlong, Ph.D., who has extensively researched the clubs, social activities and other events recalled in the McCalla papers. McCalla's memoirs reflect the pressures and activities of local male bisexuals during the period. Herlong summarized the papers in this presentation to the 30th annual Washington, DC Historical Studies Conference in November 2003. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=39&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Mark+W.+Herlong%2C+Ph.D.">Mark W. Herlong, Ph.D.</a> Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=40&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=November+7%2C+2003">November 7, 2003</a> Bisexual people https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/885876ae0475d923c4f831d890eca417.pdf 9e94e219205a5a5537a3083eec6e2fa7 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Arcus Pride Art 2019 Abstract A summary of the resource. This source portrays the Arcus Pride art exhibition in 2019, all over the world. It is an annual art exhibition, with works of LGBT+ artists. As Clifford Chance partners say, "Arcus Pride Art 2019 expresses these moments of pride and fosters the diverse and inclusive culture and workplace that we are honored to be a part of." As seen in the table of contents, this resource goes through all of the places with each of their specific features. Some features mentioned are editions of the Pride Photo Award, videos, creations based off climate change, prints from Hong Kong, LED Lights, watercolor, Washington D.C. community archives, and so much more. At the end are the emails for visiting these exhibits when they were available in 2019. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. Amsterdam Düsseldorf Hong Kong London Milan New York Perth Singapore Sydney Tokyo Washington D.C. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2019 https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/189463a7cad05d951aa2a014f0962683.pdf 651005e66e10669fbeed812b6148d944 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Becoming Visible: The Legacy of Stonewall Subject The topic of the resource Becoming Visible: The Legacy of Stonewall An Exhibition on the History of New York's Lesbian and Gay Communities Description An account of the resource This is the program booklet for the 1994 exhibit at the New York Public Library to commemorate the 25th Anniversary of the Stonewall Riots. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource The New York Public Library Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available The Pinewood Foundation and the Stonewall Community Foundation, Inc. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource The New York Public Library June 18-September 24, 1994 Provenance A statement of any changes in ownership and custody of the resource since its creation that are significant for its authenticity, integrity, and interpretation. The statement may include a description of any changes successive custodians made to the resource. Gift of Alexander Ossorio Alonso Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. Introduction Stonewall Labelling and Policing Social Worlds Organizing Acknowledgements Donors and Lenders Related Exhibitions Public Programs Suggested Reading https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/3a17da59f6ed4de4b25a3a2e8b5e70e4.pdf ae218803a1823580a72f8a4ac1d6d43d Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Capitol Hill: Newsletter of the Gay Rights National Lobby Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Gay Rights National Lobby Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived David L. Aikens Papers and Photographs Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 1978 October. Vol.1, no. 1 Advocacy groups Gay rights Newsletters Publications https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/9fff0778f55ea784e83a228626cde5f9.pdf a9c268f8698b543c037c7ff6d1790070 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data newspaper Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Come out fighting Subject The topic of the resource Gay liberation movement--United States Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=39&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Lavender+and+Red+Union">Lavender and Red Union</a> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived David L. Aikens Papers and Photographs Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=40&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=1975-11">1975-11</a> Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Reproduction+and+use+of+this+material+requires+permission+from+the+copyright+holder.+Please+contact+the+Rainbow+History+Project+for+more+information.">Reproduction and use of this material requires permission from the copyright holder. Please contact the Rainbow History Project for more information.</a> <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=%C2%A9+Lavender+and+Red+Union">© Lavender and Red Union</a> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant United States Gay Liberation movement Lavender and Red Union Publications Socialists https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/52183561125d01d665f60a0d8ad19230.pdf dc349afa03dc811275e6be3c31d7d57d Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data newspaper Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Come out fighting, number 16 and 17 Subject The topic of the resource Gay liberation movement--United States Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=39&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Lavender+and+Red+Union">Lavender and Red Union</a> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived David L. Aikens Papers and Photographs Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=40&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=1976-11">1976-11</a> Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Reproduction+and+use+of+this+material+requires+permission+from+the+copyright+holder.+Please+contact+the+Rainbow+History+Project+for+more+information.">Reproduction and use of this material requires permission from the copyright holder. Please contact the Rainbow History Project for more information.</a> <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=%C2%A9+Lavender+and+Red+Union">© Lavender and Red Union</a> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant United States Gay Liberation movement Lavender and Red Union Publications Socialists https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/0993b8760a7ab5d84bbf7b153e4844b1.pdf f1f3c76bad98f3508ca54fad9fe63034 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data newspaper Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Come out fighting, number 4 Subject The topic of the resource Gay liberation movement--United States Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=39&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Lavender+and+Red+Union">Lavender and Red Union</a> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived David L. Aikens Papers and Photographs Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=40&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=1975-08">1975-08</a> Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Reproduction+and+use+of+this+material+requires+permission+from+the+copyright+holder.+Please+contact+the+Rainbow+History+Project+for+more+information.">Reproduction and use of this material requires permission from the copyright holder. Please contact the Rainbow History Project for more information.</a> <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=%C2%A9+Lavender+and+Red+Union">© Lavender and Red Union</a> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant United States Gay Liberation movement Lavender and Red Union Publications Socialists https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/c233c03c5048136e1959379f3e351532.pdf 416d05a6cd502ee6893001b9982f8d28 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data newspaper Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Come out fighting, number 5 Subject The topic of the resource Gay liberation movement--United States Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=39&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Lavender+and+Red+Union">Lavender and Red Union</a> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived David L. Aikens Papers and Photographs Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=40&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=1975-09">1975-09</a> Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Reproduction+and+use+of+this+material+requires+permission+from+the+copyright+holder.+Please+contact+the+Rainbow+History+Project+for+more+information.">Reproduction and use of this material requires permission from the copyright holder. Please contact the Rainbow History Project for more information.</a> <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=%C2%A9+Lavender+and+Red+Union">© Lavender and Red Union</a> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant United States Gay Liberation movement Lavender and Red Union Publications Socialists Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Still Image A static visual representation. Examples of still images are: paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type "text" to images of textual materials. Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data magazine cover Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Cruise weekly arts & entertainment magazine, volume 1, number 3 cover art Subject The topic of the resource Female impersonators--United States Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Reproduction+and+use+of+this+material+requires+permission+from+the+copyright+holder.+Please+contact+the+Rainbow+History+Project+for+more+information.">Reproduction and use of this material requires permission from the copyright holder. Please contact the Rainbow History Project for more information.</a> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource image/jpeg Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Image Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Washington (D.C.) Drag performances Publications https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/809fa913b52f8210d1a0fdf3fe1f9d68.pdf 9571536f6cb1b6395f13f124396aebad Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource DC SHORTS: Film Festival & Screenplay Competition September 6-16, 2018 Description An account of the resource The resource begins with highlighting the special showcases that would be present during this year, 2018. With the end credits, it shows all screenplay reviewers, special thanks, interns the Board of Directors, and the staff. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. Welcome Letter from the Executive Director - 7 Festival Sponsors - 8 From the Office of Cable TV, Film, Music & Entertainment - 10 Festival; Highlights - 12 Theaters & Venues - 14 Ticket Information - 16 About DC Shorts - 19 Online Festival & Best of DC Shorts - 20 Screenplay Competition - 22 Celebrations & Parties - 23 Filmmaking Workshops - 25 Get Involved - 26 Showcases of Films - 28 International and LGBTQ Shorts - 47 Time & Places and Real Reel Shorts - 48 Animation and Youth Shorts - 49 Comedy and Women's Shorts - 50 Ripped from the Headlines and Thrills & Chills Shorts - 51 DC Shorts Jury Awards - 52 End Credits - 53 Schedule at a Glance - 54 https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/452eb66699517e15e259dc008db6083e.pdf f92c2f5b346b846fa8d456f320a19972 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data mimeographed newsletter Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Gay Blade, volume 1, number 1 Subject The topic of the resource Gay newspapers--Washington (D.C.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=40&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=1969-10">1969-10</a> Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Reproduction+and+use+of+this+material+requires+permission+from+the+copyright+holder.+Please+contact+the+Rainbow+History+Project+for+more+information.">Reproduction and use of this material requires permission from the copyright holder. Please contact the Rainbow History Project for more information.</a> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Washington (D.C.) 1960s Publications Washington Blade https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/83521690e776d7e4e03916e3c5573318.pdf 8c587a2ff56fcaf44022b82f4f74c03e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data mimeographed newsletter Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Gay Blade, volume 1, number 2 Subject The topic of the resource Gay newspapers--Washington (D.C.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=40&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=1969-11">1969-11</a> Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Reproduction+and+use+of+this+material+requires+permission+from+the+copyright+holder.+Please+contact+the+Rainbow+History+Project+for+more+information.">Reproduction and use of this material requires permission from the copyright holder. Please contact the Rainbow History Project for more information.</a> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Washington (D.C.) 1960s Publications Washington Blade https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/8b5256453b3c1d1406db14ff0311c191.pdf bdce524cf3978e2eabed288900b1663e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data mimeographed newsletter Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Gay Blade, volume 1, number 3 Subject The topic of the resource Gay newspapers--Washington (D.C.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=40&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=1969-12">1969-12</a> Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Reproduction+and+use+of+this+material+requires+permission+from+the+copyright+holder.+Please+contact+the+Rainbow+History+Project+for+more+information.">Reproduction and use of this material requires permission from the copyright holder. Please contact the Rainbow History Project for more information.</a> Language A language of the resource application/pdf Type The nature or genre of the resource English Identifier An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context Text Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Washington (D.C.) 1960s Publications Washington Blade https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/aaf7d5d91fe235b244b192653c18b5e0.pdf 2d198c244afc9de84e0561938ab67ad9 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data mimeographed newsletter Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Gay Blade, volume 1, number 4 Subject The topic of the resource Gay newspapers--Washington (D.C.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=40&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=1970-01">1970-01</a> Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Reproduction+and+use+of+this+material+requires+permission+from+the+copyright+holder.+Please+contact+the+Rainbow+History+Project+for+more+information.">Reproduction and use of this material requires permission from the copyright holder. Please contact the Rainbow History Project for more information.</a> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Washington (D.C.) 1970s Publications Washington Blade https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/a3cd8abb06de26eb5156922e007893ab.pdf 418044beeb50d393ba4e183cae5eb2e4 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data mimeographed newsletter Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Gay Blade, volume 1, number 5 Subject The topic of the resource Gay newspapers--Washington (D.C.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=40&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=1970-02">1970-02</a> Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Reproduction+and+use+of+this+material+requires+permission+from+the+copyright+holder.+Please+contact+the+Rainbow+History+Project+for+more+information.">Reproduction and use of this material requires permission from the copyright holder. Please contact the Rainbow History Project for more information.</a> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Washington (D.C.) 1970s Publications Washington Blade https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/7a1097f5dacc95bf19a291ca18d2b3f8.pdf 076843ffdb9acfadb878bcebe6c8f263 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data mimeographed newsletter Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Gay Blade, volume 1, number 6 Subject The topic of the resource Gay newspapers--Washington (D.C.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=40&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=1970-03">1970-03</a> Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Reproduction+and+use+of+this+material+requires+permission+from+the+copyright+holder.+Please+contact+the+Rainbow+History+Project+for+more+information.">Reproduction and use of this material requires permission from the copyright holder. Please contact the Rainbow History Project for more information.</a> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Washington (D.C.) 1970s Publications Washington Blade https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/d188fb4e5f436b80c66ac91325877093.pdf 57af0914a055d272dc9cc6608c9c0660 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data mimeographed newsletter Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Gay Blade, volume 2, number 1 Subject The topic of the resource Gay newspapers--Washington (D.C.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=40&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=1970-10">1970-10</a> Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Reproduction+and+use+of+this+material+requires+permission+from+the+copyright+holder.+Please+contact+the+Rainbow+History+Project+for+more+information.">Reproduction and use of this material requires permission from the copyright holder. Please contact the Rainbow History Project for more information.</a> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Washington (D.C.) 1970s Publications Washington Blade https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/103d274f8eec84cc313cf0b6d2639cb6.pdf 7dd74ef1476d91b0aa6dd170cb50fce5 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data mimeographed newsletter Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Gay Blade, volume 2, number 7 Subject The topic of the resource Gay newspapers--Washington (D.C.) Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=40&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=1971-04">1971-04</a> Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Reproduction+and+use+of+this+material+requires+permission+from+the+copyright+holder.+Please+contact+the+Rainbow+History+Project+for+more+information.">Reproduction and use of this material requires permission from the copyright holder. Please contact the Rainbow History Project for more information.</a> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Washington (D.C.) 1970s Publications Washington Blade https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/be6bf886388cdc5859ceff12143113a3.pdf 76fa691df370b563d2d47e22d64aed21 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data newspaper Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Gay left, number 3 Subject The topic of the resource Gay liberation movement--United States Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=39&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Gay+Left+Collective">Gay Left Collective</a> Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived David L. Aikens Papers and Photographs Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=40&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=1976">1976</a> Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Reproduction+and+use+of+this+material+requires+permission+from+the+copyright+holder.+Please+contact+the+Rainbow+History+Project+for+more+information.">Reproduction and use of this material requires permission from the copyright holder. Please contact the Rainbow History Project for more information.</a> <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=%C2%A9+Gay+Left+Collective">© Gay Left Collective</a> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant United States Gay Liberation movement Publications Socialists https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/96850b2a63d339ad549a7a2ae4af3cfa.pdf 7c76bdb959b2dde97037789848d3c750 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data newspaper Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Gay, volume 2, number 62 Subject The topic of the resource Gay liberation movement--United States--History Gay newspapers--United States Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Four Swords, Inc. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=40&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=1971-10-25">1971-10-25</a> Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Nichols, Jack, editor Clark, Lige, editor Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Reproduction+and+use+of+this+material+requires+permission+from+the+copyright+holder.+Please+contact+the+Rainbow+History+Project+for+more+information.">Reproduction and use of this material requires permission from the copyright holder. Please contact the Rainbow History Project for more information.</a> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Washington (D.C.) Publications https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/73920b5b3e94482bdc65f0cd4104b916.pdf bb62c76431db414db6312a38392ef673 https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/e4af7ea16bf6fa949da8ede2cc34737d.pdf 2ee663e2259a66442029ea25de6829c8 https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/fa986cd14ceb48fad16e5c9eae4d28e3.pdf 04450b7f2fd9a6d6e717c5acf63a4516 https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/0f677c117ecdf0ca36cc6b95a71a3884.pdf 3c54fb76bf110d08cf755b10b407d8d3 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Gays on the Hill [Newsletters] Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Universal Fellowship of Metropolitan Community Churches Rev. Roy Birchard R. Adam DeBaugh Source A related resource from which the described resource is derived David L. Aikens Papers and Photographs Description An account of the resource Newsletters of the Washington Office, Universal Fellowship of Metropolitan Community Churches on Capital Hill. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Vol. 1, no. 1 Vol. 1, no. 2 1976 March: Vol. 1, no. 3 Vol. 1, no. 4 Metropolitan Community Church (MCC) Newsletters Religion https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/691bad1b641ffa75ec02e5fac1eb7264.pdf 4a1ec258e265cf416ee906a08381c911 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource In the Family: From Stonewall to City Hall Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource In the Family Magazine Abstract A summary of the resource. This magazine has a significant amount of stories across all different fields. Starting with out there, it analyzes everyday discrimination, individual rights, politics, same-sex marriage, and more. Submitted letters from individuals who read, In the Family, some titles are Therapy, Marriage, Do I?, By Nature, all telling a similar, but different story. The research section includes a case study of 8 homeless youths from NYC, who are forced to "couch-surf" as a means of shelter, and how they are prey for predators. Thus being something, rarely ever talked about. This magazine is a great outlet for current issues and research, and real stories that give you a larger insight into what is going on specifically in individuals, not just as a whole group. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. Editor's Note - 2 Out There - 3 Your Letters - 5 Research - 21 Family Album - 22 Scene on the Screen - 24 Fiction - 25 Last Word - 28 Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource Spring 2004 https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/f78c1b5b8afebc4bfaac6c2ea8a5bc7d.pdf 0749a61bf62de0d5060bed4db10f13c4 https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/74084694c666ede5908614c75453aa93.pdf 30fec74edc1614725acb75d0b0e471d1 https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/cbab282a03c25b17fc272ee99a18b442.pdf 944e32a218361dca2f8a7ed75dc38555 https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/573e17bf7a6cb8129c198a26ea5db33d.pdf 42ebf4dea4ec09d251596255361259e6 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Document A resource containing textual data. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre text. Original Format If the image is of an object, state the type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data printed directory Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Just us : a directory of the Washington gay community Subject The topic of the resource Gays--Social life and customs--Washington (D.C.) Description An account of the resource In 1975, the Washington Area Gay Community Council (WAGCC), an alliance of businesses, community organizations, and churches published the first local guide to the gay community. The publication, Just Us, appeared in the autumn of 1975 and was edited by Cade Ware. WAGCC offices were in the Community Building at 1724 20th St NW. This first community guide appeared six years after Stonewall and fourteen years after the Mattachine Society of Washington formed. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=39&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Washington+Area+Gay+Community+Council+">Washington Area Gay Community Council </a> Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Washington Area Gay Community Council Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=40&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=1975">1975</a> Contributor An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource Ware, Cade. Editor Aiken, David L. (David Lewis), 1945-1986 Schemering, Christopher Shaffer, Perrin Freund, Eva Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Reproduction+and+use+of+this+material+requires+permission+from+the+copyright+holder.+Please+contact+the+Rainbow+History+Project+for+more+information.">Reproduction and use of this material requires permission from the copyright holder. Please contact the Rainbow History Project for more information.</a> <a href="/items/browse?advanced%5B0%5D%5Belement_id%5D=47&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Btype%5D=is+exactly&amp;advanced%5B0%5D%5Bterms%5D=Used+with+permission+of+Mr+Deacon+Maccubbin%2C+former+president+of+WAGCC.++">Used with permission of Mr Deacon Maccubbin, former president of WAGCC. </a> Format The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource application/pdf Language A language of the resource English Type The nature or genre of the resource Text Coverage The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant Washington (D.C.) Cade Ware Community guides Publications Washington D.C. https://archives.rainbowhistory.org/files/original/0dce943198dcd4fdbea490e36a1823c7.png 0874c2850e5f093424a13957b97b816d Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Historic Publications Collection Description An account of the resource The Historic Publications Collection combines newsletters, periodicals, newspapers, books, and other publications by, for and about the LGBTQ communities. This collection includes both: 1) single issues of various titles that are digitized and online; and, 2) runs of publications that are available in paper form at the DC History Center--some of these may have a digitized issue or two in this online collection. Table Of Contents A list of subunits of the resource. <strong>Titles digitized online include:</strong><br />"The Baltimore Gayzette" (Produced by the Baltimore Gay Alliance) <br />"Capitol Hill" (Published by the Gay Rights National Lobby)<br />"Come Out Fighting: A Newsletter" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"Cruise: Weekly Arts and Entertainment Magazine" <br />"The Furies, Goddesses of Vengeance: A New Lesbian/Feminist Monthly Magazine" <br />"The Lavender and Red Book: A Gay Liberation/Socialist Anthology" (Produced by The Lavender and Red Union) <br />"The Homosexual Citizen" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Insider" (Published by the Mattachine Society of Washington) <br />"The Gay Blade" <br />"Gay Left" <br />"Gays on the Hill" (Published by Metropolitan Community Church) <br />"Just Us: A Directory of the Washington Gay Community" <br />"Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry" <br />"Motive: Methodist Student Movement" <br />"Musica: Newsletter of Women's Music" (Published by Indra "Indy" Allen) <br />"Off Our Backs: A Women's Liberation Biweekly" <br />"Red Flag Union" (Published by the Red Flag Union in Hollywood, California)<br /><br /><strong>Titles available in paper format include:</strong><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/EF152787-E753-4A81-98BC-352621010550" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Advocate (P 4428)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/17F0A247-1F5A-423A-9DD8-194035327180" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">BGM: Black Gay Male (P 3798)</span></a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT-URvXiipp_9oLpk85ukIQRAZ-KE8NbLrQ3Vqas1yuvK_LwFQVCc3d2mpXuGoVualBAEjqS88lb0fo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"><span style="font-weight:400;">Black/Out: The Magazine of the National Coalition of Black Lesbians and Gays (P 3746)</span></a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/072ADDF8-6EB1-42C9-BC9B-334645015229" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Blacklight: BL (P 3797)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRMNot_aI8wzgNyPolSOIcXqELc4iOEZ344oIbfUsq38F_qm_zP03se5ERhI9JlGzP8MTtlDEDQvsyM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Blade, aka The Washington Blade (P 4092)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSk1nluUXzM5WHheLZ3KH0FxIEBgSVIbwlA9n9Q8ITzez773juJVXcWMAa8XWQdqaMl88J9Pd8z90kb/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">ButiVoxx: Hangin' at the Beach (P 7484)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=D6FA5FA7-5F1E-470F-BFDD-704764414254;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Come Out Fighting: The Newspaper of the Lavender and Red Union (P 4429)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vT0ygSuwwM7osEAUq19DZRDB79SG0nQSM0eivbgp9yfT1ai9VZoS5m5S5vCLCLtE3QbFH3vmJZ3VIGo/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Cruise (P 5265)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/85FD7D8E-90AC-4BAF-B9BA-236360613300" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Dorian Book Quarterly (P 3762)</a><br /><a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/B4FE447D-1393-4CEC-95A7-315932234514" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">From the Center: A Publication of the Gay and Lesbian Community Center (P 5153)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=95A93E3E-695D-4FEA-8BED-470192896500;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Furies (P 3796)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=950F02A5-B2AF-4E12-B806-820764303510;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Gay Alternative (P 3764)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=C5041E4B-685F-44AD-AC98-544829469789;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Habari-Daftari: The Newsmagazine of the National Coalition of Black Gays (P 4438)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR0mvUz-4DgFrAne7Lq36XRwN-PgNEbJ_xFk4yOCetJGkzwOnLl7GzB6SypH4lwBfgFBQiC2J2f3C3O/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">In the Family: A Magazine for Gays, Bisexuals, and their Relations (P 7483)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRT5dzowAYoJBFQMdaEWSyE2W4FgdhVCkobDDjpHo8gxQgtDMF0DLgHQLCVThX-5Toe8xCztyz90epj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">James White Review (P 5508)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vR7sT8oSPmwYrUo6fP9iVuyOAI5DHoOivptt7t4f10HYxPzGsm-hoiCR_1-VgZA9isKuk5wh5WoRtGG/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Ladder (P 3763)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSc4izycDdUx2cUXNcTJmZfNnXVG-pGAB9Y88hh9FFBxmDaMAOolG9meN2g0zE6urdjgqapZjndJMlJ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Lambda Rising Book Report (P 5264)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=2C29FA49-5477-4C6A-8AFD-114668235015;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Magnus: A Journal of Collective Faggotry (P 4437)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSSyZKInuvSM7F0flVdDW6T1J2p3D0pF83HhSscUODFK25iGbULV_zA7JoxjatI06JBnQRL94zrvlt/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Malebox!: DC’s Largest Publication for Black Gay Men (P 7485)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSszwzqFsoPGjXrDgQYwkBahcYMYloruOr3TUfqfXz9LoPBxuxt7iw6RgeIG1eISxWjhfxgc-EQ6kFv/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Mattachine Review (P 3761)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTSLESWmUSz9Tc8fBYIAPI0flUdwhE6oE5Sp_8p4jBhnwx6v9qKRJOaa8gCsF8VXT7nQfp33qWjy_zX/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Metro Weekly (P 4573)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRpGOfepm-fAKQxtKzD9OSDSoacs73zE99qL87vPNPgDIQOV4J1Z_YdSdjW_mgBbCPGLmdsyx4JGuT5/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Michael’s Entertainment Weekly (P 5150)</a><br /><a href="http://historydc.pastperfect-online.com/32595cgi/mweb.exe?request=record;id=6ACA8DC9-3D4B-4B18-AAFB-591753602431;type=201" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Motive (P 4439)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTzeS-BNP2NFpAFRaSC4Gr9JcacUt-zqee75IYcSSjsFdQp6ppJD-XqA3WllYzBdK-YHOSMg6hzRGsM/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">One Magazine: The Homosexual Viewpoint (P 3760)</a><br />The Other Pages <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/193BA1F9-468B-4415-98C4-212254951886" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 4412)</a> <a href="http://dchistory.pastperfectonline.com/library/C51A4A45-AE1A-486F-991D-065636732245" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">(P 5259)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSB-zsqyYJsqTYPf_WyEjAudp2l7AdJYtA0NtslJ1pHT163NBwBGrE0egEUrSkUF-3jP-IcsQ2GgnCT/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Out Magazine (P 5258)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQurI_ESpP2burYNzy7qg0K6NIOuMOyu-sRMBGLmfHhRcnTjB5DF50DRO_-mDeWeKnIu5ipPCU9zUPF/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Port of Harlem: A Magazine about Blacks at Home and Abroad (P 7486)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQC8KbQ9ln_ypf6n6s5VEHjvKZ6XQysBxgBBySvh8gl7FSR_cTBVD1NBEkKcAvQ9N0FTYS6Rz_yVATg/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Real: The Magazine for Black Gay &amp; Lesbian Brothers &amp; Sisters (P 7487)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUHIMRHkm5ekmLco5xPaRr55pwH7JSUxaLKrwNsKmilSYEN7Qkd2d1s3dHOZ4qS03NjgY5dF4ReJ4H/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Reel Affirmations (P 5268)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRNePSxazwevOE1YigR9BhbLuorKdUgR74-_VIYhtD4FnoZffQrWbCcwFfJsEI2xS7DO4IXUSxHZhEx/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">SBC: A Monthly for the Afrocentric Homosexual Man (P 7489 to DCHC)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vSq9SCLixTQrEMsmcHDarkNINyHeEl7Sg_7c6JKuQlYMnPtn1YrivGvvd1U9EpeWzSxBSO9OtXzxFS8/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Silk Road: Asians and Friends of Washington, DC (P 5507)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQUe90hYJEn2ZrZ8cT8BxZlIc_PasiTKlyriYxCcS2PAvywoKBgAtExb4Nq0i24fQSo87KCVLscEbpC/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">TAGG Magazine (P 5277)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vRLwyOC_AZ5-7OQ-TlgsMdTn8OfSZrcS6MJkbk_uDUJ7Jx5u5eclvF35k5FOwgPerUNQxvXZVg_jobr/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Vector: A Voice for the Homophile Community (P 3765)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQhGhhiQPRJ9KdeAUkSVNM__R3yPjibb96YEAnUXx6g8mZs5M8-bLhlYBak9M95LZh5ZtcLzeFyLzoD/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Whazzup! Magazine (P 7488)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQgnzcNqUVJ6f5-OatDfpy4eSbqxM4g7tOfCAk86-yEfqztsjZCpfSl73izCGHXfyvi735fNLZwixBj/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">The Whole Gay Catalog: Books for Gay Men &amp; Lesbians, Their Families &amp; Friends (P 5267)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vTnXCv18YlSuc4o3hmaoNMUzA_t10dpeBr-nFcV0KYuxmA2K5UHl4DgBTNsB3PI0sAvPb9AoWtz71Gh/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">Women in the Life: The Premiere Women’s Monthly (P 5266)</a><br /><a href="https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/e/2PACX-1vQ1D-Lh7QMNH2EXhATSNZz9bAV_0XA9FpA4yAZK5LmGgZzcF7Y5CRfJhlGQKG7_8U-tuhMWq_d3VavZ/pubhtml" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">WOMO: Woman’s Monthly: A Periodical Calendar for the Women’s Community (P 3759)</a> Access Rights Information about who can access the resource or an indication of its security status. Access Rights may include information regarding access or restrictions based on privacy, security, or other policies. <span>Some items/issues may be available online. <br /><br />All publications with a "P" number are available to all people, by appointment, at the <a href="https://dchistory.libguides.com/kiplinger-research-library" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener">DC History Center</a>.<br /><br />Collection is available for “fair use.” Material may be protected by copyright.<br /><br />The Rainbow History Project respects the copyright and intellectual property rights associated with the materials in its collection. To the best of its knowledge, these items are either in the public domain; are orphaned works; and/or had their rights for public display transferred to RHP. <br /></span> Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Lilli Vincenz on the cover of The Ladder Subject The topic of the resource Lilli Vincenz The Ladder Description An account of the resource Lesbian activist Lilli Vincenz featured on the cover of the Ladder, the magazine of the San Francisco lesbian organization the Daughters of Bilitis. This is the first known instance of an Out Lesbian choosing to show her face on the cover of a magazine. It was coordinated with Barbara Gittings, who had taken over editorial leadership of The Ladder. Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource January, 1966 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource Reproduction and use of this material requires permission from the copyright holder. Please contact the Rainbow History Project for more information.